Ohio History Journal

Glimpses Into Cincinnati's Past THE GEST LETTERS, 1834-1842 edited by CHARLES SCHULTZ Erasmus Gest was fourteen years old in November 1834 when he left home, family, and friends in Cincinnati to attend school, first a manual training school in Dayton, Ohio, and then a Springfield, Ohio, high school, of which Milo G. Williams, a Cincinnatian, was successively and respec- tively general supervisor and principal.1 After two years of study he ob- tained his first job, that of a rod man on the Cincinnati and Whitewater Canal. Early in 1839 he was made assistant surveyor, but soon was re- leased when economic conditions forced the suspension of the project. November 1839 found him in Pennsylvania seeking and obtaining a posi- tion as an engineer in the Pennsylvania canal system, where he remained until he returned to Cincinnati in April 1841 to assist his father, who was the city surveyor. During his absences from home, members of Erasmus' family and a few friends sent him lengthy, news-filled accounts of events in the burgeoning Queen City of the West. As might be expected, there were also numerous suggestions from his mother in them about guarding his health, and bits of advice from his father and sister. But mainly the letters were full of news, much of it the ordinary events of the day--marriages, births, and NOTES ARE ON PAGES 200-203

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deaths, the arrival and departure of friends, parties, news of steamboats,

fires, and so forth--but a great deal of it detailed descriptions of the larger

events that occupied the lives of Cincinnatians in the latter half of the

1830's and the first years of the 1840's. They wrote at length about the

Kirkby and Clayton balloon ascensions, plans for railroad building, a

butchers' strike, the abolition riots of 1836, the money panic of 1837 and

its aftermath, the panoply of the election campaign of 1840, the bank riot

of January 1842, and the seemingly never-ending rivalry between the

medical colleges. It is their graphic description of these and other his-

torically significant events that follows.

Among Erasmus' correspondents were his parents, Joseph and Rebekah

Gest, his sister, Clarissa, and his friends William Warder and George C.

Maynard. His father, a prominent Cincinnatian, had been born in 1776 in

Sadsbury, Pennsylvania, where he engaged in the surveying and engineer-

ing professions prior to moving to Cincinnati in 1818. For many years

he was city surveyor and a partner in a wholesale produce market. His

mother, fifteen years younger than his father, also had been born in Sads-

bury, Pennsylvania, where she had married his father on April 14, 1813,

in the Quaker meeting house. His sister, his senior by five years, had been

born in Sadsbury and was three years old when she came to Cincinnati

with her parents. Except for brief periods spent visiting relatives and

friends and touring Europe, she presumably lived the remainder of her

life in Cincinnati. She, like her brother Erasmus, never married.² A much

younger brother, Joseph John Gest, does not figure in this correspondence.

On occasion after his return to Cincinnati in 1841 Erasmus' family and

friends wrote to him when he was away on business, but with the exception

of two his father wrote to him in January 1842 on the bank riot, their

letters dealt primarily with family matters.

In 1844 Erasmus succeeded his father as city surveyor and retained the

position until he resigned in 1847 to become an engineer for the Little

Miami Railroad. After this beginning, he spent most of the remainder of

his long career in some form of railroad or street railway business. Among

other posts, he served as superintendent, president, and eventually re-

ceiver of the Cincinnati, Wilmington, and Zanesville Railroad. At times

he was associated with other railroad companies in Ohio, and also in

Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, in capacities

ranging from engineer to president and chairman of the board. During

much of his later life he lived in Cincinnati.

About 1883 he mounted selections from his life's accumulation of papers

in twelve bound volumes, which came into the hands of the Ohio Historical

Society in 1961.

No letter appears here in its entirety--only the most pertinent parts of

a selected few. In reproducing the parts that follow, considerable liberty

has been taken with the punctuation, or neglect of it, of the writers,

principally in the way of capitalizing the initial letter of a new sentence,

the tendency of all the writers having been to run on and on. Their spell-

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ing of words, however, has been maintained except in instances where

there were clearly lapses of attention. Occasionally words or portions of

words have been added in brackets for clarification of meaning and ease

of reading. Otherwise, the letters read as they appear in the originals,

with only the interference of a few editorial notations here and there.

The first letter is dated December 4, 1834, and the last, January 22, 1842.

 

For several days prior to December 4, 1834, Cincinnati papers carried

notices that Thomas Kirkby would make a balloon ascension from an

amphitheater on Court Street. They also spoke of Kirkby's earlier failures.3

Rebekah and Clarissa too referred to Kirkby before December 4, but on

that day Rebekah reported an incident relating to the projected ascension

that none of the papers mentioned. Saying first that although the balloon

was still grounded it was rumored it would be raised the following Tuesday,

she added;

 

If they do not succeed, it is to be feared that something very un-

pleasant may occur. A mob threaten its or his failure. They collected

on the ground on the evening of their unsuccessfull efforts to raise it,

with a determination to level everything connected with it, kept the

Ladies & Gentlemen coopt up in the amphitheatre untill almost dark,

but were dispersed without anything serious taking place. On the

releasement of they gentry of the amphitheatre, Mr. Kirby distrib-

uted cards of admission (amongst them) to the ascension of the

balloon. No money returned. Next morning the Mob collecting again

on the ground, our Mayor (Col. Davies)4 with 19 officers went up

and dispersed them on the condition that either he, Col. Davies, or

John J. Wright (auctioneer) should take their seat in the car attached

to the balloon on the ascension, to which they agreed. The 19 con-

stables were left on guard all night.5

 

To the Gests the first noteworthy event of 1835 was again a balloon

ascension, this time by Robert Clayton,6 who was scheduled to ascend on

April 8 in "the largest and most splendid silk Balloon in the United

States, and the first ever constructed West of the Mountains!"⁷ On April

13 both Rebekah and Clarissa gave descriptions of the event of April 8.

Rebekah reported that, just as had been advertised in the papers, "he let

down a small dog in a parachute when about over the canal, which the

owner of the dog was offered 100 hundred dollars for. [He is] a great

blockhead not to accept the money. He thinks the dog sufficiently popular

for Vice President." According to Clarissa's description,

 

About 5 the voyage commenced. When the balloon rose in the sun,

it looked like a brilliant gilt ball. About half way between the balloon

and the car, Clayton sat waving his hat in triumph. The car was of

blue silk lined with pink and [had] silk tassels round the edge. The

parachute looked like a little wicker cage attached to the car with a

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long sheet hanging down below. When he loosed it, the weight of the

cage turned it under; and the sheet, which was fast at each corner,

filled with wind. [It looked] just like these little balloons the children

have in the street. The parachute must have fallen east of Main St.

Two men bore it in triumph back to the enclosure. A gentleman told

Pa next morning that Clayton landed at Pittsburgh at 4 that morning.

 

The outcome of balloonist Clayton's trip is in a letter from Rebekah

dated April 22, 1835, in which she reported that he "descended without

injury at 2 o'clock the next morning [April 9] near Lewisburg, Virginia,

about four hundred miles from this city, performing the greatest aero-

nautic expedition of which there is any account." She then added, almost

in disbelief, "He sayes he took a nap in his Balloon."

On June 5, 1835, Rebekah directed her attention to the Medical College

of Ohio:

They have been sifting the board of directors out of our Medical

College (one excepted).8 Now they have commenced sifting the pro-

fessors. Two have been sifted out & they have tried to sift two in,

but, the sieve being too fine, they would not go through. They will

have to make a hole to let them through by pushing Dr. Morehead9

through the sieve first out.

By November 12 she was able to report:

They Medical Schools are in Session. The Cincinnati one [the medi-

cal department of Cincinnati College] still requires exertion to keep

moving. Augustus Eberle10 has volunteered to assist in clapping for

it. It is dubbed the Walnut St. Theatre. Some where about 50 stu-

dents in attendance. The Ohio Medical School [Medical College of

Ohio] numbers about the usual number, [and] in spite of opposition,

moves on regularly and quietly.

 

Rebekah wrote again on December 8 saying that she was sending Eras-

mus the latest paper so "that thee may see we are going to have Rail Roads

in every direction from our far famed Cincinnati if the people can have their

way." She also noted that "the Medical College of Ohio has one hundred

& twenty-seven Students in attendance," but "the Cincinnati, or Humbug,

school numbers [are] not known. . . . They are working in silence." A

week later she reported, "Rail Roads are all the go. ... We are going

to have meetings upon meetings. We will have Railroads East, West,

North, & South by the time the Canal becomes navigable again."

Undoubtedly the social highlight of 1835 was the wedding party given

for Stewart and Emily11 Patterson by Israel M. Bissell,12 which Clarissa

described to Erasmus in her letter of December 17. She began by saying

she had just come from

 

the most splendid party that I was ever at, and it is said the most

splendid ever given here. The supper, I mean of course, as other things

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only depend upon circumstances. Since Dr. Rives'13 party, it is fash-

ionable to set suppers. Peyton Symmes14 and General King15 excelled

Rives. Marcus Smith gave one this season last week that excelled all

the others, and Mr. Bissell excelled him. In the first room you entered,

upstairs over the back parlor, was a table covered with solids. [On]

the gentleman's table, cold roast meats of every description and sauces

of various kinds. This was commonplace. But [in] the front room the

supper was splendid, the room cleared of every thing and two narrow

tables crossed from the corners of the room with just room to crowd

round the ends. Where they crossed was a stand of jellies . . . about

3 feet high. Then at equal distances, on each of the four branches

of the table, was a spider web about 2 1/2 feet high. These were com-

posed of sugar cakes cemented with sugar in a conical form and

covered with a delicate frost work of white candy so thin and deli-

cate in its fiber that it looked like a cocoon of silk or a spider's web.

Then at each end of the table a temple 2 feet high or more. The bottom

was a flat cake. On this rose pillars a foot high supporting a dome

about the size of [a] straw hat. Then on top of this a similar piece,

smaller, resembling a belfry. At the edge were hung cupids, and the

top surmounted with a couple of doves feeding at the altar of love.

The temple was made of candy. Between these principal things were

jellies, cakes, ice cream, preserves, fruits, and sweet meats of every

kind. And all through brilliant chandeliers. It was splendid. Every

one acknowledged it. I cannot conceive what the next will be like if

it excels this.

In 1836, besides developments at the medical colleges, the maiden trip

of the steamboat North American, a butchers' strike, and a general con-

ference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Cincinnati witnessed some

violent abolition riots. Although Cincinnati was actively interested in the

Texas revolution, the Gest letters make no mention of it. The year began

quietly, with most of the activity centering around the medical schools,

which were nearing the halfway mark of their sessions. Rebekah reported

on January 14 that the medical department of Cincinnati College "finds

enough to do to mind itself, or at least it assumes calmness at present.

How many students it numbers cannot be ascertained. By its enemies,

it is supposed it has not been patronized so powerfull as it had antici-

pated. Carey Trimblel6 numbers amongst them." By February 4 she was

able to report that "Doctor Jamieson,17 one of the professors of the Cin-

cinnati College, has left their Session. I suppose he was dissatisfied. Their

movements are almost secrets, so discreetly do they act."18

On February 23 Rebekah wrote that she had recently sent Erasmus a

newspaper which contained a description of the steamboat North Ameri-

can,¹⁹ which she referred to as John Rowan's steamboat. She said that

she, Clarissa, and Mr. and Mrs. Griffin Yeatman and their daughter had

spent an afternoon on board, and then she went on to describe it herself:

A splendid boat she really is. Those open births thee sees in the

description have hangings of crimson & orange satin damask. The

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folding doors between the Gentlemen's and Ladies' cabin, in place of

common glass, are set with mirrors, [and] the effect is pleasing. At

first sight you think you see immediately into the other cabin when

it is only the reflection of the one you are in. For an instant you do

not discover your mistake. The side doors & windows at, or along,

the ceiling have a good effect both in appearance and comfort and,

with the opportunity of throwing the Boat open from stem to stern

by simply opening those folding doors, gives one a view of an ele-

gant, furnished, and spacious cabin. They have studied comfort as

well as taste and really deserve patronage. Sweet of Buckeye notoriety

has taken the Barr. He supplies the table with Liquors for his ex-

pences and makes what he can from the passengers who call for

drinks, sweetmeats, or fruits at other times. . . . Furnishing her

cost 10 thousand dollars. The carpet itself cost 700. It is surpassing

fine. . . . She started yesterday at 3 o'clock, a moving beauty. The

quay was covered with spectators to see her move off, which she did

most gallantly.

 

By early March 1836 the sessions at the medical schools were drawing

to a close. Rebekah reported on March 2 that "the Medical College of

Ohio conferred its honorary degrees the first day of March" and "the

new School is to confer degrees on seventh day next [Saturday, March 5].

On Carey A. Trimble [will fall] all its honors." She continued with the

hint of scandal first mentioned on February 4, when she remarked that

it was rumored that "Dr. Jamison . . . was paid 500$ to quit claim and

clear out."

The commencement and other activities of the medical department of

Cincinnati College were recounted in Clarissa's letter of March 11:

 

Dr. Drake's College has been making a dozen and a half of Doctors.

. . . The commencement was Saturday night. The Students were ush-

ered in with music and marched out with the same. They had speeches

and a valedictory. Mary Patterson was there, and she says Carey

was the only decent looking one among them. They are a mean set.

Thee does not know how they have been carrying on this winter.

After all Dr. Drake took them to his house, and they drank bumpers

till after midnight. [There is] a great deal of regularity in all this.

Anything carried on in this style shows its stability and principle.

 

During 1835 the city council of Cincinnati decided to auction off butch-

ers' stalls in the market place rather than rent them on a regular yearly

or monthly basis as had been the custom in previous years. The contro-

versy which sprang up over this policy reached a high point in May 1836,

when the time for auctioning off the stalls was drawing near. The butchers

adopted drastic measures, for Rebekah reported to her son on May 12,

1836, that

 

the Butchers have kept us without Beef or Lamb for the past week.

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They will not permit the stalls to be sold at auction to the highest

bidder as they were last year, so they intend to fast us into measures.

This evening a Crier proclaimed through town that they intended to

have Beef at their stalls tomorrow morning. It has caused a great

excitement for the last 8 days.

 

The next morning she added the following note before mailing the letter:

 

They have to pay one dollar per day for the use of each Stall untill

they submit to the regulations of the Council. . . . The Butchers have

taken possession of the Stalls this morning without a right. Many of

our Citizens have not purchased one ounce of meat from them this

morning. So the matter rests to day . . . and on their stalls the meat

ought to be let remain untill it [is] spoiled.

The controversy was still raging near the end of May as Clarissa re-

ported on the twenty-seventh that "the Butchers do not all attend, and

the meat is very inferior to what it was. There was a rumor that they

intended leaving and buying up the cattle to take with them. If they did,

our markets would be soon refilled. Many, very many, will not buy from

them. They must certainly feel very much disappointed in the effects of

their strike." Later letters indicated that, although the butchers were

not satisfied with the situation, most of them accepted the policy and at-

tended their stalls regularly.

During May 1836 the Methodist Episcopal Church held a general con-

ference in Cincinnati. On the twenty-seventh Clarissa reported her im-

pression of one of the chief speakers at the conference:

 

Mr. Bascom,20 the celebrated Methodist Minister who was raised

by Henry Clay . . . is here attending the Conference which has been

in session all this month. All the clergymen (Methodists) who were

here wished to hear him. He spoke last evening. ... In appearance

he something resembles Joseph Ridgeway.21 His voice is not good,

neither strong nor full. His language is extremely poetical. There is

no pomposity, I should say, discernible. But I was disappointed. His

language was too flowery. Through too much beauty it lost strength.

His audience was very large.

 

On July 14 Clarissa recorded two dire events which should have warned

Cincinnatians that greater trouble was brewing. The first centered around

the "turn out on the 5th of July," which "the blacks" had as an annual

event. Clarissa reported that "they had a dinner and a speech from some

of their own colour. In the morning Mr. Birney,22 the abolitionist, wished

to address them. It was creating a fuss when the mayor was obliged to

interfere and, for fear of a mob, would not permit them to march unless

they promised to let no white man harangue them." More significant as

a warning, however, was what transpired "this week Monday night" when

"a mob of 40 or 50 collected and destroyed, or ran away with, the types

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of Mr. Birney's paper and broke the boxes that contain the--something

about the printing house, I forget what. . . . They gathered many of the

things and piled them in front of Donaldson's23 door."

The tempers of the citizens continued to rise until July 30, when a

general riot broke out and continued intermittently for three days. Clarissa

reported the activities of the three previous days in a letter to her brother

on August 2:

 

Our city is disgraced and a long time [will pass] ere she will be

recovered from the stain. Lately a meeting of citizens was called

to effect measures relative to the abolitionists.²⁴ A committee was ap-

pointed to wait upon Mr. Birney. They did so, but Mr. Birney refused

their terms and said he would risk his life before he would give up.

So, on Saturday evening, so soon as dusk, confused clammoring and

rude songs with occasional shouts were heard in different directions.

A considerable number collected and tore out the abolition Printing

press, and, after destroying every part they could, they left it in the

Street & went to Mr. Donaldson's, a violent abolitionist, who, with

Birney, was a committee on their part and had agreed to risk his

life. . . . Declaring thus in public rather seemed to dare the mob-

bing faculties of the lower part of the community. To his house they

went and asked for him. Some ladies came to the door and declared

he was not at home. After some hesitation they went away. He es-

caped as they came to the house, I believe by a back door and crossing

the back yards into an alley. By that means he eluded them. They then

went to Birney's. It is said they had tar & feathers along. Mr. Birney's

son, a lad of sixteen, came to the door and said he was not at home.

They made him swear to it before they were satisfied. He had taken

stage for Hillsborough 2 hours before. Then they came back to the

press, and some wished to make a bonfire & burn it, but Joseph

Graham25 mounted some rubbish & proposed throwing it in the river.

Previous to this, I believe it was, they attacked that dreadful house

on Church Alley where whites & blacks have been living together and,

driving out the folks, tore all the inside out, broke the furniture to

pieces and all the windows. 0 what a rattling & smashing of glass

we heard clear to our house.26 Part of the mob took the press to the

river and drowned it, and the rest marched past us to Elm and de-

molished five or six houses in the Swamp. They then dispersed. All

day first-day27 there was great noise and disturbance. The boys would

quite frequently hollow & sing corn songs.²⁸ At dusk, about seven in

the evening, a mob proceeded to the Franklin House where Mr. Birney

boarded a few days this summer some time since. They sent deputies

to examine the house for him swearing if they were not permitted to

do so they would tare down the house. Captain Pearce29 & Col. Davies

made the search. They reported he was no where to be found. The

mob seemed dissatisfied declaring they had not searched well. This

made C [aptain] Pearce angry. So he swore 'Birney would have been

a great fool to be there.' After some hesitation the mob dispersed.

Second day. The mayor called a meeting of citizens. About 80 volun-

teered to aid the authorities. At seven P.M. they marched in body to

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the mayor's office. They met the mob on Main St. They could not get

through, so they had to turn. The mob set to & hissed them. They

[the citizens] were unarmed. By Pearl St. they got to the office and,

dispersing to arm, again assembled and succeeded in dispersing the

mob from Sixth St. where they had met to tare down the African

[Methodist Episcopal?] Church. About half the mob marched passed

our house singing a corn song. From the time they were in passing,

we judged there was near a thousand. They went again to the Swamp

but were again met by the volunteers & authorities. Col. Davies or-

dered the mob home. They laughed at him & refused. At length it was

agreed to arrange the disturbers on one side of [the] St. & the

Mayor's company on the other. This party was so much more numer-

ous than the mob expected that they seemed some daunted. Some

[man named] French, who was spokesman for the mob, told the

mayor to show the example & go first. He [the mayor] said it was

his duty to see them disperse, and he would not go first. After a deal

of parley, French came to the Col. who took his arm and said, 'Come,

then, we shall go together.' 'Well,' said French, 'wherever you go

Col., I will go too.' So off they went, but it was a great while before

the mob went. They hesitated and seemed loth to go until they did

something. They citizens were to go out again last night. We heard

no disturbances. A great many persons who formerly held respect-

able standing are supposed to be concerned in it and great many young

men. It is hinted Neville's oldest son, John Burrows30 & Joseph

Graham were particularly concerned. Graham harangued them about

the press. Shame on them all. If I knew of any young man of my

acquaintance being concerned in it, he would sink low, very low, in

my estimation forever, at least until a long life of the most steady,

devoted virtue & regularity established a firm character again. It

is easier by far to lose a character than regain one. The regular citi-

zens are exceedingly provoked and ashamed at the disturbances. Pa

was so angry he declared, if he could, he would leave this place &

go even to Kentucky for the sake of quiet. He spoke his mind so much

about it he affronted Morgan Neville. Pa was one appointed of the

committee at a meeting to recommend Mr. Birney to desist from pub-

lishing his paper. Pa would not go. And one of the resolutions at that

meeting has caused great excitement, which, prevising the expediency

of the destruction of the tea at Boston to resist the tea tax, thus

tacitly recommending offensive and violent measures towards the

abolitionists [sic].31 This was a day or so previous to the disturb-

ances. I was frightened at the way Pa went on, but I found others

acted as he did, at least I was told so.

 

Two weeks later, on August 16, Clarissa reported: "Our city is very

quiet now. There have been no disturbances since [August 2]." However,

she did say that "Mr. Pugh,32 the publisher of the abolition paper, has

entered, or intends entering, a suit against somebody for the destruction

of the press." No further mention is made of the matter in the letters.

While there were no violent upheavals in 1837 similar to the abolition

riots, there were some interesting and significant happenings, including

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more balloon ascensions, further developments at the medical colleges,

drastic changes in the economic life of the city resulting from the panic of

1837, and a visit of Daniel Webster and his family to Cincinnati.

In an undated letter written early in May 1837 Clarissa reported to her

brother,

 

Every thing gloomy, even the weather. All the banks East have

stopped specie payment. When the news came Tuesday, it caused

great excitement. In an hour or so a meeting of the merchants and

citizens was held at the [Cincinnati] College Hall to recommend our

Banks to do the same. Isaac33 called to tell Pa, but he was not in.

I was glad of it because thee knows how he storms about anything

going on in Dr. Drake's College. The resolutions they passed, and those

of the meeting of the Bank Directors, thee will see in the papers I

send. We are now to have a paper Currency instead of the streams of

gold & silver, with scarcely enough small coin for change. The coun-

try people have been draining the city of silver for several days, and

they will take nothing else, and there is a determination partially

among the citizens to do without every thing they can from the market

folks.

 

By May 8 Clarissa had counted "several failures among our speculating

men" and felt that "more, perhaps [are] expected. Our papers say little

else but hard times and worse coming. Two or three shipbuilders have

given up; and several founderies, last week, discharged workmen to the

number, it is thought, of 200 or more. No money can be got to defray

expenses."

Despite the unpleasant conditions she reported in the opening para-

graphs of this letter, Clarissa also wrote on May 8:

 

We have great times, fairs & concerts in abundance. Last week

must have been fair week or May fair or something of that genus, for

Dr. Drake's fair, as it is called, was spun out all week. Monday, Tues-

day the fair, Wednesday Auction and the Portrait Gallery all the time.

Thursday I know not what there [was] on Earth, but Clayton was

in the clouds. The man had the temerity to ascend though the Gas

would not support his car or quite fill the Balloon. He tried, but

drifted against a house among the crowd just below the Park. Then

he loosened the car, cut loose the uninflated part of the Balloon and

seated on a hoop with naught but net work below him he waved his

hat and bidding adieu to the multiude ascended into the clouds. He

rose south a few degrees till the balloon appeared about 2 feet in

diameter with a black line floating beneath it. Then it took a South

East by South [course] towards Newport & landed about ten miles

in Kentucky. [He] returned next day safe. It was rumored his going

under such circumstances was through fear of a mob.34

 

On June 2, 1837, Daniel Webster arrived in Cincinnati for a visit of

nearly four days. A week later Clarissa gave her brother her version of

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the occasion, but, typically female, she showed considerably more interest

in Webster's family than in the great orator. She wrote:

 

Webster has been here. He delivered a speech from the balustrade

of the Pearl St. House. There were many ladies as auditors. He at-

tended Dr. Beecher's³⁵ church Sunday morning and left in the after-

noon. Lytle,36 Piatt,37 & Hale38 challenged him to an oratorical

combat which, of course, he did not accept.³⁹ Mrs. Matthews came

up on the boat from Madison with him & his family. She said he is a

very plain farmer like looking man, his wife an elegant woman, his

daughter rather plain but very amiable & intelligent. At the tea table

Major Conover40 & Will Burnet⁴¹ were so assiduous they could not eat

at all, one on each side of her, & she cool and unmoved quietly eat her

supper and in the midst of their soft nothings mildly ask them for a

piece of bread, some butter, or some such thing. The consequence is

she is not admired by the gentlemen. At Wheeling I hear Webster

quite hurt the feelings of those who accompanied him to the boat.

He took leave of them on the wharf and then went immediately into

the cabin.

 

In that same letter of June 9 Clarissa returned to the pressing question

of economic conditions by reminding Erasmus that he had asked "if

there are any new failures" and replying that there were "none that we

have heard of. Some have been rumored, but I guess there is but little

truth in it. I told thee Green42 had failed & G. W. Jones⁴³ & Foote.⁴⁴

But few can go on now. The merchants have to have their bills protested

last and returned and pay the money into the banks here. This has, I be-

lieve, been the foundation of some reports. In the newspapers there are

regular accounts of how things are going on.

During the second half of 1837 much attention was given to develop-

ments at the medical colleges. After noting, on July 28, that Carey A.

Trimble was to be married in the fall to Mary McArthur, a daughter of

Governor Duncan McArthur, Clarissa somewhat skeptically reported that

"Carey made out to regret very deeply the misfortunes of the Old College,45

and ended partly with saying it was much better the schools both remain-

ed for the good of both." Then she chronicled the troubles of the "Old Col-

lege" in this fashion:

 

Dr. A. G. Smith46 left us to perform some surgical operation in

Pittsburg. From there [he goes] to New York where he accepted a

chair in their college. Then Dr. Eberle considered he was freed from

the obligation of honour to stick by the old college, so he accepted, af-

ter refusing two or three times, the offer of a chair in the Tran-

sylvania University, where Dr. Cross⁴⁷ had previously gone. Dr.

Morehead48 shortly leaves for a residence in Ireland, & Dr. Cobb's49

health is so bad probably he will not return to reside. So we are done.

We have been grieving about our Physicians.

 

By August 15 conditions had so improved that Clarissa could report

joyfully:

• 12
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                              169

 

Dr. Cobb has returned and is determined to stick to the college.

They have organised and are rather confident the appointments they

have made will be accepted, Dr. Oliver50 of Dartmouth, a man . . .

of celebrity, to the chair vacated by Dr. Eberle, & some other Dr. of

this state to another. Cobb lectures on surgery, still retaining the

anatomical chair, thus leaving the professorship of surgery open to

whoever they wish hereafter should occupy [it]. There is a plan laid

I may not commit to paper to fill it. When I see thee, if not exposed

before, I will tell thee. 'Vive le old college of Ohio' say I. Let every

thing be done to convince the public it intends still to exist in spite of

the daggers of its enemies and desertion of its friends.

Such rays of hope did not last long, however, for on the last day of

August we find Clarissa reporting that

Dr. Cobb has left our school, and Locke51 has been appointed to a

professorship in the same institution (Louisville). 'Tis rumored that

some hard, rather insulting remarks from the board of trustees irri-

tated the Dr., causing him instantly to give up his chair. Also rumor

says Dr. Drake sent him word that Smith acted the traitor, Eberle the

old woman, and now he had the school. I should suspect some under

measures or inclination on the part of the board in Drake's favour.52

'Tis all my own surmise so, of course, sub-rosa. We will not dare get

sick at our house, we have so little faith in many remaining medicine

men.

Although the Gest family thoroughly disliked Dr. Daniel Drake and

seldom attended any functions with which he was associated, Clarissa

could still praise his lecturing abilities in a mild manner. On November

2 she reported having attended his lecture the previous Saturday and

asked, "What does thee think of my going?" Her report of the occasion

is as follows:

As usual, the Dr. lessened himself, and all his lecture, by that paltry

wit & trifling familiarity. Many excellent things, more than com-

mon, were the burthen of the discourse. Good advice & fine imagery

were abundant. He had a stream flowing, gently wafting fine craft

in opposite directions and ended with a fine vessel, well rigged, well

manned, a persevering and able commander, sailing under press of

cannon and bearing on victoriously. This was--what vessel is that

-- what can it be? Oh, the Cincinnati College. [Then he] sat down

amid roars of laughter and loud huzzas.

Like many other cities and towns in the nineteenth century, Cincin-

nati had its annual lecture series. In November 1837 Clarissa reported:

We have three courses just commencing which are to last the win-

ter. One [is] by Kinmont,53 introduction to night, for which we

have a family ticket and intend attending; $5 the course. Mansfield54

gave his introductory Third evening; $10 family ticket. M'Guffy⁵⁵

commenced his course within the last week or so. These last two

being in the Cincinnati College, Pa will not attend, so I am debarred

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170                                              OHIO HISTORY

 

there. Kinmont's are to be quite the thing. Many of my acquain-

tances are going, so I expect to feel quite at home.56

 

Erasmus' departure early on the morning of January 1, 1838, un-

doubtedly prompted Clarissa to comment upon a popular New Year's

Day social custom of the period. On January 7 she wrote that, after

his departure, she "did not know what to do, whether to prepare to see

company or not,

 

for it has become completely common to receive New Years Calls.

All the Gentlemen, old & young, visit their female acquaintance and

eat cake & drink wine with them; and no lady is to be seen from

home under penalty, if caught, of a--kiss. Dreadful to think

of. . . . At 12 Messrs Hall & Findlay made their appearance.

From then I waited till 3, when, tired & provoked at the ill manners

of my friends, I went off in a carriage with a young lady, Anne

S [tephens?],57 up the river and, in the teeth of custom, called on Han-

nah Taylor. Anne spent the evening with me, and her brother came

for [her] and offered some apology for remissness during the day,

which I refused to accept & sounded the chapter.

 

On the same subject as the letter from Clarissa is a letter of January

6, 1840,58 from George C. Maynard, who reported that on New Year's

Day he and a friend "particularly distinguished ourselves in the way of

making calls":

 

We started out about 10 o'c and kept it up untill dark, not even

stopping to dine. We called upon every lady, old & young, that we R

acquainted with. We called at 30 houses & on about 50 Ladies.

Liquid at almost every place, but we did not get very badly "corned."59

We had so much exercize in walking from place to place that it just

kept us in good "spirits" all the time. It has got to be a universal

custom; almost everyone keeps open house.

 

In the same letter George C. Maynard reported on a sleigh ride and

party held by a group of mutual acquaintances in Cincinnati. Plans were

begun in the morning and completed during the day so that "by 1/2 past

5 o'c eve we were wending our way out to Sharon." The group con-

sisted of six young couples and "last but not least, a Basket of Cham-

paigne & a musicianer."

 

We stoped at old Dave Mills, who, you will recollect, lately built

a large Hotel. We arrived there about 1/2 past 7 o'c, ordered supper,

opened our champaigne, and gave the "fair ones" a small "sprinkle"

by way of getting up their ideas, you know. Then we went up into the

Ball room and danced until 10 o'c, went down to supper, had a very

fine one, broke a few more of the "Cham," and we began to feel "al-

mity spry," went into the ball room again & played "Wig Wag"⁶⁰ a

short time, and then went to dancing again. We howed it down without

• 14
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                               171

 

any regard to future events untill about 12 o'c. Then the Girls started

and would go any how, in spite of all our persuasions, which were not

a few I can tell you. But we cracked a few more C. P., got into the

sleigh, & started off not forgetting the remainder of the C. P. I tell

you we were a jolly crew. We had not been out long before we got out

a bottle of the C. P., twisted the "Cork" out, & gave it to the Ladies.

They all took a "horn"⁶¹ out of the bottle & of course we followed suit.

I would not say but what we were all a "little blue." At any rate we

were quite lively, not excepting the fair sex. We got in about 2 o'c.

I never had so much sport in one evening in my life. The girls were

much pleased with the excursion. Take it all in all we never shall see

the like again, but, . . . it was no "Sham Pain" the next day, for we

were all completely used up. But no mistake, it created quite a sen-

sation through the city. Everybody was inquiring about it the next

day.

With the depression following the panic of 1837 lingering on for

several years, there was constant concern with economic conditions, par-

ticularly in the West, where banking was frequently disorganized and

unstable. On January 12, 1840, Joseph Gest brought his son up to date

on matters in Cincinnati;

It's almost impossible to collect a dollar. I will do all I can to get

along. All business appears suspended. . . . What the city will do the

ensuing season is all uncertain. Latterly it was difficult to get money

on its orders. The taxes are far behind in their collections. Every

thing looks dull and gloomy. Mechanicks and labourers are out of em-

ploy. What is done [is] at very reduced wages, & no prospect of any

improvement. The banks are calling in their paper and putting out

post notes and issuing checks on distant banks payable in current

bank notes. People are becoming exceedingly dissatisfied with the

banks. I am fearful some desperate action will take place, in conse-

quence, either with the conduct of the banks, or the legislature now

sitting. Our Locos62 appear determined to cripple them, and it ap-

pears that either cannot or will not do anything to relieve the people.

However, it appears that the Legislature are determined to prevent

their doing any thing. How solvent they are is not for me to say.

One thing is certain, there is something wrong some where. Bills

have been reported in the legislature to repeal the Charters of the

[Ohio Life Insurance and] Trust Company and the Bank of Chili-

cothe, on account, as said, of violations of their charters. . . . Most

people won't believe the Legislature will carry it out, that it's only

a scare crow, but there is no knowing how far either the state legis-

lature or Congress will go. It don't appear that any thing is to be done

to relieve the people. There is a party for altering the City Charter,

or so limiting the powers of the Council, as will render it unable to

effect any improvement. This is also before the legislature and, as

that body is Locofoco & the City Council Whig, its fate is un-

certain. . . . These times appear to opperate in favour of Harrison's

election. Numbers of Vanburen men are said to have given him up,

say there must be a change for they cannot be worse. The Whitewater

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172                                               OHIO HISTORY

 

Canal is entirely suspended except the Tunnel. The Engineers are

bringing up all accounts & papers, & I believe it is expected to dis-

miss all but Lapham,63 & he attend the Tunnel. . . . There is no sale

for property now. Little or none selling except what is sold by the

Sheriff, and then the purchasers are the Creditors. There has been

and will be, much offered by the Sheriff, but who is to purchase is

doubtful. Property at forced sales will not bring half price. I suspect

our merchants will be, perhaps, worse off than any others. There

are more suits brought than ever before, as far as I can learn.

 

If Clarissa was correctly informed, conditions got even worse, be-

cause on February 2, she wrote:

 

Times are very hard. We can scarcely get any money, and all are

oppressed, seemingly. The poor are suffering terribly, many without

any food for a day or two at a time, and no employment, with a re-

duction of wages to those in employ. Mrs. Warder says a lawyer told

her of several families who were reputed worth $100,000 who had

parted with furniture to get market money.

 

Political activities centering around the presidential campaign of 1840

between President Martin Van Buren and Ohio's William Henry Har-

rison dominated the Cincinnati scene during a large part of that year.

Doubtless the campaign was well under way when the state Whig con-

vention met in Columbus late in February. On February 17 Clarissa re-

ported some of the preparations:

 

We are all wild about the convention which takes place at Columbus

the 22nd, and tomorrow they start all the extra stages Mr. Camp-

bell64 promised should be brought to accommodate our 300 delegates

from Hamilton Co. How in the world Columbus is going to accommo-

date [them], the future must decide. Their papers say they have pre-

pared coal, ham, hominy, & meal. . . . The Ross Co. Harrisonians turn

out en masse. Another county, I forget the name, walk with knapsack

on back (& stick in hand I suppose) to the Rendezvous which is Frank-

linton, one or two miles from the capital, where they form a procession

and enter together. How I would love to be there. Many of the citizens

are to open their houses. Joseph Ridgway has invited to his house &

so many others.65 One of their Banners is at Bairds,66 and its bear-

ings are, on one side, Harrison guiding the plough and a log cottage

in the distance, on the reverse, 3 barrels of good hard cider to regale

his visitors. The cause of this subject was, many of the opposition

say he is a farmer in this position and make it their chief objection.

Even old friend Tatem,67 one of the hottest of the hot, says he will

be willing for the administration party to retire when Van has it an-

other year. He thinks it but fair, and he really does think as there

must be banks, we may as well have them issue their paper & redeem

them in old style, for there seems to be a great deal of distress.

 

Some of the activities at the state Whig convention in Columbus were

• 16
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                               173

 

described briefly by William Warder on March 8, when he wrote to Eras-

mus:

The whole Whig population of Ohio turned out to go to Columbus

to celebrate Washington's birthday and to nominate a governor.

Charles Anthony68 was one that run but was conquered by Tom Cor-

win.69 The procession must have been glorious, near 20,000 persons

joined in it. Beautiful banners were waving, Log Cabins, canoes,

brigs, &c &c were drawn along on waggons. Whenever the name of

Harrison was uttered, such shouts arose that you could not speak.

The greatest enthusiasm prevailed. Nothing but harmony and good

will prevailed. The private houses were thrown open, and the Sciota

farmers threw open their barns to take in the horses. Sullivant70 sent

in for 500 horses.

By September 20 Joseph was able to report that they were "so confident

of Genl Harrison's election & a change of rulers that business is more

lively. Still money [is] very scarce & most business dull. But for my self

I have no right to complain, except in collecting money."

Although the decision to hold a Hamilton County Whig convention

was not officially made until September 15, the Tippecanoe Clubs spared

no effort in making it a grand affair. Judging from Clarissa's account

to Erasmus, written three days after the meeting opened on October 1,

their efforts were not wasted. Her version is as follows:

 

Last Thursday was the grand gala, our county convention. For

more than a week our Whigs were flagging, & such a variety of stars

& stripes never fluttered over our buckeye queen before. Such a

mass of flags certainly never waved in the breeze of any town before.

They were generally large, from 2 yds by 1 1/2 to six & eight yds long

by 3 & 4 wide, generally the national flag besides various devices sig-

nificant of the time. Every child had a small one to parade our streets

with. A civic arch was thrown across Main at the intersection of 4th

at the South corners presenting, on the north, at each side, Jefferson's

portrait with the names of Harrison & Corwin & Madison's portrait

with Tyler & Pendleton's71 names. On the South front of the arch

was, respectively, on the sides, a representation of the Battles of

Thames & Tippecanoe with the former mentioned names of Can-

didates. The arch is formed of Painted canvas on wooden pillars and

supporters in imitation of sand stone. It was commenced on Tuesday

of last week and worked at night & day to be completed, besides a

watch being necessary to prevent its demolition. On the North East

corner of Main & 5th were two large pieces of painting, one repre-

senting Mosy Dawson72 stealing hard cider from a barrel & by

means of [a] hose, putting it in the paniers of an old horse who

stands unconscious near him. This is a parody on the hydrant story. A

banner on the crossing of Second & Main represents Chapman trying

to crow. An old rooster in front giving him a contemptuous glance

& the letters K. K. meaning 'kant krow,' is issuing from his bill.73

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174                                     OHIO HISTORY

Nearly 300 banners on Main St. Platt Evens74 hung out a splendid banner which nearly covered one story of his house. It was silk, 15 feet by 8. A white ground with the names of the Whig Candidates for President, Vice President, governor, & congressman in gold, a dark blue border with gold fringe. It is impossible for me to de- scribe any more of the banners which were so numerous they would fill my paper. The procession disappointed all in size, being three times as large as was expected. There were but few citizens in it, all wishing to see it instead of joining in. They were an hour passing. First came the Dragoons, next the Greys, then Washington Cadets, then the Guards, and last the Jefferson Lancers. The Cadets & Lan- cers are new companies just forming and drilling at night under Mitchell.75 They are Boys. Then the reception committee. Next two large canoes, one filled with little girls dressed in blue & white, the other with boys dressed in same colors with one in each in mourning for New Jersey.76 Each had a banner representing a state. Then a band of music, Genl. Harrison & suite, and 30 carriages filled with strangers & guests. Next the Louisiana delegation, then one from Mississippi, then 20 carriages, then small delegations from Pennsyl- vania & District of Columbia, the latter with a banner heavy in black. Then a large one from Kentucky. Then from four of our own coun- ties,77 and one from Indiana, and a car filled with young men from

• 18
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                               175

 

Hocking with the motto 'our first vote.' Then 30 carriages, 180

draymen, well mounted, & the Teamsters. Then the 'Straight Outs' or

Jackson reform clubs. Then the German Tippecanoe Club between

250 & 350.78 Their banner rich green silk with gold fringe in-

scribed 'The true Sons of Germany will stand or fall by the Consti-

tution of her adopted country.' On the reverse 'The Germans coming

to the rescue.' Then the Township delegations came next in 128 car-

riages, and a large body of horsemen. Then clubs of the city. Mrs.

John D. Jones79 had a bust of Harrison in her window and all in

passing gave tremendous cheers and uncovered heads from the dele-

gations. Between the fluttering of flags, the waving of handkerchiefs,

and the huzzaing, it certainly was one of the most enthusiastic scenes

I ever was in. At Pendleton's80 they assembled to hear speeches. The

ground [sic] was measured 25,000 regular listeners and as many,

as near as can be computed, coming and going. Oh, the immense pro-

visions made by the citizens for their entertainment was never heard

of here before. There was enough cooked, it is said, to maintain

100,000 for a week. The poor are feasting this week. 300 loaves of

bread were sent in to the council room for the public charities. In

the evening all Cincinnati, ladies & all, were on the move from one

stand to another to hear the speeches. At 5th St., at the arch, Cham-

bers8l & others, at the Henrie House, Wickliffe,82 Christie,83 &c,

at the Pearl St., Duffield84 of Miss. & others. A barouche full of the

Hocking voters sang at each stand in beautiful style some improvisa-

tore Whig songs, one particularly charming. The chorus, 'Van-Van-

Van, Is a used up man.' I just escaped a shameful fracas which, a van-

buren party with torches and a prostrate figure shrouded in red

peticoat to represent the dead hero, went to every stand to try &

break up the meetings, but were permitted to pass without any re-

tort until after the assemblage at the Henrie had opened their [ranks]

and let them pass by in silence. The vans were not satisfied but turned

back and commenced a fuss themselves in the midst. Several Whigs

were injured, one so badly it was thought he would [not] recover.

Several Locofocos are under arrest, but I suppose will get off in our

court. Thus ended the day.85

 

Judging from the tone of a letter from Joseph Gest to his son on

October 8, the mammoth gathering on October 1 intensified the struggle

to elect William Henry Harrison:

 

Nothing is now talked of but Politicks. There is much excitement on

the subject, publick speaking almost every evening since Ex Governor

Pope86 of Ky spoke at Pearl St. House. . . . We have had many of the

best speakers of the South, New   Orleans, Mississippi. . . . Ex

Governor Wickliffe & Ex Governor Metcalf87 of Kentucky are now

in this state, and to speak in the townships in the county. And the

Vans are doing all they can, exciting all the bad feelings against the

Whigs & Genl Harrison they can. The Whigs are gaining daily from

• 19
 

176                                     OHIO HISTORY

the old Jackson ranks and are in great hopes of carrying this county. Many are disgusted with Dr. Duncan88 but have no doubt about the State, but that the Whig candidates will be elected, particular[ly] Cor- win for Governor, by many thousand of a Majority. Our Election takes place the same day with Pennsylvania and will be warmly contested. Everything that can be done [will be done] by both parties. On the 1st of this month, at our great gathering, I heard Ex Governor Wickliffe of Kentucky address an immense multitude. He was follow- ed by Genl Harrison, & I find it conceded that Genl Harrison is among the best stump speakers we have. He refuted those foul slanders pro- pagated by the Van Buren Men and gave a clear exposition of his views and principles he should pursue should he be elected president of the U. S. It appeared to confound many of his opponents who were present. Results of the Ohio election, disagreements over the outcome in Penn- sylvania, and rumors of Democratic post-election strategy all received some attention in Joseph's letter of October 25: We have elected N. G. Pendleton to Congress over Dr. Duncan by about 160 votes, and carried the state and Thomas Corwin for Governor by about 1700, have a majority in Congress & in the state Legislature although [we] lost some of our county offices. Our Vans are much chagrined and insist they will yet have Van Buren for President. How they make it out I cannot see. They will use every strategem. It's said they intend reporting that Genl. Harrison is dead when it will be too late to contradict all over the U. S., and all such

• 20
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                               177

 

schemes, but the Whigs have given notice all over the Union to be on

the look out for deception & fraud. They say they have got Penn-

sylvany. Our accounts are so contradictory that nothing certain can

yet be come at. The Vans claim from 10 to 15,000 majority in Penna

& the Whig papers say there will not be much either way. Our Whigs

think when the Whigs of Penna have run so close that when a [il-

legible word] vote on the 30th instant for President & Vice President

that Harrison & Tyler will have a considerable majority. The Friends

of Harrison, amongst which are a large number of old Jackson &

Van Buren men, are doing every thing that can be done, gatherings

in every part of the state, and meetings in every part of this county, at

all of which are publick speakers, to stimulate to action. Almost every

night the people are harangued by the best stump speakers that can

be got & in deed some are very able. Harrison's friends are increasing.

I hope the Whigs or, as now called, Harrison Democrats in Pennsyl-

va[nia] will do everything to bring all Harrisonians out on the day of

the Election. I shall feel proud if my mother state should go in his

favour.

 

Clarissa wrote Erasmus the following brief account of the departure of

President-elect William Henry Harrison's party for Washington in her

letter of February 5:

 

The General went off in style. He was so troubled with boys,

little & great, that he was scarcely visible for the crowd. The ladies

turned out, and the boats were both filled with passengers. Mrs. Genl.

Findlay89 and Mrs. Jane Harrison, the Genls widowed daughter-in-

law, and Lewis Whiteman90 went as his family party. He made a

speech, and guns were fired &c. A great event for Ohio that one of

her country's presidents started from the Queen City.

 

Erasmus was warned in a letter from his father on March 14, 1841,

that should he call on President Harrison, he should make the visit short

and leave as soon as he had "exchanged a few Civilities." Joseph also re-

quested his son to "give him my respects" and added, "I should have liked

to have taken him by the hand before he left here, but he was so surrounded

by sycophants and fools, that I did not attempt [to]."

Early in January 1842, while Erasmus was on a visit to the East, Cin-

cinnati witnessed some of the worst mob violence it had ever seen. On

January 12, exactly two years after expressing fear that "some desperate

action will take place," Joseph Gest sat down to describe the Cincinnati

bank riots of January 11, 1842, for his son:

 

Our currency has the last weeks been getting more uncertain, but

the crisis has come like a clap of thunder and I expect we will be no

worse if not better. The day before yesterday, the 10th, the Miami

Exporting Co. stopt redeeming their paper. Yesterday morning, the

11th, the Cincinnati Bank called Gilmore,91 put a note on the door that

they would not redeem for 20 days, when immediately, early in the

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178                                               OHIO HISTORY

 

morning, crowds collected, commenced, broke open the bank, tore

everything up, threw the paper in the streets, & some specie. Some

plundered & ran away. They next attacked the Miami Exporting

Bank, emptyed it of its contents, carrying off thousands of dollars of

redeemed & other paper, some specie, & &c. Afterwards [they at-

tacked] Bates Exchange Bank92 at the corner, made him pay out

[for] some time, till he cleared out, then tore everything out of the

house. The mob then crossed over to Lougee,93 made him pay as long

as he could, then tore up everything, counters & everything. There

was a run on the Merchants & Traders, but some how their appears

no damage to the building. By night all was quiet. An attack was

expected on the 4 regular old banks in the night, & those banks pre-

pared arms & men to defend themselves. The citizens did not appear

disposed to interfere much but insisted [?] on the Police, who could

do nothing. The Mayor would not go out nor resign to let the Council

appoint one in his place. The Marshal94 appeared unwilling to do

much, was found assisting Bates, but the mob was worse, & the citi-

zens seeing this all became disgusted. The Sheriff95 harangued the

mob, but I understand he was obliged to desist. He brought a few

Military who fired.96 This enraged the mob who drove the Military

off. C. Fox97 attempted to address the mob and had to make his es-

cape to the Pearl Street House to save him self. This morning by day-

light I passed down Main Street, and the buildings of the Miami Ex-

porting Co., the Bank of Cincinnati adjoining, and Bates' Exchange

House adjoining that, and Lougee's opposite, have neither door, win-

dows, counters, or anything else as perfect wrecks. All quiet, no

crowds, lower Market going on as usual. Three fourths of the people

appear pleased that those brokers [?] and &c are broken up. There

[are] thousands of rumors & tales, but it is difficult to get at the

truth, other than the destruction of those places I have described.

There appears strong prejudice against the brokers. Whether those re-

maining will be disturbed is uncertain, but I think the tragedy is over

for this time. The brokers will have to be careful what money they

circulate in future. I expect the regular banks will have to resume

[specie payment] before long. Keep clear of all money from this

place except the 4 regular banks. . . . People will be for putting

Cincinnati money on thee as change. Be on thy guard.

 

Joseph's impression that conditions would improve had not proved true

by the time he wrote again ten days later:

 

Since the Mob destroyed the Miami, Cincinnati, & Exchange banks,

and Lougee's Office, money is becoming more and more scarce, hard

to be got, and very uncertain when got. But people appear as if they

could get along with the paper of the chartered banks, but the legis-

lature, not satisfied with putting down those supposed irresponsible

bank paper [sic], have passed a law compelling resumption on the

4th of March. What our banks will resolve is yet undetermined. If

they resume so soon they will soon have to suspend, and if they do

not resume, or should resume and afterwards suspend, it's a serious

• 22
 

THE GEST LETTERS                                                       179

 

doubt whether the mob, from their late success, will not resume the

work of destruction & plunder. Since the news from Columbus yes-

terday, our business men, Merchants, bankers, & all are completely

alarmed & excited, as a general failure, it's thought, must take place

[or] at least a stoppage of payment.

 

It is on this rather dismal note that the series of letters draws to a

close.

 

 

THE EDITOR: Charles Schultz is the

keeper of manuscripts at Mystic Seaport,

Mystic, Connecticut. While an assistant to

the curator of manuscripts at the Ohio

Historical Society, he processed the Eras-

mus Gest Papers.

• 23