Ohio History Journal

Book Reviews

 

 

 

Early Maps of the Ohio Valley: A Selection of Maps, Plans, and Views

Made by Indians and Colonials from 1673 to 1783. By Lloyd Arnold

Brown. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1959. xiv??

¹³²p.; illustrations, maps, plans, and bibliography. $12.00.)

This handsome volume, edited by Lloyd A. Brown for the Eavenson

Cartography Fund, is an attractive picture book which summarizes the

cartographic history of the Ohio River region from 1673 to 1783. It

features a brief introductory chapter on La Belle Riviere, fifty-four

beautifully reproduced maps, and explanatory notes for each map. Mr.

Brown's work stands not only as a handsome tribute to Howard N.

Eavenson, who devoted so much of his life and fortune to the study of

the cartographic record of the trans-Allegheny area, but also as a fas-

cinating introduction to the evolution of geographical knowledge about

that vast region of vast importance.

Writing in 1744, Jacques Nicolas Bellin, one of the best geographers

of his day, observed that "one day Geography would prove to be so

advantageous to a knowledge of History that the two would become

inseparable." In this book Mr. Brown presents an erudite illustration

of this maxim, with geography tending to lag behind history a few

paces, but finally catching up in 1783, when the treaty of Paris created

a new nation and fixed its geographical boundaries on a copy of John

Mitchell's map, the "title guarantee" of the United States. Indeed, there

seems to be something significantly symbolic about Mr. Brown's choice

of end papers, the front one being Bellin's map of the Mississippi and

Ohio River areas "et pays voisins" at the peak of French power and

the back one featuring the Fry-Jefferson map, published only a year

before the junior collaborator's son gained fame as the author of the

Declaration of Independence.

The earliest maps are those by Father Marquette and Jolliet in

1673-74, perhaps the first maps to show the beautiful Ohio. From the

early French period there are also important maps by Franquelin, Hen-

nepin, and La Hontan, "discoverer" of the mythical River Long. The

earliest English maps reproduced are an undated anonymous sketch

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probably drawn during Queen Anne's War, and Daniel Coxe's map

(1722) of "Carolana and the River Meschacebe [Mississippi]," one of

the first to label the Ohio with its English name. These maps are

characteristically English in origin; Coxe's is a speculator's map of a

land grant and the other is essentially a war map.

War or impending war, as Mr. Brown points out, was the greatest

stimulant to the mapping of the Ohio area in the eighteenth century.

Between Queen Anne's War and the Great War for Empire, there are

about a half dozen maps which point up the growing Anglo-French

rivalry in one way or another. Perhaps the most interesting of these

early English maps is that by Henry Popple, the brother of the

secretary to the board of trade and plantations. Reflecting official knowl-

edge of the extent of "the British Empire in America with the French

and Spanish settlements adjacent thereto," the map was completed in

1733 and a copy sent to each of the British colonies in America, follow-

ing up an earlier report suggesting "considerations for securing and

enlarging the British colonies."

The commercial and political rivalry between France and England

spawned a new series of maps in the seventeen forties and fifties. By the

mid-fifties England and France had scoured the area from the moun-

tains to the Mississippi, accumulating enough geographical knowledge

to make an accurate map possible for the first time. Thirty of the

fifty-four maps originate between 1752 and 1766, and there is a whole

cluster of maps relating to the Pittsburgh and lower Ohio areas, begin-

ning with George Washington's sketch of the country he traversed in

1753-54, and including several maps of the routes followed by the

Braddock and Forbes expeditions. The final seven maps include three

from the pre-Revolutionary period and three from the Revolutionary

era.

Mapmaking in the eighteenth century was largely utilitarian, and the

mapping of the North American interior was done by a heterogeneous

group of explorers, missionaries, Indian traders, military engineers,

and surveyors. The quality of the maps therefore varies greatly, both in

craftsmanship and accuracy. Some, like Louis de la Porte de Louvigny's,

are amateurish in technique; others, like William Scull's map of Penn-

sylvania, are excellent examples of draftsmanship.  Some, like those

by Robert Stobo and Christopher Gist, are by people drawing on the

spot or basing their sketches on first-hand knowledge; others, like those

by Edward Wells and Vincenzo Maria Coronelli, are by expert carto-

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graphic research men who never left home, but instead pored over the

journals and diaries of explorers.

One of the great maps of the period was Lewis Evans' "general map

of the Middle British colonies in America," which featured an inset

"Sketch of the remaining part of Ohio." In it Evans caught something

of the majestic sweep of the North American interior and concluded

that "were there nothing at Stake between the Crowns of Great Britain

and France, but the Lands on that Part of the Ohio included in this

Map, we may reckon it as great a Prize as has ever been contended for,

between two Nations." Another excellent general map of the western

parts of America, "comprehending the river Ohio, and all the rivers,

which fall into it," is that by Thomas Hutchins, in 1778 a captain in

George III's Royal American Regiment and later first geographer of

the United States. His panoramic view of the land of western waters

is not only accurate in geographical details but is interesting for his

fascinating tidbits of information about natural resources (coal, lead,

petroleum, and salt), the quality of the land ("Great extent of level good

farming land"), and wildlife ("innumerable Herds of Buffaloe, Elk,

Deer, &c"). But each reader will single out his own favorites, all hand-

somely reproduced in collotype by those master craftsmen at the Meriden

Gravure Company.

Institute of Early American            JAMES MORTON SMITH

History and Culture

 

 

The Years of Youth: Kent State University, 1910-1960. By Phillip R.

Shriver. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1960. viii??

²⁶6p.; illustrations, epilogue, bibliographic note, and index. $2.50.)

This volume on the first fifty years of Kent State University is the

work of a professor of history in that institution. The university began

as a state normal school and like her sister institution in Bowling Green,

Ohio, successively became a state normal college and state university.

The Years of Youth begins, almost at once, with the campaign for and

the adoption by the legislature of Ohio (May 19, 1910) of a normal-

school bill. A second campaign and competition, unseemly as usual in

such cases, among twenty towns of northeastern Ohio, ended in Novem-

ber, when the new school was located in the village of Kent. On page

30 of the volume the first president, James E. McGilvrey, is introduced.

This rapid pace is well maintained throughout the book.

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BOOK REVIEWS           73

 

The basic organization follows the school's presidential administra-

tions, modified by the extraordinary series of crises caused in some

cases by presidential mismanagement. The position and power of the

American college presidency make this type of organization seem almost

necessary; but in the present volume the frequent monotony is avoided

by the skillful use of topics that overlap the breaks between administra-

tions.

The topics are introduced in a generally but not strictly chronological

order. Finances, including legislative appropriations, receive attention.

The first table of enrollments (p. 56) covers the years from 1914 to

1926, and additional statistics are given from time to time, but it is not

clear that all of them are comparable. There are several sections on new

buildings (pp. 57, 221) and further references to housing elsewhere. No

statement on admission requirements has been found, and the narrative

justifies the assumption that in the early years they were leniently

administered. New subjects were added to the program from time to

time, but not a single curriculum outline is given. Physical education

and commercial studies were important additions. To say that enroll-

ment in the department of commerce had increased 1,500 percent (p.

107) is meaningless, because no base is given.

In the early normal-school years, Kent had few men on her rolls and

regularly lost all games even to her smallest opponents, and this story

is frankly told as well as that of the jollification which followed Kent's

first victory. The Kent State Council to direct student activities was

formed under the first president. Greek letter societies and dramatic,

musical, and literary societies came in about the same time. The school

and its activities in the Second World War, the problems brought by

the deluge of returning veterans, and the effects of the Korean War are

treated. These are selected examples of the kinds of topics which give

substance to this and every college history.

What distinguishes this history from others is the long series of

crises that afflicted the institution. The author correctly describes Presi-

dent McGilvrey as an "aggressive expansionist" (p. 58) and an

"aggressive promoter" (p. 82). It is not shown that in his administra-

tion any academic standards were ever allowed to interfere with any

means that would increase enrollment. The first four presidents of

the institution were either dismissed or "permitted to resign," although

the action against President James Engelman was rescinded. The board

of trustees would seem to have been negligent and incompetent by turns;

the town of Kent in its desire to sell to the students a million dollars

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74     THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

worth of shoelaces and other goods (p. 60) had a bad influence upon the

school; and the academic bequest left by President McGilvrey was a

clear cause of later difficulties. The long series of crises came to an end

in 1944, when the present president, George A. Bowman, was inducted

into office. Kent State University has made steady progress in what

is already the longest administration in her history.

This expertly written book reveals prejudices and contains lessons,

but they are not labeled.

Ohio State University                              H. G. GOOD

 

The Copperheads in the Middle West. By Frank L. Klement. (Chi-

cago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. xiii??341p.; illustrations,

bibliographical essay, and index. $7.50.)

One of the torn and twisted threads of the tangled skein of Civil

War politics has been the story of the northern Democrats. They have

been commonly pictured as fifth-column traitors or peace-at-any-price

men or "sesesh" men. "Copperheads," the contemporary, contemp-

tuous term applied to them, has been too often accepted in all its

opprobrium by historians. "Good" Democrats of course existed, but,

in the accepted view, became War Democrats, who joined with Repub-

licans in vigorously prosecuting the war. But any such black and white

picture of the complex conglomeration of people who comprised the

northern branch of the Jefferson-Jackson party is a misleading de-

parture from reality.

In the volume at hand Professor Frank L. Klement of Marquette

University seeks "to reexamine the Copperhead movement of the

Middle West" and to reassess its historical significance. Cutting through

the maze of deliberate political propaganda, mischievous misrepresenta-

tion, and traditional historical interpretation is a difficult task indeed.

The difficulty is further compounded by the paucity of materials. The

papers of many men labeled Copperheads have disappeared through

natural disaster, such as the Dayton flood of 1913 (in the case of Val-

landigham), or have been withheld or destroyed by sensitive descend-

ants or have been neglected and dispersed (as in the case of "Sunset"

Cox). Klement has, however, painstakingly tracked down a vast quan-

tity of primary evidence and has diligently combed the extant collections

of Copperheads' papers (notably those of Sidney Breese, William R.

Morrison, and Thomas O. Lowe) and the Democratic press (especially

Samuel Medary's Crisis, Charles Lanphier's Illinois State Register,

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BOOK REVIEWS          75

 

"Brick" Pomeroy's La Crosse Democrat, the Cincinnati Enquirer,

Chicago Times, Dayton Empire, and Hamilton True Telegraph). The

results are impressive.

In eight carefully organized, tightly woven chapters, the story of

midwestern Copperheadism emerges. Its economic, social, regional,

and religious roots are clearly demonstrated. The rising opposition to

the Lincoln administration's highhanded military arrests, emancipation

policy, suppression of newspapers, high tariff measures, and "rampant

partyism" are fully treated, along with the widespread Democratic

successes at the polls in 1862. The focus, as the title indicates, is on the

Middle West rather than the nation. Klement effectively explodes the

legend of the Knights of the Golden Circle and the Order of American

Knights as powerful secret societies and demonstrates that their strength

was largely imaginary and was magnified by Republican governors Yates

and Morton and various army officers for partisan political ends and for

personal advantage. Union military victories, especially after August

1864, brought about the rapid demise of Copperhead opposition. A

final chapter takes a quick glance at what happened to northern Demo-

cratic leaders after 1865.

The emerging picture of Copperheads is that of a group of conserva-

tives who, hoping to preserve the agrarian social order of the Jefferson-

Jackson years, fought vigorously in opposition to the rapid changes

toward an industrial society that the war was bringing on. Many

Copperheads later became leaders in the Granger and Populist move-

ments.

One wishes that the term "Copperhead" might have been given a

sharper definition at the outset of the book. Further, a close look at

the extensive Alexander Long manuscript collection, housed in Cin-

cinnati's Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio library, might

have added another dimension to the story.

For the historian and general reader of political history, Frank

Klement has performed a distinctly valuable service in providing a fresh,

clear, and scholarly picture of a previously much-muddied chapter of

American politics during a critical era.

Los Angeles State College                     DAVID LINDSEY

 

American Labor. By Henry Pelling. (Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1960. vii+247p.; bibliography and index. $4.00.)

This is another volume in the topical group of the excellent Chicago

History of American Civilization series. Like the other books in the

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76    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

series, it is without footnotes but contains a brief, selective bibliography

and a list of important dates pertaining to the subject treated. The

author, a fellow of Queen's College, Oxford, who has previously written

on the British Labor party and the British left and has traveled and

resided in the United States, has a rather good grasp of American

labor history and, despite occasional lapses, of American history in

general.

Mr. Pelling's approach to his subject is basically chronological. He

treats the labor movement from colonial times to the present, but his

major emphasis is on the period since 1861: only 47 of the 227 pages

of text are devoted to the years before the Civil War. The focus of the

individual chapters, each of which begins with a brief analysis of the

economic environment of the period under consideration, is primarily

on the labor movement, but attention is also given to such matters as

labor legislation, labor and politics, and the nature of the labor force.

Although the work suffers a bit from compression, the author does hit

most of the high spots of American labor history and frequently illu-

minates his narrative by comparisons between the British and the

American labor movements.

The major characteristics affecting the development of the American

labor movement have been, according to Mr. Pelling, the heterogeneity

of the labor force, the relatively high wages and incomes of American

workers, the importance of agriculture in the United States to the end

of the nineteenth century, and the lack of class consciousness on the

part of the American workingman. Of these factors, Pelling tends to

overstress the significance of agriculture in the history of the American

labor movement. This is particularly evident in his somewhat incautious

use of the much disputed safety-valve theory. One also finds it very

difficult to agree with the author's conclusion that the failure of Ameri-

can workers to establish a national labor party stems primarily from the

fact that blue-collar employees have never constituted a numerical ma-

jority of the American people.

Readers familiar with the basic secondary literature dealing with the

history of the labor movement in the United States will discover little

that is new to them in this volume. The uninitiated, however, will find

this a satisfactory, brief introduction to an important subject.

University of Michigan                            SIDNEY FINE

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BOOK REVIEWS          77

 

Origin of the Amzerican Revolution: 1759-1766. By Bernhard Knollen-

berg. (New York: Macmillan Company, 1960. viii??486p.; appen-

dices, bibliographies, and index. $8.50.)

Knollenberg's thesis, flatly stated and ponderously documented, is

that the colonies were on the point of rebellion in 1765-66 not just

because of the stamp act but because of a number of irritants which

preceded that infamous law and which continued after its repeal. None

of these irritants is new to the student of colonial history. What is new

is the attention that the author gives them. Yet no attempt is made to

assess the relative importance of these several sources of friction; if

one were to judge by space allotment alone, the revenue acts still come

out as most significant.

Knollenberg has deliberately chosen to rely almost entirely on original

documents, from which he quotes generously, but his methodology

leaves him subject to criticism in one respect. His interpretation of

the sources causes him to contradict the thesis of Edmund S. Morgan

that the colonists made no distinction between internal and external

taxation by parliament. And this question of types of taxes is no minor

matter in the Knollenberg account. He dwells upon the inconsistency

of the colonists in at first accepting and then rejecting external taxation,

and he even alleges that Britain's tougher attitude toward the colonies

after the Townshend acts ran into trouble is traceable in part to the

"seeming duplicity or crass opportunism" of colonial leaders who had

earlier conceded that external taxation was acceptable. Morgan's view,

except for the listing of The Stamp Act Crisis in the bibliography, is

simply ignored. Commitment to original sources can scarcely justify

refusal to take into account the interpretations of other historians. Such

methodology denies the usefulness of writing history. Knollenberg

certainly owes his readers an explanation of just where Morgan errs,

if he does.

Only about half of Knollenberg's book is given over to text; the rest

is comprised of scholarly apparatus, some of which is unique and useful

--his careful handling of the meanings of eighteenth century words, for

example.  The notes and bibliography are almost overwhelming in

extent. Yet burdened though it is, the book is not a timid one. On

more than one occasion the speculation of the author is perceptive,

even shrewd. One of the most satisfying sections of the book is the

treatment of the whole problem of colonial defense, particularly the

analysis of Britain's reasons for increasing the number of troops in

North America after the peace of 1763. Here and there Knollenberg

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78    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

possibly goes out on a limb, for example his conjectures on what might

have been had Pitt or Newcastle held onto power, but this is not objec-

tionable. The summaries of the Parsons' Cause, of colonial reaction

to the white pine laws, and of the agitation centering around a bishop

for the colonies are useful. The weakest chapter is surely that which

examines colonial taxation as a constitutional issue. The author's effort

to trace to Magna Carta parliament's obligation, moral at least, to recog-

nize the principle of no taxation without representation seems naive at

best.

Yet in many respects this is a meticulous, almost fussy book. One

wonders for what audience it was intended. The sheer weight of notes

would probably scare off the general reader, and still the author feels

impelled to define terms like quit rent, surely well enough known to

historians. The author's foremost concern is documentation, and he

lets the style, such as it is, take care of itself. The result is a somewhat

plodding, but scholarly work, very useful in its several parts, but one

that does not greatly change our notions of the origin of the Revolution.

Marietta College                             ROBERT J. TAYLOR

 

Hamlin Garland: A Biography. By Jean Holloway. (Austin: University

of Texas Press, 1960. xv??346p.; illustrations, bibliography, and

index. $6.00.)

In a sense, the Middle Border never did exist, Hamlin Garland once

told George Bernard Shaw. "It was but a vaguely defined region even

in my boyhood. It was the line drawn by the plow, and broadly speak-

ing, ran parallel to the upper Mississippi when I was a lad. It lay

between the land of the hunter and the harvester." As a literary region

it stretched chiefly through the highly creative recollections of Garland

himself. There, through six decades of his voluminous writing, the

border, with its numerous contributory roads and trails, provided

materials for some of our finest local color stories, several fairly sub-

stantial novels, a really distinctive American autobiography, and much

valuable reminiscence.

Jean Holloway now presents the first full-length study of the Middle

Border's creator. It is a solid, useful biography, built discerningly from

abundant personal data, available largely in the Garland Papers of

Doheny Library, University of Southern California, together with a

careful survey of Garland's many writings. The result is a simple, direct

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BOOK REVIEWS          79

 

chronicle, with no wandering from the main road for psychological pros-

pecting or for mirages of idealization.

Garland was always both a creative artist and a publicist. In fact, to

later readers he sometimes seems to have been the former chiefly as a

by-product of the latter, and Mrs. Holloway's careful analyses show

why. Whatever degree of realism Garland's "veritistic" story telling

may have had, there was always present a vigorously active idealism,

usually stirred by some current devotion to a cause--and there was

always a cause, or half a dozen, ranging from the single tax and Popu-

lism in the earlier years to spiritualism in the later. The fine stories

in Main-Travelled Roads (1891) were motivated as much by zeal for

Henry George and the agrarian revolt as by his artist's desire to record

the local color of the upper Mississippi country. Crumbling Idols (his

best extended critical statement) and Rose of Dutcher's Coolly (prob-

ably his best novel) came with his whole-hearted discipleship to Howells

and the new realism.

Howells, though he liked his young lieutenant, was often forced, Mrs.

Holloway shows, to criticize the young enthusiast's too-hasty efforts.

Remembering the "great, simple, individual work" he had genuinely

admired in some of the Main-Travelled Roads stories, Howells could

rarely find anything as good again until A Son of the Middle Border

(1917), and time has tended to respect Howells' evaluations.

Not just the fickleness of a writer's market, then, but native bents

made lecturing Garland's central source of livelihood through much of

his long life. He was a natural public relations man. He knew, and was

often the close friend of, most of the important American writers,

artists, and leaders of causes for half a century, and his detailed records

of these contacts are now indispensable research sources. Mrs. Hol-

loway is especially adept in surveying these long, personal associations.

One minor error Ohio readers will wish set right--young Garland

did not begin his teaching "in a country school in Grundy County,

Ohio." The author intended "Iowa."

Otterbein College                                ROBERT PRICE

 

The Quiet Rebel: William Dean Howells as Social Commentator. By

Robert L. Hough. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1959.

137p.; index. $4.00.)

William Dean Howells has enjoyed so much scholarly attention in

the last twenty years that, many-sided as he was, it is hardly possible

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at this date to discover anything very new or surprising about so con-

sistent and predictable a man. Consequently, Mr. Hough, a professor

of English at the University of Nebraska, has written a book which is

useful not so much for original conclusions as it is for its patient glean-

ing and thoughtful synthesis of practically everything Howells had to

say-whether in novels, autobiography, letters, or articles-upon Ameri-

can social problems, on which subject the Ohioan was as sensitive and

humane an observer as we have ever had.

The fiction of any realist is, if only by implication, "critical" of the

social scene. But by the late 1880's, after his passionate conversion to

the Christian-socialist ethics of Tolstoy, Howells' criticism of our society

became ardent and explicit. In his so-called "social novels" between

1885 and 1895, in fact, he was not so very quiet a rebel, and the

vehemence of his views earned him a lot of distrust and censure by the

"best people." Besides his novels, his book reviews promoted the ideas

of such liberals and radicals as Bellamy, George, Gronlund, Lloyd, and

Veblen; and his hundreds of magazine articles persuasively advocated

progressive causes, such as income tax, women's suffrage, world gov-

ernment, prison reform, and abolition of capital punishment.

By the 1890's Howells, once optimistic and economically conserva-

tive, had become pessimistic about many American institutions, and

about laissez faire capitalism generally. Especially in letters-and this

book might well have quoted more of the unpublished ones-Howells

wrote bitterly of injustices and discolorations in the American Way.

Against practically the entire population he publicly defended the

Chicago anarchists after the Haymarket riot, and with equal courage

he wrote scathingly of United States imperialism in the war with Spain.

His socialism was thoroughgoing enough to share the Populists'

hope to nationalize "natural monopolies"-railroads, telegraph, tele-

phone, gas, water, and electricity-but it was characteristic of him to

insist that all this be done by orderly democratic means, by the patient

evolution of the ballot. It was also typical, however, that his airy

allusions to such sweeping programs (for example, in his Utopian stories

laid in "Altruria") were vague about technical details like taxation,

supply, and methods of production. His rather amateur variety of

socialism, strongly indebted to the New Testament, was based not on

economic principles, but rather on moral and humanistic ones (as sug-

gested perhaps by his naming of Altruria). He simply believed that

economic equality would help to erase the unfair artificial distinctions

among men.

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BOOK REVIEWS          81

 

But if Howells' social criticism was sometimes sketchy or unsyste-

matic, it was sincere. And expressed as it was with the immense

prestige of the "dean of American letters," it was usually effective.

Appearing in "The Editor's Study," his monthly department in Har-

per's, and in such other respectable journals as Scribner's, the Century,

and the North American Review, his ideas undoubtedly had a good

deal of influence upon a large audience--more, probably, than historians

have realized.

The Quiet Rebel increases what we know about the later Howells'

effect outside of literature. A sober, sympathetic study, retaining cer-

tain earmarks of the doctoral dissertation, and duplicating here and

there some earlier findings by Howellsians George Arms and Louis J.

Budd, it is most original when it surveys Howells' magazine articles

after 1900--topical pieces which no one much cares to read today, but

which must be weighed in any whole view of the novelist.

University of Illinois (Chicago)            JAMES B. STRONKS

 

The Mind and Spirit of John Peter Altgeld: Selected Writings and

Addresses. Edited by Henry M. Christman. (Urbana: University of

Illinois Press, 1960. ¹⁸³p. $4.00.)

John Peter Altgeld is no longer "The Eagle That Is Forgotten," as

he seemed to Vachel Lindsay writing in the early twenties. Since then

there have been two biographies of the man, a number of articles, and

now this compendium of his writings and addresses. The editor is on

the staff of the Fund for the Republic and he has previously edited the

public papers of Chief Justice Earl Warren. In making available these

selections which have long been out of print, Mr. Christman and the

University of Illinois Press have performed a most useful service.

Altgeld wrote with passion and urgency, with clarity and flow, if not

always with polish and grace. He saw the larger issue in the particular

event. He was a libertarian and a humanitarian, but he balanced his

idealism with a strong sense of the practical. He never lost sight of the

realistic demands of government nor of the great boon to human prog-

ress of law and order.

It is appropriate that the longest sections are devoted to Altgeld's

defense of himself in the two most famous incidents in his term as

governor of Illinois: his pardon of Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab, the

so-called anarchists, and his protest against the use of federal troops in

the Pullman strike in 1894. The statement supporting his pardon of

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these three men--the only ones then remaining of the eight convicted

of murdering the policemen in the Chicago Haymarket riot of 1886--

is a persuasive document that gives a closely reasoned "proof" of a

mistrial. It is characteristic of Altgeld's integrity that he pardoned

the three after exposing the improprieties of the trial and not as an

"act of mercy" as his friends had urged. Although he was reviled at

the time for being the foe of order and the friend of violence, any

ambiguity on this score for present-day readers may be dispelled by

his "Address to Laboring Men in Chicago," delivered on Labor Day,

1893, which precedes the pardon statement in this collection. In this

speech he urged his audience of workingmen to be patient in the face

of the depression of that year and to avoid all disrespect for the law,

since anarchy had always had a retrogressive effect on labor's cause.

The editor has selected Altgeld's speech delivered at Cooper Union,

New York, in the presidential campaign of 1896 to present the gov-

ernor's defense of his protest to President Cleveland for sending federal

troops to Chicago in the Pullman strike--a remonstrance for which the

conservative press had bitterly upbraided Altgeld.  Although Alt-

geld weakens his discussion of the case itself by an excess of detail and

repetition, he does elucidate in an interesting fashion the correlative

issues of federal interference in local affairs, government by injunction,

and the usurpations of the United States Supreme Court. In consider-

ing these questions he reveals his gift for clearly explaining complex

legal ideas in language comprehensible to the layman and also his skill

in countering his opponents' arguments by quoting their own authorities

back at them.

Other selections disclose the range of his interests as well as the

advanced nature of his ideas. In 1889, for example, he was urging

reforms in the administration of justice that were not generally adopted

for another generation. He was also in the vanguard of penal reformers.

Other manifestations of his humanitarianism appear in his plea for un-

restricted immigration, a liberal naturalization policy, and his concept

of the state university as an institution where all might attend and

receive an education in citizenship.

These writings reveal Altgeld's courage, moral toughness, intellect,

and humanity, but they also show his limitations. His address against

the gold standard given at the Democratic national convention in 1896

is marred by a strident Anglophobia and some specious economic

arguments. A note of parochialism is apparent in his comment in a

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BOOK REVIEWS          83

 

speech on the state university, that Illinois wants an institution "free

from the dilettantism that is weakening the East."

The editor has supplied a competent biographical preface and has

written brief notes at the beginning of each selection. But he has

ignored other responsibilities that would make the volume much more

useful to the reader, such as footnotes (e.g., biographical references),

an index, and a suggestive bibliography for further reading, notably

about the pardoning affair and the Pullman strike.

Kenyon College                                LANDON WARNER

 

Thirtieth Report, Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland.

(Baltimore: Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland,

1959. 122p.)

For nearly a century now literary scholars and comparativists have

been assisting the professional historians in investigating the history of

the foreign, and notably the German-American, element in the United

States. The Thirtieth Report published by the Society for the History

of the Germans in Maryland is the latest in the society's series that

spans nearly the entire hundred years. It has a record of continuous

support of the cultural endeavors of the German-Americans, and of the

Middle Atlantic region in particular, from  1886 to the present. Not

narrowly sectional in character, its reports are of interest to all students

of German-American relations.

In the current number Professor Dieter Cunz reviews publications in

the field of German-Americana of recent decades. A judicious selection

and highlighting of the principal book-length studies that have appeared

since 1940, his article surveys the entire field, which by its very nature

is difficult to define, vast in its range, and methodologically demanding.

As a guide to students and librarians Dr. Cunz's survey will be useful

and helpful.

His picture of recent scholarship is one of over-all progress and

consolidation. Certain areas, such as the history of immigration and

cultural assimilation, the survey of German-American literary and

philosophical relations, or the history of the German-language press,

have been treated in something like adequate or serviceable books. But

there exist large gaps in the literature, which urgently call for new

undertakings, and these Dr. Cunz has pointed out. Dr. Cunz's history

of the Maryland Germans is the only recent study to appear to date of

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84    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Germans and German-American culture in any region as large as an

entire state. Again, he points out, the story of the German-Americans in

politics has yet to be written, though this has been touched on of course

in partial studies dealing with the Forty-Eighters and the period of

World War I. Meanwhile, publications like the Report continue to

print and thereby enter into the record basic compilations and semi-

documentary descriptive materials so essential for the later historian.

The present number includes an exhaustive bibliographical article on

"German Travel Books on the South, 1900-1950," by Lawrence S.

Thompson; a detailed study of "German Immigrants and Their News-

papers in the District of Columbia," by Klaus G. Wust; and A. J.

Prahl's "German Scholars at the Johns Hopkins University," together

with biographical studies on A. G. Steinmann, by A. E. Zucker; on Karl

Follen, by Heinrich Schneider; and on Ludwig Baron Von Closen, by

Siegfried A. Schulz.

Wesleyan University                      ARTHUR R. SCHULTZ

 

The Trumpet Soundeth: William Jennings Bryan and His Democracy,

1896-1912. By Paul W. Glad. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska

Press, 1960. xii??242p.; illustrations, bibliographical essay, chronol-

ogy, and index. $4.75.)

In The Trumpet Soundeth, Paul Glad, associate professor of history

at Coe College, has put together a short but thoroughgoing study of

the political and economic thought of William Jennings Bryan. This is

not a biography, and the reader is perhaps disappointed that the dash

and drama attending Bryan's years as "opposition leader," are missing;

but it is a solid, well-written book, and may well reestablish the some-

what tarnished reputation of "The Great Commoner."

Bryan's faith was a simple one, but it was typically American, and

particularly middlewestern. It emanated from the central "intellectual"

currents washing the shores of the Middle Border in the late nine-

teenth century--evangelical Protestantism, the McGuffey Reader, and

the Chautauqua circuit. Bryan believed in church, school, home, the

power of love, the equality of man, the need for service and self-sacri-

fice, and the ultimate triumph of what is right over what is evil.

Professor Glad is a bit concerned over the frequent charges that

Bryan was an inconsistent, insincere demagogue, and quotes Mencken's

observation that "if the fellow was sincere, then so was P. T. Barnum,"

to illustrate the point. Actually, we are told, Bryan occupied a highly

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BOOK REVIEWS          85

 

consistent position on all fundamental propositions, and Professor Glad

demonstrates this consistency so clearly one is surprised that Bryan's

contemporary detractors failed to recognize it. But then, detractors have

a habit of ignoring evidence that weakens their position.

Two examples will suffice, silver and imperialism. The charge is

that Bryan latched on to silver because it was a good issue in the nine-

ties, but abandoned it hastily when it did not put him at 1600 Pennsyl-

vania Avenue. In truth, he did not abandon silver hastily; on the

contrary, he fought for it, and was successful in having it incorporated

into the 1900 party platform over strong opposition. It was not until

1907 that Bryan bade silver goodbye.

Turning to imperialism, Bryan has been accused of remaining silent

when we went to war with Spain, and of supporting the peace treaty,

but then lashing out fiercely at the results of this thing he had not

previously opposed. If he liked neither the war nor the empire, why

did he wait until they were accomplished facts before speaking out?

Well, to begin with, Bryan supported the war because it was a "good"

war, a war against tyranny. But acquiring the Philippines and keeping

them in subjection was not part of the original purpose of the war and

was, in fact, opposed to the principles upon which the war was fought.

He did not oppose confirmation of the treaty, because that would have

violated his belief that the majority will should always prevail. He made

no effort to make imperialism the issue in 1900, but rather held out

stubbornly for silver.

On these and other issues--tariff reduction, trust regulation, and

money and banking reform--Bryan remained loyal to his principles. In

only three areas did he waver and wander--government ownership,

prohibition, and oriental immigration. But, asks Professor Glad, should

these lesser aberrations nullify the total performance? Obviously not,

and it looks as if Bryan is on his way back up.

Marietta College                          EUGENE C. MURDOCK

 

Republican Ascendancy, 1921-1933. By John D. Hicks. The New

American Nation Series, edited by Henry Steele Commager and

Richard B. Morris. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960. xvi??

³¹⁸p., illustrations, bibliographical essay, and index. $5.00.)

Thus far the New American Nation series has fully met the pub-

lisher's claims. In quality the volumes have maintained a very high level,

and each author has demonstrated his familiarity with the principal

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86     THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

printed sources as well as manuscript collections. Indeed, a most valuable

feature of the volumes is the careful bibliographical essay that follows

the text. If some authors have given the impression that they have

worked the manuscripts with relative thoroughness, Professor Hicks is

at pains to assure the reader that no one can do more than to dip into

the vast amounts of material available for recent American history.

One lays the present volume aside, or places it in the ranks of its

fellows, with nothing but admiration for the author and his editors.

Here is a masterful synthesis of a most complicated period, one in which

a fine balance is maintained in recounting, analyzing, and interpreting

the multitude of matters that make up history. Professor Hicks has not

left himself out of the book--his interpretations are not mere repetition

of accepted patterns, his judgments are sure and confident.

The discerning reader may, indeed, find more to quarrel with in the

editors' introduction than in the text. I am impatient with historians,

amateur and professional, who insist upon regarding the nineteen-

twenties as a "negative era in our history." Of course "the mark of

failure is heavy on these years," and there is much to condemn--if

one accepts the values of those who do the condemning. The mark of

failure is heavy on all years, and the forces of negation are never com-

pletely routed. But let the reader do his own philosophizing. Professor

Hicks approaches the period with anything but a negative attitude. These

were years when tremendous forces were gathering for the showdown,

and the author places the period of Republican ascendancy in its proper

perspective--proper, at least, from my vantage point.

Lest I be accused of letting enthusiasm for a splendid performance

blind me completely, note that Coolidge did not issue his famous "I do

not choose" statement from the Black Hills of North Dakota, nor was

Herbert Hoover born on January 28, 1871 (the date is so wrong that

one wonders where Professor Hicks got it!). So, having shown that

I did read the book carefully, I repeat: here is a book to buy, to read,

and to enjoy.

Miami University                     HARRIS GAYLORD WARREN

 

The Jefferson Image in the American Mind. By Merrill D. Peterson.

(New York: Oxford University Press, 1960. x??548p.; guide to

sources and index. $8.50.)

This is a book that must make Thomas Jefferson rest just a bit easier

in his grave these evenings. Through five-hundred-odd pages of im-

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BOOK REVIEWS          87

 

peccable scholarship and precise historical exposition and argumentation,

Professor Peterson has traced with incredible detail the almost out-

rageous way in which Jefferson's life, thought, and actions have been

distorted by those sometime friends of the Sage of Monticello who would

use him to advance or more often sustain the positions they wish to

maintain because of their sectional or economic predilections. This work

is truly what the author in his introduction promises it to be: a book

not on the history of Thomas Jefferson, but a book on what history has

made of Thomas Jefferson. And the fact that all too much of this

"history" is still being expounded and imbibed gives this work a much

more urgent importance than assuring the eternal rest of Thomas

Jefferson or the integrity of the historical scholarship which so volumin-

ously surrounds him.

For the fact of the matter is that in exposing the distortions of Jeffer-

son over the years, Professor Peterson has perforce given us a true pic-

ture of Jeffersonian ideology, which leaves no well-informed individual

any legitimate excuse for ever again invoking the Jeffersonian name to

bolster special and narrow causes.

As the author sees it, there have been two basic distortions of Jeffer-

son's ideology. The first of these is his stand on states' rights, or strict

construction theory, a posture used most notably by the rising South

after his death in 1826 to protect their "peculiar" labor system and

justify nullification. After examining with thoroughness the documents

upon which this turns, especially the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions

(the backbone of the later justifications of nullification and interposi-

tion), Professor Peterson undercuts the whole argument by showing

that--aside from much evidence that Jefferson contemplated with horror

the dissolution of the Union--his arguments for such a dissolution, if

necessary, are based upon a natural right to do it and are not in any way

to be construed as meaning the constitution in any way provided for its

legitimacy. The rest of the book regarding this point is a devastating

expose of how this truth was ignored by the South.

The second distortion of Jefferson ideology exposed by Professor

Peterson turns on the Jeffersonian concept of the role of government.

Here the author not only shows that Jefferson was not tied to a Lockean

concept of natural rights leading logically to a Spencerian laissez-faire

society, but he effectively refutes that other and perennial conservative

charge, namely, that Jefferson was a wild-eyed social democrat, a true

Jacobin under whom no property rights would be safe.

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88    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Of course, much of this exposure is not the work of the author, but

of those scholars--such as Chinard and Wiltse--who have preceded

him. But it is to his credit that he has so ably sifted the wheat from the

chaff in this task and put all of this exposition, together with sound

judgment, in one volume.

The annotated bibliography is truly exhaustive and conveniently

arranged. The index leaves little to be desired.

Xavier University                         JOHN J. WHEALEN

 

Government Promotion of American Canals and Railroads, 1800-1890.

By Carter Goodrich. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960.

x??382p.; map, bibliography, and index. $7.50.)

The economic development of the interior of the United States and

the growth of specialized production in every section of the country

depended upon the introduction of roads, canals, and railroads. Inland

transportation, by its nature, entailed high capital costs and raised prob-

lems of financing and of control that did not arise on the cheap and

open highway of the ocean.

Throughout the nineteenth century the American people debated the

question of the proper role of government in promoting and supporting

improvements in transportation. Out of the debate came an immense

diversity of plans. How well did democratic government function in

formulating and executing policy?

Historians have long recognized the significance of transportation in

shaping American society and the importance of government policies.

Over the last sixty years they have built a long shelf of books and

articles on special aspects of a subject too extensive for mastery by a

single scholar. Professor Goodrich of Columbia University, who him-

self has previously investigated and illuminated several areas of trans-

portation policy, has now given us a conscientious summary of special-

ized scholarship as it stood in 1959. Generously acknowledging his

obligations to the many authors of published and manuscript mono-

graphs, he has assembled a reliable compendium that scholars will

value for its great utility.

After a careful reading one puts down this book with the impression

that in meeting the issue of public support of transportation in the

canal and railroad era, democratic government was more often a failure

than a success. Federal, state, and local governments can all claim some

creative contributions that were planned intelligently and executed both

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BOOK REVIEWS           89

 

honestly and economically, but at every level and in every period one

meets a dreary procession of politicians who were incompetent, corrupt,

or both. The magnitude of the wealth, public and private, that they

wasted still defies measurement.

In the east-coast states, where density of population and intensity of

prior economic development assured local traffic for many canals and

railroads, state policy was oriented to metropolitan rivalry and the

capture of long-haul traffic. In the northeast, the federal government

lent little aid, and the states made investments which, in the early

phase, were fairly sound. In design, construction, and operation as a

state enterprise the Erie Canal was outstanding. Its unique success

unfortunately generated uncritical enthusiasm for unsound projects in

other parts of the country.

In the western and southern states an irrational element was intro-

duced into the promotion of public aid by the endemic land speculation

which federal policies for the disposal of the public lands induced. By

absorbing much of the limited supply of capital, speculation, both grand

and petty, operated directly to retard genuine economic development.

It worked indirectly in the same direction by creating pressures to

adopt unsound policies for the liquidation of the land grants and to

choose uneconomic routes for their intended benefit in raising the price

of specific lands. The ideal of competition among carriers was invoked

to justify projects that saddled many areas with excessive facilities, the

capital costs of which long burdened taxpayers and shippers.

So heavily did the states and territories rely on land grants from the

federal government that it is difficult to evaluate the administration

of government aid without extensive analysis of state policies for the

disposal of the grant lands. The subject has been neglected by special-

ists and is therefore inadequately treated in this book.

It used to be fashionable among scholars to assert that business in-

terests were responsible for the corruption of politics. For this point of

view there is certainly much evidence, but this book suggests that in

many cases the initiative lay with the politicians. In classic periods of

corruption, like Reconstruction or the Age of Jackson, it was popular

demagogues who used the sovereign power to corrupt business.

Oberlin College                                  THOMAS LEDUC

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90    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United

States. By Eleanor Flexner. (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press

of Harvard University Press, 1959. xiv??384p.; illustrations, biblio-

graphical summary, and index. $6.00.)

Historians, as Miss Flexner notes, have very largely ignored the

ladies in the field of American history. The role of women in the de-

velopment of American society almost always receives, in text books and

other general studies, perfunctory and unconsidered attention. Miss

Flexner has now attempted to repair this situation with a study of the

women's rights movement in America extending from the earliest

settlements to the passage of the nineteenth amendment. Viewing the

subject from a thoroughly partisan standpoint, she accepts the word of

the suffragettes themselves as to the true scope, character, and signifi-

cance of the movement. The result is a history of women's rights similar

to that earlier produced by the women's suffrage advocates themselves,

but one based upon more thoroughgoing research and a greater ad-

herence to scholarly standards of fairness than was possible for con-

temporary writers.

The study concerns itself with a broad range of subjects touching on

the status of women, including the abolitionist movement, the fight for

legal reform, developments in higher education, expanding job oppor-

tunities, and the rise of organized labor. The fight to win the vote

dominates the story, however, and no systematic effort is made to

relate other reforms to this major issue. Nor is the effort made, except

here and there parenthetically, to analyze the character, motives,

strengths, and weaknesses of the women's rights movement. For in-

stance, the dominant role in the movement assumed by Quakers is noted

in passing, but no systematic attempt is made to account for this

and to measure its importance. The relationship between the abolition

and women's rights movements is well established, but the later, much

more important, connection between prohibition and women's rights

is not so clearly made. In attempting to account for the delay in the

coming of the nineteenth amendment, Miss Flexner dwells on the

strong, organized opposition of the liquor industry; yet she largely

ignores the strong support for woman suffrage which developed among

the evangelical churches in the late nineteenth century, largely on the

expectation that women, if they had the chance, would vote out the

liquor traffic.

This book, the author writes, "does not presume to be a history of

American women or a rounded sociological study of the changes that

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BOOK REVIEWS          91

 

gradually took place in their status." A well-written, well-researched

study, Century of Struggle is limited chiefly by the modesty of its aims.

Michigan State University               GILMAN M. OSTRANDER

 

George Catlin and the Old Frontier. By Harold McCracken. (New

York: Dial Press, 1959. 216p.; illustrations, bibliographical check

list, and index. $18.50.)

Lewis Henry Morgan: The Indian Journals, 1859-62. Edited, with an

introduction, by Leslie A. White. Illustrations selected and edited by

Clyde Walton. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959.

[xii]??²²⁹p.; maps, illustrations, and index. $17.50.)

In 1820, at the age of twenty-four, George Catlin returned to Penn-

sylvania from famed Litchfield Law School and set up a law office. It

quickly became a painter's studio, the law was forgotten, and Catlin

soon became a successful portrait painter with a fashionable clientele

which included Dolly Madison, Sam Houston, and DeWitt Clinton.

In 1840, at age twenty-two, Lewis Henry Morgan returned to

Aurora, New York, from Union College, "read law," and did go ahead

with the profession. Indeed, he did quite well and acquired a modest

fortune from investments in mines, railroads, and iron furnaces. Catlin

remained poor all his life; Morgan had a substantial income. Both men

made ineradicable reputations as interpreters of the American Indian.

Catlin began his career as portrait painter in Philadelphia, but almost

at once determined to become the painter and historian of primitive

Indians beyond the Mississippi. Hard necessity kept him away from

the Mississippi for another half-dozen years. In the meantime, he

studied and painted the more sophisticated Indians of western New

York. Then in 1830 he finally began his campaign. It took him in the

next six years among all of the important tribes in a vast area from the

upper Missouri and headwaters of the Mississippi to the Mexican terri-

tory in the far Southwest. The resulting pictorial record was the most

comprehensive and detailed ever made of these Indians in their natural

state. Catlin compiled an extensive written record to supplement his

pictures and also collected a considerable body of ethnological material

for what he hoped would be a great national museum. He had nothing to

do with the fact, but this museum became reality in 1846 in the Smith-

sonian Institution.

Lewis Henry Morgan stayed with the law, but at the outset joined

a literary and social club which he soon helped to reorganize as the

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92    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

"League of the Iroquois" in emulation of the great Indian confederacy.

For the next decade Morgan became Iroquois-minded, visited and

studied these tribes, wrote papers about them, and in 1851 published

The League of the Iroquois. A century later it remains "the best general

treatise on the Iroquois."

It was 1857 before Morgan gave all-out attention to the Indian.

Thereafter he took up anew his long studies of kinship and consanguin-

ity among the Iroquois and extended it to other Indians in America.

Morgan theorized that in the distribution of kinship systems he might

find proof of the Asiatic origin of the American Indians. After sending

out questionnaires all over America and Asia and after travels among

the trans-Mississippi Indians between 1859 and 1862, he undertook his

major work, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human

Family. It was published under the auspices of the Smithsonian in 1871.

The McCracken book is at once a biography and a collection of Cat-

lin's best art. As biography it has the very great virtue of highlighting

Catlin's dedication to the primitive Indian and of underplaying or ignor-

ing largely what might have been much sensational and irrelevant

romanticism. The book features 36 illustrations in full color and 131

in black and white. Using Catlin's notes as a constant base, McCracken

has given the illustrations a solidity of historical setting which does

superb service to Catlin and his art.

After a century in manuscript, the Morgan journals have come to

splendid life in White's book. Preliminary "chapters" trace the life and

researches of Morgan, include pertinent background on Kansas and

Nebraska in 1859, and provide a brief but very useful approach to

understanding the journals. The remainder of the book, some two hun-

dred pages, features the splendidly edited journals, together with well-

chosen Indian art. Sixteen color plates are taken from such artists as

George Catlin, Karl Bodmer, and James Otto Lewis. There are also

more than a hundred other photographs and other illustrations.

Both books are rare and valuable additions to scholarship on the

American Indian. They stand in delightful contrast to the nostalgic

nonsense so long ground out on the subject. As pictorial and ethnological

studies they are both necessary to any real understanding of the Indian.

University of Southern California       RUSSELL L. CALDWELL

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BOOK REVIEWS          93

 

Forts on the Pennsylvania Frontier, 1753-1758. By William A. Hunter.

(Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1960.

xi??⁵⁹6p.; plates, figures, appendix, bibliography, and index. $5.00.)

Pennsylvania was totally unprepared both militarily and psychologi-

cally for the French invasion of the upper Ohio valley in 1754. A long

tradition of friendship with the Delaware and other neighboring Indians

dating from the first establishment of the colony had produced some-

thing very different from Turner's classic prototype of the American

frontiersman. Many Pennsylvania settlers were unarmed and unskilled

in the techniques of frontier warfare, and a series of bloody Indian

attacks beginning in the summer of 1755 presented a grave and formi-

dable challenge. Pennsylvania's reaction to that challenge is the subject

of this excellent study by William A. Hunter, assistant historian of the

Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission.

The author focuses upon the forts constructed in Pennsylvania be-

tween 1753 and 1758, when the British assumed responsibility for

military operations in the colony. He devotes considerable attention

to those built by the French and Virginians in the initial contest for

control of the Ohio country, but his primary emphasis is upon the

forts erected by Pennsylvania beginning in 1755, the chief element in that

colony's military strategy. In individual sketches of each of the forts,

he deals authoritatively and interestingly with the problem of selecting

sites for them and of constructing, garrisoning, and supplying them.

Putting the forts in their broadest historical setting, he describes both

the politics and diplomacy of their establishment.

The author's tale revolves around two central conflicts: Pennsyl-

vania's struggle with the French and Indians, shared in varying degrees

by the neighboring colonies of Virginia, Maryland, and New York, and

a more fundamental internal conflict between the frontier settlers and

the Quaker leaders in the assembly. During the first year of the war

Virginia assumed the bulk of the burden of defense, but Braddock's

defeat left the frontiers of Pennsylvania wide open to Indian attack

and impelled the assembly to action. What followed, in essence, was the

familiar process of adjusting ideals to reality. Quaker principles had

to be sacrificed to the needs of the frontier, and the pacifists lost control

of Pennsylvania politics. But ideals die slowly. As in most such cases,

the break with the past was not complete. Pacifist traditions were

firmly rooted in the temper of the colony, rendering it incapable both

psychologically and politically "of waging aggressive or active war-

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94    THE OHIO HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

 

fare." The policy adopted by the assembly was essentially defensive,

depending upon the construction of a chain of forts along the perimeter

of western and northern settlement. Only once, in the raid against

Kittanning in 1756, did Pennsylvania take the offensive; the most

striking characteristic of the forts and their garrisons was their inac-

tivity. Still, the war produced a more realistic attitude toward defense

and a greater awareness of the problems of the back country. Tragically,

it also initiated a pattern of Indian-white hostility that persisted long

after it was over.

The product of exhaustive research, the book includes some useful

maps and diagrams and valuable extracts from manuscript sources. It

will be an indispensable reference for those who wish to study frontier

warfare in the colonial period, and promises to become one of the

standard works on the early phases of the Great War for Empire in

Pennsylvania.

Western Reserve University                    JACK P. GREENE

• 25