M. PAUL HOLSINGER
Timothy Walker: Blackstone
For the New Republic
In the generation before the Civil War,
few persons within the state of Ohio were
as nationally renowned as Timothy Walker
of Cincinnati. During the so-called
"Golden Age of American Law"
between 1820 and 1860, Walker, from his
adopted home on the banks of the Ohio
River, wrote probably the most widely
read legal treatise of nineteenth
century America, the Introduction to American
Law. A founder of the Cincinnati Law School, the first
permanent law school
west of the Appalachians, he almost
single-handedly maintained the institution
throughout its first ten years. During
the decade after October 1843, he also edited
the Western Law Journal, one of
the most influential law journals published in
pre-Civil War America. It is no
exaggeration to suggest that in the slightly over
twenty-five years that he lived in
Cincinnati before his untimely death in early
1856, there was no one who did more to make
the city known throughout the new
West as a center for legal scholarship
or professional training in law than he.
Much has been written about the economic
side of pre-Civil War Cincinnati as
"Porkopolis" incarnate;
recently, however, historians have begun once again to
emphasize the many social, cultural, and
intellectual aspects of those same ante-
bellum years.1 Ironically, the city's
leadership throughout the West in the area of
innovative legal thinking, a vital part
of the latter emphases, has all too often
been forgotten or severely slighted.
Proper balance demands that the many con-
tributions made by western barristers be
included in any study of the period be-
fore 1861. An appreciation of the life
and work of Timothy Walker, a man whom
many of his contemporaries called
"America's Blackstone," is fundamental since
so much of the groundwork in the legal
field was laid out by him.
Like so many leaders of Cincinnati life
in the early nineteenth century, Walker
was a New Englander by birth.2 Born
in the rural town of Wilmington, Massa-
chusetts, on December 1, 1802,3 he had
been largely self-educated before his ac-
ceptance into the Harvard College class
of 1826 at the then late age of nineteen.
A brilliant student, he passed through
the college with the highest honors, win-
1. See particularly Louis Leonard
Tucker, "Cincinnati: Athens of the West, 1830-1861," Ohio His-
tory, LXXV, 11-25, 67-68.
2. Interestingly, though not altogether
accurately, Catherine Beecher wrote to her sister Harriet
from Cincinnati in 1831, one year after
Walker's arrival in the city, "This is a New England city in all
its habits, and its inhabitants are more
than half from New England ...." Charles Beecher, ed., Auto-
biography and Correspondence of Lyman
Beecher (New York, 1865), II, 268.
3. Many biographical sketches list the
year of Walker's birth as 1806; Appleton's Cyclopaedia of
American Biography, VI, 331. It is evident from his personal papers on file
at the Cincinnati Historical
Society, however, that the proper date
is indeed 1802.
Professor Holsinger is an Associate
Professor of History at Illinois State University.
146 OHIO HISTORY |
|
ning every prize the school offered including the Bowdoin gold medal for the best original essay in 1825.4 During his senior year, he was voted into Phi Beta Kappa, and at graduation in August 1826 he was chosen "first orator," symbolic of hav- ing finished at the head of his class academically.5 Though he noted in his diary some years later that he had planned to be a lawyer from the first moment that he arrived on the campus at Cambridge,6 he did not begin the formal study of law immediately after graduation. Instead, anxious to be self-sufficient economically, he accepted a position as tutor in mathematics at the still new but already prestigious Round Hill School in North- ampton, Massachusetts. During the next three years, young Timothy's career was both varied and complex. Teaching school full time, he also managed to read law under the tutelage of a local member of the Massachusetts bar, publish a popular volume on the Elements of Geometry that quickly went through several editions, translate for pay a number of treatises in natural science from both French and German at the behest of professors from his alma mater, prepare a series of articles for the North American Review on widely diversified subjects, give several major addresses to neighboring townsfolk and, if all this were not time- consuming enough, complete work on a Master's degree in the Arts at Harvard.7 But law was always foremost in his mind; in 1829 when Harvard announced the restructuring of its Law School and the appointment of United States Su- preme Court Justice Joseph Story as one of the first endowed professors, Walker resigned from Round Hill and, that fall, became one of the first students to sit under Story's instruction. Once again he distinguished himself academically, but by the spring of 1830 he was growing increasingly anxious about his career. At
4. Timothy Walker Papers, Cincinnati Historical Society. 5. Ibid. 6. Walker, Personal Diary, October 28, 1827, Walker Papers. 7. Walker Papers. Walker graduated with a Master's degree from Harvard in the summer of 1829. |
Timothy Walker 147
twenty-seven, he was already
considerably older than most of his law school
colleagues; to postpone entrance into
the practice of law much longer seemed
out of the question. Massachusetts law,
however, complicated matters. To be
admitted to the bar in the state
required a three-year probationary period in the
office of an attorney, and for the
impatient young man this seemed unreasonable.
Quick checking showed that, though Ohio
had a somewhat similar two-year law,
one of those years might be waived in
his case because of the training at Harvard.
Well aware of Cincinnati's growing
importance to the economy of the West,
Walker determined to relocate in the Queen
City during the coming summer.
Obtaining letters of recommendation from
Justice Story, President Josiah Quincy
of Harvard, and others,8 he
set out for Cincinnati in August 1830, hopeful of
entering his "road to
eminence" as quickly as possible.
Cincinnati met all of the young lawyer's
aspirations. In his diary during Sep-
tember 1830, he confided, "I am
delighted with this beautiful city. It seems a
work of enchantment."9 Within
a few weeks he was firmly established in the of-
fices of Bellamy Storer and Charles Fox,
probably the most distinguished law
firm in the city at the time. By April
of 1831 he could write President Quincy that
he had "more than realised"
all his expectations in moving West.10 Indeed, by
Independence Day 1831, his pleasure with
Cincinnati had taken on an almost
booster-like quality. Speaking at a
Fourth of July rally at Fulton, he noted en-
thusiastically that in Cincinnati
"inhabitants multiply like the hydra, buildings
spring up like Jonah's gourd; for incessant
activity what can you call it but an
immense human hive." The future of
the city seemed unlimited to young Walker.
"I cannot help believing that it is
destined, at no distant period, to become the
seat of government of the greatest
empire on Earth," he added, for surely persons
simply would not be willing to travel
more than 600 miles to their nation's capital.
In this regard, Cincinnati was ideal.11
If Walker expected much of Cincinnati,
certainly many persons expected much
of him in the Queen City. President
Quincy, for instance, in April 1831, wrote
that "it is to just men as you that
we look to fix in [the Ohio River Valley] the
manner, principles and character of New
England."12 A young Vermonter, Isaac
Appleton Jewett, soon to be a law clerk
in Walker's own office, repeatedly wrote
friends in New England of Walker's
unique ability. "He has some fame already,"
Jewett wrote in May 1831, "and in
some years [he] will probably roar louder
than any lion in Ohio. He is one of those
universal men who will live and grow
mightily in any soil."13 Justice
Story had written earlier: "I rejoice that the West
is to gain so worthy a Son in law-I confess
that I had indulged a faint hope that
we might be able to regain you . . . but
I presume it is all over and that hence-
forward you are to be a citizen of Ohio.
God grant you much honor, much profit,
much happiness in that sunny, in that new--New
England."14
The early years, nevertheless, did
indeed seem to offer all three for young
Walker. After his probationary legal
waiting period was over and he had been
admitted to the Ohio bar, he quickly
opened his own law office. Private practice
was, however, not successful and in
April 1832 the firm of King, Chase, and
8. Letters of Recommendation, President
Josiah Quincy, July 13, 1830, John H. Ashmun, August
1830, Joseph Story, August 1830, Walker
Papers.
9. Walker Diary, Septermber 18, 1830.
10. Quincy to Walker, April 16, 1831,
Walker Papers.
11. Scrap Book #2, 77-79, Walker Papers.
12. Quincy to Walker, April 16, 1831,
Walker Papers.
13. Isaac Appleton Jewett to Samuel
Appleton, May 8, 1831, Jewett to Appleton, August 16, 1832,
Walker Papers.
14. Joseph Story to Walker, November 24,
1830, Walker Papers.
148 OHIO HISTORY
Walker was formed. It was an auspicious
choice of partners. Edward King, former
Speaker of the Ohio House of
Representatives, son of Federalist Presidential
candidate Rufus King, and son-in-law of
former Governor Thomas Worthington,
had recently moved to Cincinnati from
Chillicothe in hopes of expanding his
business practice. Salmon P. Chase,
future governor, United States Senator,
Secretary of the Treasury, and Chief
Justice of the United States Supreme Court,
though younger than Walker, was already
gaining the distinguished reputation
that was eventually to lead him into
politics and nationwide fame. Chase, seek-
ing larger financial resources, remained
in the firm only until November, but the
partnership of King and Walker continued
until the former's premature death in
February of 1836. While the two men may
never have gained all their expecta-
tions monetarily, the few remaining
records indicate that the business they re-
ceived was steady and reasonably
lucrative. Both quickly became leaders of the
local bar.15
Walker also was able with little
difficulty to be accepted by the best of Cin-
cinnati society. As an extremely
eligible young bachelor, it was not long before
he was attending all the
"proper" functions. By May 1831 he became engaged to
Anna Lawler Bryant, the granddaughter of
Matthew Lawler, one of Cincinnati's
richest men. One year later the two were
married and apparently were, if one can
believe Walker's diary, extremely happy.
Two sons were born to the couple, one
in July 1833 and another in October
1834. The latter birth proved to be too much
for Mrs. Walker; a week afterwards she
was dead, and ten days later the baby
died also.16 The shock of
this personal tragedy, coupled with the death of his re-
maining son in 1836 at the age of three,
for some years made Walker almost a
social recluse. In March 1840, however,
he married Ellen Page Wood and, in
subsequent years, six children were born
to them. The eldest, Bryant, followed
in his father's footsteps, attending
Harvard College and the Law School in Cam-
bridge and, before his death in 1874,
teaching in the Cincinnati College Law De-
partment and serving on the Superior
Court of the city through an appointment
of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes. The
oldest daughter Susan was married ten
years after her father's death to
Nicholas Longworth II, thus merging the two
families; her son, Nicholas Longworth
III, rejecting the aversion of his grand-
father for politics, eventually became
Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives. A second son, Edward,
born in 1853, became one of the most
distinguished physicians in the city of
Cincinnati.17
Honors began to fall into place almost
with regularity during Walker's early
years in Cincinnati. In September 1831,
for example, he was appointed to the
city school board for a three-year term,
and at the Cincinnati Lyceum, which he
helped to found, he was repeatedly asked
to give lectures on topics dealing with
both science and history.18 He
was one of the founders of the city's Mercantile
Library, and it was not long before he
also helped to organize the now famous
15. "Edward King," obituary, Western
Monthly Magazine and Literary Journal, VI, 126-127; Al-
bert B. Hart, Salmon Portland Chase (Boston,
1899), 22.
16. Miscellaneous records, Walker
Papers; also see "Opinion in the Case of the Heirs of T. B. Walk-
er, Aug. 1837," Davis Bevan Lawler
Papers, Cincinnati Historical Society.
17. Cincinnati Gazette, December
31, 1874; Charles Frederick Goss, Cincinnati: The Queen City,
1788-1912 (Chicago, 1912), 612-615. Susan Walker and Nicholas
Longworth's eldest daughter, Clara,
became the Countess de Chambrun; it was
she who donated to the Cincinnati Historical Society her
grandfather's manuscript journal and
other papers, without which this study could not have been made.
18. See for example, Walker, "A
Lecture on the Character and Writings of Sir William Jones. De-
livered in the Cincinnati Lyceum, 20th
March, 1832," Illinois Monthly Magazine, XI, 550-567; also,
"The Steam Engine," manuscript
of a lecture read at the Cincinnati Lyceum in March 1831, Walker
Papers.
Timothy Walker 149 |
Semi-Colon Club, one of the city's most distinguished literary bodies, the Inquis- tion, "a society that discusses publically questions and papers submitted by its members once a week," the Cincinnati Legislative Club, and, eventually, the New England Society, to which he was always one of the largest contributors.19 Though he "dislike[d] parties at any time," Walker admitted he always went to such affairs "as a part of social duty." "When I give parties," he confessed to his diary in the summer of 1838, "I expect my friends to come and I do as I would be done by."20 Perhaps as a result, his home often became a center for major social gatherings. In 1842, for instance, when Charles Dickens came to Ohio, it was in Walker's home that he was feted by the leaders of Cincinnati society, and it was Walker who showed the English author and his wife around the city. Walker received several letters from Dickens and, as the latter wrote to friends in Great Britain, "I saw a good deal of Walker in Cincinnati. I like him very much."21 The most noteworthy achievement of the young lawyer in the years before 1837, however, had nothing to do with social relationships. In the spring of 1833,
19. Louis L. Tucker, "The Semi-Colon Club of Cincinnati," Ohio History, LXXIII, 13-26; Cincin- nati Directory, 1834, 246; Western Law Journal, 1, 438; Lee Shepard, "The New England Society in Cincinnati," Bulletin, Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, V, 35-37. 20. Walker Diary, June 11, 1838. 21. Charles Dickens to C. C. Felton, April 29, 1842, reprinted in Robert Price, "Boz Reports on Ohio," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, LI, 198. Dickens liked Walker and his hospital- ity; Walker returned the feeling. "I have read all his works and with great interest. Felt acquainted with him before I saw him. Like him still better now," Walker confided to his diary on April 5, 1842; also see Dickens to Walker, April 13, 1842, Walker Papers. |
150 OHIO HISTORY
Walker, along with Edward King, John
Crafts Wright, and J. M. Goodnow, de-
cided to form a school where students
could study law in a formal setting rather
than by reading in individual private
offices. Though the Cincinnati Law School,
as the four men named it, was not
eligible to grant degrees, it was clear from its
first announcement that it was unique to
the area west of the Alleghanies. In
many ways patterned after Harvard, the
school promised all future students
"lectures upon general and local
law, practice in moot courts organized upon the
model of the several courts of Ohio and
frequent examinations upon the books
read." Any new or "difficult
cases" from circuit courts throughout the state would
be submitted to the students for study.
The combined law libraries of the four
men would be, the announcement for the
school noted, open for the students'
use; totalled together, they "will
form as extensive a law library as any in the
western territory." King and Walker
also agreed to allow students to "witness
practice" in their offices.22
The school was almost immediately
successful. At the end of the first year,
thirteen students had finished the
course of study; by the following fall, enroll-
ment had climbed to twenty-three. They
came not only from the immediate Cin-
cinnati area but also from such widely
separated places as St. Louis, Missouri,
Vicksburg, Mississippi, and Manchester,
Massachusetts.23 The students received
a remarkable bargain for the sixty
dollar per year tuition fee. Lectures on almost
every aspect of the law highlighted the
nine-month curriculum, but students were
also promised that "efforts will be
made to render students expert draughtsmen."
For those who wished to remain in
Cincinnati during the summer, free access to
the libraries of the instructors was
offered.24
The new school's greatest problem in its
earliest years was the fact that it was
not approved by the state to grant
professional degrees. Though students of east-
ern universities and colleges, such as
Harvard, were able to receive, according to
Ohio practice, one year's credit towards
their legal apprenticeships, Cincinnati
Law School enrollees were not. This
situation, so potentially damaging to the
future of the school, deeply concerned
both Walker and his colleagues, and they
sought a remedy. A solution was found
when Cincinnati College, a school which
had been given full academic
accreditation by Ohio in 1819 but which consisted
in the summer of 1835 only of a medical
department, offered to absorb the law
school under its aegis, thus giving it
full and immediate recognition. Walker,
King, and Wright all quickly agreed to
the merger.25 In August 1835, the title
Professor of Law in the college, was
officially bestowed upon each of the three
lawyers.26
Walker was unquestionably the leader in
making a law school in Cincinnati a
reality. A number of part-time
colleagues came and went over the next few years,
but in the center of the faculty was
Timothy Walker. Indeed, in 1837, when the
college decided that it could not afford
to pay four lecturers, an arrangement
was made whereby he became the only
professor in the school, a situation that
continued until his resignation in 1844,
seven years later, at which time a re-
structuring of the school became
necessary.27 He was a natural teacher and often
22. American Jurist and Law Magazine,
X, 484-485.
23. A List of Graduates of the Cincinnati
Law School (Cincinnati, 1904).
24. Circular of the Cincinnati Law
School, June 14, 1834, Walker Papers.
25. J. M. Goodnow apparently failed to
participate in the operation of the school after its first year.
26. W. R. Morris to Walker, Edward King,
and John C. Wright, August 24, 1835, and Walker and
King to Trustees of Cincinnati College,
August 25, 1834, Walker Papers.
27. The importance of Walker to the Law
School is nowhere seen more clearly than during the
summer of 1842 when, due to his repeated
illnesses, a decision was made not to hold classes at all
throughout the academic year 1842-1843.
Timothy Walker
151
wished that it were possible to devote
himself full time to that profession. In 1838,
for instance, he noted in his diary,
"my vocation is to teach. I can do it better than
anything else. I wish it were my
permanent occupation."28 Apparently nearly
everyone connected with the school
agreed. Year after year letters came to him
from students thanking him for his
concern and fine lectures.29 Even the news-
papers took notice. Walker was, a
reporter for the Cincinnati Beacon wrote that
same year, "a gentleman who has,
perhaps, as high capabilities for teaching as
any other law professor in the United
States. He delights in the business of in-
struction, and, consequently, performs
it with an enthusiasm which seldom fails
sympathetically to awaken and sustain
the attention of every pupil."30
Though Walker left the school after the
1843-1844 academic year in order to
devote more time to his private
practice, his role in helping to establish the law
school remains one of his most lasting
contributions to American legal develop-
ment and to the prestige of Cincinnati.
The Law Department of Cincinnati Col-
lege, as the school was known from 1835
onward, eventually merged with the
University of Cincinnati in 1896, with
William Howard Taft, an alumnus, as its
first dean. The affect the school had on
many facets of society in the Middlewest
is incalculable. Its graduates were
influential not only throughout the region but
across the continent. Congressmen,
judges, two justices of the United States Su-
preme Court, and hundreds of general
practitioners passed through the school
during its first sixty-three years.31
Today, the school is one of the oldest continu-
ous professional centers for legal
training in the United States, a testimony to
Walker's efforts, at times
single-handedly, to make his dream of a school similar
to Harvard a reality for the West.32
From his experiences at the law school
came one of the most important books
written in the nation during the
nineteenth century, the Introduction to American
Law. Initially published in 1837 as an outgrowth of
lectures delivered to the stu-
dents at the law school in the previous
years, Walker's Introduction quickly be-
came the standard first text for
beginning law students across the United States.
By the time the eleventh edition came
from the presses in 1905, nearly fifty years
after its author's death, three
successive generations of legal neophytes had, like
future Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes,
Jr., encountered Walker's ideas. Many
of them, like Holmes, received from the
volume their first clear idea "of what law
was and what was the profession upon
which [they were] entering."33
What Walker did in the Introduction, far
better than any other legal scholar of
his day, was to catch and emphasize the
Americanization of the law. Though
28. "The Dominical Journal of
Timothy Brewster Walker," November 4, 1838, Walker Papers. The
Journal was written between the years
1838 and 1852 in Cincinnati.
29. J. N. Morris to Walker, December 8,
1835, Walker Papers.
30. Reprinted in both the Liberty
Hall and Commercial Gazette, September 4, 1838, and the Cin-
cinnati Chronicle, September 1, 1838.
31. Taft was a graduate of the school in
1880 during the deanship of Rufus King, the son of Walker's
former partner. Willis Van Devanter,
another future United States Supreme Court Justice (1911-
1937), graduated in the class of 1881.
See Anton-Herman Chroust, The Rise of the Legal Profession in
America (Norman, 1965), 11, 216.
32. A List of Graduates of the
Cincinnati Law School. Among the students instructed by Walker
were Charles D. Drake (class of 1833),
United States Senator from Missouri (1867-1870) and Chief
Justice of the United States Court of
Claims (1870-1885); also James W. Denver (class of 1844) future
governor of Kansas Territory and the man
for whom Denver, Colorado is named. Only three law
schools (Harvard, 1819; Yale, 1825; and
the University of Virginia, 1826) are older today than the
University of Cincinnati law school.
33. Editions of Walker's Introduction
were published in 1837, 1844, 1855, 1860, 1869, 1874, 1878,
1882, 1887, 1895, and 1905. See Mark
DeWolfe Howe, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes: The Shaping
Years, 1841-1870 (Cambridge, 1957), 191; William Howard Taft, Dedication
Alphonso Taft Hall:
Address by William Howard Taft
October 28, 1925 (Cincinnati, 1925),
6.
152 OHIO
HISTORY
American differences had been clearly
defined in regard to English law, from
which most of our legal heritage was
traced, students before 1837 still had to start
their training by reading Sir William
Blackstone's commentaries on the law of
Great Britain before venturing into any
of the obvious American variations.
There were, of course, some persons who
believed such reading nearly useless.
The editor of the Western Literary
Journal and Monthly Review spoke for many
when he wrote in 1844:
The justly renowned work of Blackstone
has been universally, and continues to be gen-
erally, the first book put into the hand
of the American student; and after he has tortured
himself and exhausted his patience for
six long months in memorizing the prerogatives of
the crown, the sources of revenue,
hereditary rights, the political and ecclesiastical con-
stitution of the government, the feudal
services, relations of knight and vassal, and the
invasion of William the Norman, he will
be found on examination about as wise a lawyer
as he would be had he spent the same
time upon the novels of Sir Walter Scott.34
Because Walker redirected the student's
attention to what was purely American,
his work received almost instant praise.
The volume, stressed an editor of the
North American Review, "is ... thoroughly American .... The tone and
spirit of
the book are such as become our country;
they are congenial with our free insti-
tutions and our expanding political
character."35 Justice Story and his Harvard
Law School colleague, Simon Greenleaf,
wrote that "as a general outline of
American law . . . it supplies a want, which
has been extensively felt .. ."36 "It
is absurd," emphasized a third
reader, "to make the Commentaries of Blackstone
the first book for American students
when we have so clear an exposition of our
political and judicial system as the Introduction
to American Law."37
Walker always rejected the idea that he
had in any way become "America's
Blackstone" by the publication of
his lectures, but many of his colleagues dis-
agreed. The term became widely used
during his lifetime; as a consequence, Cin-
cinnati was elevated, literally
overnight, to one of the major centers for legal
thinking in the country.
For many years Walker had been calling
for such sweeping legal reforms as
full codification of the law to replace
the old yet still accepted judge-made com-
mon law, and he had been trying to
demystify the intricacies of the profession so
that the American people could really
understand their form of government. The
Introduction was dedicated to fulfilling these and other goals of
modernization in
the law, and the Queen City soon became
the focal point for such philosophies in
the entire West.38 Anxious to
follow up on the impact of his work, Walker in 1843
launched an even more ambitious
undertaking, the publication of a scholarly law
magazine which he named the Western
Law Journal. At a time when all the other
such publications were printed in either
New York City or Boston, the thought of
producing in the Ohio River Valley a
review which would offer its readers updated
reports with commentary on all major
American and English legal decisions, and
especially those cases of particular
concern to the western United States, while
34. Western Literary Journal and
Monthly Review, I, 105.
35. North American Review, XLV,
485.
36. Western Law Journal, XI
(1844), 92, quoting a letter from Story and Greenleaf dated May 15,
1837.
37. Review, Western
Literary Journal and Monthly Review, 1,
105. See also the Columbus Ohio
State Journal, July 11, 1837 which commends "this valuable work
to every member of the profession
of the law--particularly in Ohio."
38. In a review of the Introduction, the
editor of American Jurist and Law Magazine, XVIII, 382,
placed especial stress on Walker's
emphasis on legal reform: "On all . . . subjects," it was claimed,
Walker "writes like a man of sense
and reflection whom the love of truth has led to certain results."
Timothy Walker
153
at the same time serving as "a
medium through which the legal profession of the
west may express their sentiments on the
great questions of law reform," was a
daring financial gamble to say the
least.39 It is not insignificant that it was Walker,
the innovator, who was willing to invest
his own personal fortune in an attempt
to make the journal successful.
Almost single-handedly during the next
seven years, Walker "performed near-
ly all the editorial labor"
connected with the Journal.40 In the fall of 1850 he
added M. E. Curwen from the Cincinnati
Law School as a co-editor, who in the
remaining three years of the review did
most of the editing. Walker not only paid
for the issuing of the periodical each
month but also assumed the role of con-
tributing author.41 Every
month for ten years the Journal appeared filled with a
full forty-eight pages of comments,
editorials on needed changes in the law, re-
printed case decisions from courts
across the land, news items of importance to
the legal profession and much more.42
Though initially Walker had intended the
Journal to be of service basically to the bar in the West, its
influence soon spread
nationwide. "We always devour its
contents with great eagerness," wrote the
editor of the New York-based American
Law Journal in 1849.
It is quite a mistake to suppose that we
must always look to the old States for "the glad-
some lights of jurisprudence." The
diversified interests of western life give rise to a great
variety of new and important questions,
and the ability with which they are discussed and
disposed of by the fresh and great
intellects of the West command our highest admira-
tion.43
The major objective in the publication
of the Western Law Journal was, for
Walker, an opportunity "for
promulgating my notions upon Law Reform of
which, I believe, I was the first
thorough going advocate in Ohio."44 As early as
1833 his "A View of Ohio"
published in the American Quarterly Review seriously
called for revision of the constitution
of the state in order to make it more mod-
ern. The section on the judiciary was so
bad "it would be hardly possible to make
it worse by any degree of
ingenuity," he wrote.45 This theme, coupled with the
desire to see the law codified in the
hopes that there could be ultimately a "sys-
temizing and nationalizing of our
jurisprudence," appears over and over again in
the pages of the journal.46
Though there were often persons who
objected to his stands on reform,47
Walker was never hesitant to express his
opinions in the pages of the Journal. "I
can see neither policy, justice, nor
humanity in many of the legal doctrines re-
39. Western Law Journal, VII, 89.
40. Letter from Timothy Walker to
"Subscribers and Friends," June 15, 1853, Western Law Jour-
nal, X, 430-431. There were, from time to time, many
official co-editors of the Journal, including
former Kentucky governor James T.
Morehead, 1845-1846; C. D. Coffin, 1846-1849; and Charles
Gilman, 1847-1848. By both Walker's
statements and their own, it is obvious that none of them did
much to make the Journal a
success. See for instance, Morehead's apology for having achieved little
success, Western Law Journal, III,
144.
41. Western Law Journal, X, 430.
42. A reading of the 5800 plus pages
appearing in the ten volumes of the Western Law Journal
published between October 1843 and
September 1853 offers an invaluable understanding of the con-
cerns of the legal profession in the West
during those years. The series is now available to any li-
brary on microfilm as part of the
American Periodical Series.
43. "The Western Law Journal,"
The American Law Journal, VIII, 44.
44. Walker Diary, October 1, 1844.
45. Timothy Walker, "A View of
Ohio," American Quarterly Review, XXV, 110-111.
46. See for example, "Law Reform in
Ohio," Western Law Journal, I, 37-38; Ibid., VII, 89-90;
Ibid., X, 46; and "Codification," Western Law
Journal, I, 435-440.
47. See for example, Washington Van
Hamm, "Codification, Its Practicability and Expediency: In
Answer to Judge Walker's Report," Western
Law Journal, I, 529-542. Also note Walker's comments
on the Journal's "Reform
Spirit," Western Law Journal, X, 46.
154 OHIO HISTORY
specting married women," he wrote
in one column. "They bear every mark of a
barbarous origin" with
"nothing but their antiquity in their favor." "We require
[women] to support and obey government
as much as if they were men but we
allow them no share in its
administration." The very thing which caused the
American Revolution, lack of rights,
might now be the basis for a "female revo-
lution" unless this "too long
neglected subject" of equality was remedied.48 To
lawyers who believed that making a
personal fortune was the most important
thing to emphasize in their careers,
Walker chided:
Remember that by becoming lawyers you do
not cease to be men and that nothing can
justify you in doing for a client what
you would blush to do in your own behalf. ... [Clients]
purchase your services, but not your
consciences. You are not responsible for the good-
ness of their cause but you are
responsible for the means you use to gain it.
Indeed, Walker added, "Lawyer and
gentleman ought to be synonymous terms."49
"I am opposed to capital
punishment, both on principle and expediency," he
wrote in 1844.50 Such a modern-sounding
stand, he reiterated time and time
again in his discussion of specific
cases.
Of all his calls for reform,51
however, perhaps Walker's most controversial in
a legal journal were his attacks on
reactionaries in his profession who stood in
the way of modernization. The major
opponents of reform, he once noted in a
discussion on the need for legal
codification, would inevitably be lawyers. "And
the reason is natural. They are the most
directly interested in keeping things as
they are. The more abstruse and
recondite you make the law, the more indispen-
sable will be their professional
services." Self-interest as well as "an attachment
[for the law] bordering on
reverence" clouded the minds of far too many lawyers
so that they could not think clearly on
the need for change, Walker believed.52
One of the "great truths of our
profession," he had earlier argued, was that the
"law is not always synonymous with
justice."53 Thus, though men ought never
be "lovers of innovation for its
own sake," continual change was essential to avoid
a "deep and hopeless lethargy"
in the land.54 Such thoughts were bound to an-
tagonize many of Walker's fellow lawyers
as well as other leaders of established
society, yet his fame spread rapidly
nonetheless. Colleges offered him honorary
degrees, and he was called on to make a
number of addresses on reform through-
out America. In 1850, he was selected to
give the Phi Beta Kappa address at
Harvard, an occasion he
characteristically used to expound on the spirit of re-
form.55
Unfortunately, the Western Law
Journal was not nearly as successful as Walker
himself. Despite its prestige as a
journal of ideas, the periodical was never a fi-
nancial success. As early as its first
anniversary, Walker was faced with the first
of a continual series of losing
statements, yet "convinced it [would] support it-
self," he "resolved to
persevere."56 But there was never any money to pay for
48. Timothy Walker, "The Legal
Condition of Women," Western Law Journal, VI, 146-159; also
Western Law Journal, I, 281.
49. Ibid., 485.
50. Ibid., 285.
51. Walker was also a firm believer in
the direct election of Presidents. See Timothy Walker, Ora-
tion on the Life and Public Services
of Daniel Webster: Delivered Before the Bar of Cincinnati, No-
vember 22nd, 1852 (Cincinnati, 1852), 26.
52. Western Law Journal, I, 433.
53. Ibid., 94.
54. Ibid., 435.
55. Manuscript, "The Spirit of
Reform," Walker Papers.
56. Walker Diary, October 1, 1844.
Timothy Walker 155
contributions,57 and the
money from the limited subscriptions at $3.00 a year
never allowed him and his co-editors to
do more than break even. During the last
two years, in fact, Walker was even
unable to find a publisher willing to help
print the magazine and he personally
took on the full cost of getting the Journal
out each month himself.58 When
it finally became clear that not only would the
average barrister not subscribe but also
that the magazine could not count on
free articles or reviews from judges or
lawyers from the West as Walker had
hoped, its founder was forced to make
the reluctant decision to allow the Journal
to die a natural death after the September
1853 issue. The failure of the Western
Law Journal, however, does nothing to diminish its lasting
importance. For ten
years Walker managed to produce, in an
era when few magazines of any kind
survived for more than a few volumes, a
first-rate work of legal scholarship. Even
today, students of American law
frequently return to the pages of the Journal in
their quest to understand the legal
thinking of the antebellum United States.
Above all else, Walker was an instructor
of men and a disseminator of ideas.
Though he could have easily entered
politics, as did so many of his contempo-
raries, he steadfastly refused to be
involved in matters of partisanship, for he be-
lieved that there was nothing more
"ridiculous and contemptible" than "the
shuffling and legerdemain of . . .
modern politician[s]."59 Ideologically a Whig,
he rarely appeared at meetings of a
political nature, thus totally blunting any
opportunity he might have had to achieve
fame in politics.60 His chances of ap-
pointment to more prestigious posts were
thus severely hampered; only once, in
1842, did he receive a major politically
oriented post, being named Presiding
Judge of the Hamilton County Court of
Common Pleas as a replacement to fill
an unexpired term. Though he remained in
that office for only one year, the
designation "Judge" became an
unofficial title which never was omitted from his
name during the last dozen years of his
life. How many other such honors he
might have had if he had been willing to
enter the political arena is a moot point;
certainly there seems no doubt that he
might have well rivaled any of his now
more famous contemporaries such as
Salmon Chase or the youthful Rutherford
B. Hayes.
But Walker was a lawyer first and last.
In practice for himself and in partner-
ship with men such as John Crafts
Wright, John Kebler, or Manning Force, he
built up a solid, if unspectacular,
business.61 His legal training also lent itself to
a number of directorships and
trusteeships, such as that of the Ohio Life Insur-
ance and Trust Company. A Cincinnati
city council member, he was also a part
of the three-man committee that helped
to establish the first full time fire de-
partment for the city, and he served in
a number of capacities for the Whitewater
canal.62
Timothy Walker's "liberalism"
did not at first carry over to his attitude toward
slavery and the states-rights
controversy. He had long taken pride in the fact that
57. Western Law Journal, II, 576.
58. Ibid., X, 430-431.
59. Walker Diary, October 28, 1827.
60. In 1844 there was a small but
unsuccessful movement to have Walker receive the Whig nomi-
nation for governor. He was "bold,
fearless, and uncompromising," a "noble and fluent speaker,"
capable of teaching "Locofocoism a
lesson that would never be forgotten," noted the editor of Belle-
fontaine's Logan Gazette, February
17, 1844. Similar notices appeared in other Ohio papers. See for
example, the Columbus Ohio State
Journal, February 12, 1844; and Walker Scrapbook #2, Walker
Papers.
61. Walker was associated with John C.
Wright from 1836-1842, with John Kelber from 1848-
1856, and with Manning Force from
1853-1856. For a few months in 1838 he was also joined by his
younger brother, Joseph, though the
latter soon moved to St. Louis.
62. Clippings and miscellaneous
documents, Walker Papers.
156
OHIO HISTORY
for over the two decades he lived in
Cincinnati he had never been an abolitionist,
"in the common acceptance of that
word."63 Indeed, during the anti-abolitionist
riots of 1836 which resulted in the
destruction of James G. Birney's Philanthropist
press, Walker had played a prominent, if
not leading, role.64 Though he person-
ally opposed the institution of slavery,
he could not, like his former partner Salmon
P. Chase, bring himself to challenge the
law which supported it. "The law is
confessedly imperfect in many
particulars," he wrote on one occasion, "but
nevertheless it is the law, and as such
is entitled to implicit obedience." If mem-
bers of the bar were to forget all else
but one thing, he believed, it should be the
dictum: "Maintain the supremacy of
the law at all hazards and under all circum-
stances."65
The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill
of 1854 changed that attitude dras-
tically. In a speech made in March of
that year, he noted, "I regard slavery as so
great an evil in itself and so
stupendous a wrong, that it seems to be a sacred duty
to exert all the power I possess to
prevent its extension to territories now free."66
He began to defend slaves and to attack
the fugitive slave laws which he had
earlier accepted.67 All
slaves ought to have the full privileges of freemen, Walker
argued in June 1855. Vowing never to
help carry out the Fugitive Slave Law of
1850, Walker noted to a Whig party
gathering that he had recently turned down
a retainer from a "Southern
gentleman" who had proposed suing a railroad for
transporting a certain number of slaves
to Canada.68 But his leadership in any
radical program was not to be. In August
1855, his carriage was hit by a runaway
horse as he was driving to his office
from Walnut Hills, and he was thrown vio-
lently from it. Injured severely, he
tried to get up and go back to work at his law
practice too quickly, only to suffer a
relapse that led to pneumonia. On January
15, 1856, at the age of fifty-three he
died. Several days later, following Unitarian
services at his home, he was buried in
the family plot in Spring Grove Cemetery,
which he had helped to found twelve
years earlier.69
Contemporary legal historians, when they
deal with Walker at all, find it hard
to be anything less than enthusiastic.
The story of his career, Professor Charles
Haar of the Harvard Law School noted in
1965, could easily "be narrated as a
homily on the virtues of industry....
Walker was of Pilgrim stock, and it may not
be a distortion to view him as a
latter-day pilgrim transplanting the legal culture
of the East to the Western section of
the country."70 Francis R. Aumann agrees:
"the role of Timothy Walker ...
[and] the graduates of the Cincinnati Law School
... which he founded ... is beyond
measurement." The Introduction to American
Law and the Western Law Journal both continue to
receive praise as examples of
Walker's concern for detail and reform.71
In many ways, Timothy Walker was a man
of his time, deeply committed to
most of the trends of change being
experienced by the legal profession. Admitted-
63. "Walker's Speech on the
Nebraska Bill," Universalist, March 9, 1854, clipping in Walker
Scrap-
book #2, 167-169, Walker Papers.
64. The Liberty Hall and Cincinnati
Gazette, July 25, 1836-August 16, 1836.
65. Western Law Journal, IV, 328;
and I, 549.
66. Walker Scrapbook #2, 167-169, Walker
Papers.
67. Western Law Journal, VII, 57.
68. Cincinnati Daily Commercial, June
25, 1855.
69. Walker was the sixth permanent
member of the Unitarian Congregation in Cincinnati, and he
had remained active in the programs of
that group throughout his life. Manuscript, "Sermon delivered
by the Rev'd A. A. Livermore before the
Unitarian Congregation of Cincinnati on the Life and Death
of Timothy Walker, 20th Jan.,
1856," Walker Papers.
70. Charles M. Haar, The Golden Age
of American Law (New York, 1965), 51-52.
71. Francis R. Aumann, The Changing
American Legal System: Some Selected Phases (New York,
1969), 116-117; Chroust, Legal
Profession in America, II, 216.
Timothy Walker 157
ly most of these changes would have come
to Cincinnati through the proverbial
back door had it not been for Walker's
work, but because of him, Cincinnati be-
came the center for all legal reform in
the huge area west of the Alleghanies.
When easterners thought of law in the
new West, it was clearly to Cincinnati
that their attentions turned after 1833.
It is easy to overstate in any biographical
sketch; in Walker's case, however, this
is difficult to do. Cincinnati, and indeed
the state of Ohio itself, changed for
the better because of his efforts. That he has
been virtually ignored for so long by
all but a few legal experts is today the most
surprising fact of all.
M. PAUL HOLSINGER
Timothy Walker: Blackstone
For the New Republic
In the generation before the Civil War,
few persons within the state of Ohio were
as nationally renowned as Timothy Walker
of Cincinnati. During the so-called
"Golden Age of American Law"
between 1820 and 1860, Walker, from his
adopted home on the banks of the Ohio
River, wrote probably the most widely
read legal treatise of nineteenth
century America, the Introduction to American
Law. A founder of the Cincinnati Law School, the first
permanent law school
west of the Appalachians, he almost
single-handedly maintained the institution
throughout its first ten years. During
the decade after October 1843, he also edited
the Western Law Journal, one of
the most influential law journals published in
pre-Civil War America. It is no
exaggeration to suggest that in the slightly over
twenty-five years that he lived in
Cincinnati before his untimely death in early
1856, there was no one who did more to make
the city known throughout the new
West as a center for legal scholarship
or professional training in law than he.
Much has been written about the economic
side of pre-Civil War Cincinnati as
"Porkopolis" incarnate;
recently, however, historians have begun once again to
emphasize the many social, cultural, and
intellectual aspects of those same ante-
bellum years.1 Ironically, the city's
leadership throughout the West in the area of
innovative legal thinking, a vital part
of the latter emphases, has all too often
been forgotten or severely slighted.
Proper balance demands that the many con-
tributions made by western barristers be
included in any study of the period be-
fore 1861. An appreciation of the life
and work of Timothy Walker, a man whom
many of his contemporaries called
"America's Blackstone," is fundamental since
so much of the groundwork in the legal
field was laid out by him.
Like so many leaders of Cincinnati life
in the early nineteenth century, Walker
was a New Englander by birth.2 Born
in the rural town of Wilmington, Massa-
chusetts, on December 1, 1802,3 he had
been largely self-educated before his ac-
ceptance into the Harvard College class
of 1826 at the then late age of nineteen.
A brilliant student, he passed through
the college with the highest honors, win-
1. See particularly Louis Leonard
Tucker, "Cincinnati: Athens of the West, 1830-1861," Ohio His-
tory, LXXV, 11-25, 67-68.
2. Interestingly, though not altogether
accurately, Catherine Beecher wrote to her sister Harriet
from Cincinnati in 1831, one year after
Walker's arrival in the city, "This is a New England city in all
its habits, and its inhabitants are more
than half from New England ...." Charles Beecher, ed., Auto-
biography and Correspondence of Lyman
Beecher (New York, 1865), II, 268.
3. Many biographical sketches list the
year of Walker's birth as 1806; Appleton's Cyclopaedia of
American Biography, VI, 331. It is evident from his personal papers on file
at the Cincinnati Historical
Society, however, that the proper date
is indeed 1802.
Professor Holsinger is an Associate
Professor of History at Illinois State University.