Ohio History Journal

CAROLYN M. MORRIS

 

Black Elected Officials in Ohio, 1978:

Characteristics and Perceptions

 

 

Over the past few years, Black political involvement has become a major

focus of organized activities in Black communities. Much of this

involvement has been manifested in local elections involving Black

candidates for public office. The results of these elections have established

beyond a shadow of a doubt that Black voters have the resources and the

emotional commitment required to elect Black politicians to important

government positions.1

To date, a number of studies have analyzed the development of the

politics of Black candidates and the problems they encountered upon

obtaining public office. The most significant study of this nature is William

E. Nelson and Phillip J. Meranto's analysis of Black mayoral elections.²

Although the primary focus of this study is concentrated upon the

strategies utilized by Black candidates in Cleveland, Ohio and Gary,

Indiana to win the mayorship of their cities in 1967, it also addresses the

larger question of how Black elected officials perform as public officials.

Nelson and Meranto conclude that the election of Black mayors has not

achieved the results envisaged by advocates of increased Black electoral

participation; instead, at many levels of government Black elected officials

face not only problems common to White officials, but a range of problems

unique to Blacks as well.³

Another significant study of the perceptions and roles of Black elected

officials is Leonard Cole's, Blacks in Power.⁴ In this study Cole compares

the attitudes of Black and White elected officials spanning a range of issues,

and assesses the success of Black elected officials as power brokers with

 

 

 

Carolyn M. Morris is Assistant Professor in the Department of Black Studies, The Ohio

State University.

 

1. For more information on the total number of Black elected officials in America, see

James Conyers and Walter Wallace, Black Elected Officials (New York, 1976) and Joint

Center for Political Studies, Black Political Participation: A Look At the Numbers,

(Washington D.C., 1975).

2. William E. Nelson and Philip J. Meranto, Electing Black Mayors: Political Action in the

Black Community (Columbus, 1977).

3. Ibid.

4. Leonard Cole, Blacks in Power (Princeton, N.J., 1976).

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292                                                      OHIO HISTORY

 

sufficient authority and resources to achieve basic social, economic, and

political objectives for the Black community. While acknowledging severe

policymaking limitations of Black elected officials, Cole contends that

these officials have nevertheless been successful in a number of important

areas, including: (1) the influencing of the formulation and implementation

of public policies; (2) the appointment of increased numbers of Blacks to

governmental positions; (3) the creation of an enhanced awareness among

their white collegues of the needs and problems of Black people; and (4) the

ability to function as important links between the Black community and

key centers of power in America.

This study seeks to expand the boundaries of research concerning the

role of Black elected officials by concentrating on the characteristics,

perceptions, and performances of Black elected officials in Ohio. It differs

from the Nelson and Meranto and Cole studies in two important respects:

it is not a limited case study of Black political activity, nor does it attempt to

compare the attitudes of Black and White officials. Rather, this study has

three objectives: to provide a sociopolitical profile of Black elected officials

in Ohio; to provide insight into the electoral process through which they

obtained public office; and to provide information regarding the attitudes

and performances of these officials within the political process.

In order to obtain information on these and a variety of other subjects, a

survey instrument (see Appendix) was sent to 132 Black elected officials

(BEOs) in February, 1978. Of the 132 BEOs contacted, thirty returned

completed questionaires. All of the information reported in this paper is

derived from an analysis of these responses. A Statistical Package for the

Social Sciences (SPSS) frequency and cross tabulation program was used

to analyse the data. The instrument used was designed to gain an in-depth

profile of the sociopolitical characteristics and perceptions of Black elected

officials.

 

Sociopolitical Characteristics of Black Elected

Officials in Ohio

Political socialization as a thematic concept used to describe political

behavior has provided social scientists a legitimate base with which to

measure the attitudes and beliefs that prescribe political behavior. Political

socialization refers to the process by which one acquires beliefs, attitudes,

and values relating to the political system.⁶ Thus, by observing attitudes

 

 

5. This work is part of a larger work which does a SPSS frequency and cross tabulation for

all of the questions in the survey instrument shown in appendix. For example, not only does

the larger work submit age as an independent variable, but it also uses other independent

variables such as the length of time lived in community and the length of time lived in

community before being elected.

6. Duwane Marvik, "The Political Socialization of the American Negro," in Edward S.

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Black Elected Officials                                              293

 

and values of Black elected officials one can observe sociopolitical

characteristics and behavioral patterns that help explain and describe their

political behavior.

Perhaps the most common criteria used to explain the sociopolitical

behavior of Black elected officials are those of party, profession, race,

group, and ideological identification.⁷ However, a more in-depth inquiry

based on more specific characteristics can determine more closely what

ideas and values influence political behavior. Consequently, this study

considers the following: occupation; age; education; number of times

elected; percentage of Blacks elected in districts; size of cities elected in, and

titles of positions.

The age of Black elected officials in Ohio in 1978 ranged from twenty-six

to over sixty (See Table 1).

 

 

 

TABLE 1

* Age Categories

 

Category                                                                   Total Number                      Percentage

*Age                                                                     **N =30

 

26-35                                                         3                                                      10.0%

36-45                                                         5                                                      16.7%

46-55                                                         13                                                    43.3%

56-60                                                         3                                                      10.0%

Over 60                                                      6                                                      20.0%

 

 

 

*   Age categories

** N indicates "number of cases"

 

 

The general characteristics of those included in Table 1 were as follows:

1. Their occupations ranged from working in private industries such as

the Ohio Bell Company to public employment in positions such as

university professors and administrators. 2. Self-employment categories

 

Greenberg, Political Socialization (New York, 1970), 152.

7. Other studies that compare the attitudes and behavior of Black and White elected

officials are: Freddie Charles Colston, "The Influence of the Black Legislators in the Ohio

House of Representatives," (Ph.D. dissertation, The Ohio State University, 1972); and

Robert T. Perry, Black Legislators, (San Francisco, 1976).

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294                                                          OHIO HISTORY

 

ranged from dentist to real estate broker.⁸ 3. Respondents included both

males and females, most of whom worked full-time in occupations other

than their elected positions. 4. The largest percentage of those who

responded had lived in their communities for more than twenty years

before being elected. 5. The majority of elected officials were born in Ohio;

however, those constituting the second largest percentage were born in the

South⁹ (See Table 2).

 

TABLE 2

Place of Birth

 

Geographical Area                 Total Number   Percentage

*N=30                                        **NP=100%

 

South                                                               13                                           43.3%

North                                                               3                                             10.0%

Ohio                                                                 14                                           46.7%

 

 

 

 

*   N indicates "number of cases"

** NP indicates "total percentage of those elected"

 

 

Of those who responded, 96.6 percent had high school diplomas, and the

majority of them had gone on to college but did not graduate. Some had

gone to law school, but, surprisingly, only one had attended divinity

school.

The position to which Black people were elected most often in 1978 was

city council. However, they were also elected to boards of education, and as

judges, state representatives, and mayors. While most of the respondents

(seventeen in all) were elected to positions for the first time, a large number

(thirteen in all) were elected for second terms.

 

 

 

8. The categories used in this coding were as follows: 1. Private Industry included:

personnel, administrator, retired grocerman, broadcaster, steelworker, account executive

(radio), press operator (Ford Motor Company), and Ohio Bell Telephone Company. 2.

Public Industry included: university professor, university administrator, social worker,

director mental health agency, youth specialist, foster parent. 3. Self-employment included:

consultant, dentist, businessman, attorney, real estate broker, clergyman, electrical

contractor.

9. Southern states were as follows: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky,

Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia.

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Black Elected Officials                                              295

 

While the majority of Black elected officials in Ohio came from cities

with populations of more than 250,000, the size of cities represented ranged

from 1,000 to over 250,000 people. The largest percentage of respondents

came from areas in which under 20 percent of the population was Black.

 

Age and Black Elected Officials in Ohio

Aggregate data used to describe lawmakers often includes the element of

age. The age factor is used here to determine whether there is any

correlation between age, election and reelection, title of position, elected

positions, size of cities, and attitudinal perceptions.^l0

The mean age of Black elected officials in this country mirrors the mean

age of the Black voting population.11      Although the     age range is

considerably broad (twenty-three to sixty), the mean age is between forty

and fifty years of age.¹² Consistent with that age span, throughout the last

decade one can note many BEOs in the country between forty and fifty-five

years old. For example, Andrew Young, Ambassador to the United

Nations in 1978, is forty-six; Julian Bond, Georgia State Representative, is

thirty-eight; Yvonne B. Burke, House of Representative, California is

forty-six; and the mean age of Black Congressional Caucus members is

forty-five. 13 Ohio supports this pattern, for the mean age of Black elected

officials is slightly over forty, and the mean age of those who responded to

this survey was forty-six to fifty-five.

 

Age and Title of Position

This study found that age acts as a critical factor concerning the specific

positions to which BEOs are elected. Because some positions require

substantial financial resources and experience in order for a candidate to be

elected, age is critical because it takes time to develop these requirements.

For example, judgeships and boards of education positions were found to

be reserved to those of older age categories. Several factors might account

for this, including the following: a lengthy period of time is required for the

completion of law school and several additional years of judicial

experience; moreover, those who choose to run for certain positions do so

because of certain financial resources and rewards available. All of those

respondents who were members of boards of educations worked full-time

 

10. For more information on other studies which have used age as an independent variable,

see Colston, Perry, and Cole, op. cit.

11. For example, in Missouri the mean age of Black elected officials in 1969 was fifty to

fifty-nine; see Robert T. Perry, Black Legislators (San Francisco, 1976).

12. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Current Population Report

Series, 1974, 23.

13. Although Julian Bond's age is slightly below the average, he can be considered a

maverick. Bond at the age of twenty-seven was the youngest Black elected officials in the

history of Georgia.

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296                                                   0HI0 HISTORY

 

outside their elected positions. Since school board members received little

or no compensation for their services, it seems reasonable to conclude that

a primary reason for younger people not being elected to boards of

education is not that the community will not elect them, but that they

simply are not choosing such political careers. Younger people generally do

not have the financial stability to afford the luxury of serving on boards of

education without compensation.

Respondents thirty-six to forty-five years old, the largest age group of

those who participated in this survey, served on city councils, boards of

education, and, in fact, were elected to all positions other than

mayorships.¹⁴ Respondents in the fifty to sixty category were elected most

often to boards of education and city council positions, while those

respondents over sixty years old were elected to state legislatures, city

councils, and mayorships.

Outside of the twenty-six to thirty-five age category, Blacks were elected

to virtually all types of government positions except those of governor,

lieutenant governor, tax auditor, and county commissioner. However,

since Blacks have been elected to some of these positions in the past, there is

no reason to conclude that they cannot do so again in the future.15 (See

Table 3.)

 

TABLE 3

Age and Title of Positions

 

 

Positions:        State  State                                                       Board of

Age        Mayor    Council Rep. Senator                                                               Education   Judge Total

 

26-35                                     1      1                                           1                               3

36-45                                    3                                                   2                                          5

46-55                                     4       2                                          4         3                    13

56-60                                    2                                                   1                               3

Over 60      1                         4       1                                                                           6

 

 

Age and Times Elected

This survey indicated that successful elections correlated most

frequently with the forty-six to fifty-five age category. Reelections

appeared frequently in the over-sixty category. As noted in Table 4, those

 

14. There is no certainty that there are no Black mayors in Ohio in thatagecategory. This

research indicates only that no mayor of that age category responded.

15. A Black man was elected as governor of Louisiana in 1869.

• 6
 

Black Elected Officials                                         297   officials in the twenty-six to thirty-five group were elected to fewer second terms than those who were in the thirty-six to forty-five group. However, those in the forty-six to fifty-five age category were serving more second terms than any other age catagory.

Age and Size of City Through the use of cross-tabulation techniques, a number of cor- relations were discovered concerning the ages of successful politicians and sizes of cities. Those politicians in the twenty-six to thirty-five age category were elected most often in cities with more than 5,000 residents (See Table 5), while those in the thirty-six to forty-five age category were elected most often in cities with populations of below 1,000 to 5,000.The forty-six to fifty-five group was virtually limited to cities of over 250,000 residents, with success in smaller cities being rare.

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298                                                     OHIO HISTORY

 

TABLE 5

Age and Size of City

 

 

Size of City: 1,000- 5,000            10,000     50,000     100,000 250,000

Age      Below 1,000 5,000  10,000              50,000     100,000   250,000 and Over

 

26-35                                    1

36-45             2                                             1

46-55             1                         3      3                          6

56-60             1                     1                                                                             1

Over 60         2                                             1             2

 

 

 

 

Those in the age categories of fifty-six to sixty and over sixty were elected

most often in cities with under 10,000 people.16

Clearly, the size of the city has a considerable impact on successful

campaigns. Also the success of older candidates (forty-six to over sixty)

indicates that living in a city for a substantial time enhances the

opportunity to become established in the community and thus develop the

constituency necessary for a successful campaign.

 

Attitudinal Perception

In order to access a certain amount of predictability of behavior, one

must measure beliefs and attitudes through perceptions of behavior in

society, for only through beliefs and attitudes can one understand those

perceptions. 17 This assumption applies not only to society at large, but to

the political behavior of people as well. In order to know what Black

elected officials are likely to do during their term of office, it is imperative to

know how they think about certain issues, problems and solutions. For

example, in order to discover how much lobbying activity in which a Black

elected official will become involved, it should first be ascertained how

important the Black elected official perceives lobbying to be. Also, in order

 

 

 

 

 

16. There is an exception to this. As shown in Table 5, an official over sixty years of age was

elected in a city with a population of 250,000 or more.

17. For an elaboration, see Daryl Bem, Beliefs, Attitudes and Human Affairs (Belmont

California, 1970).

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Black Elected Officials                                          299

 

to know if Black elected officials will establish concrete linkages

between themselves and the community, it is important to understand how

they view their role in relation to their constituency.

How an elected officials views his or her constituency is crucial when one

seeks to understand why legislators behave the way they do. Significant

studies done on representation show that legislators have essentially two

diametrically opposed modes of behavior from which to choose when

representing their constituency.¹⁸ As one scholar of representative

behavior, Helen Ingram, states: "Historically the two dominant theories of

representation have counseled the legislator to act in diametrically

opposing ways. Those two diametrically opposing behaviors represent

whether a legislator adheres to the conscious vs the constituency."¹⁹

As mentioned earlier, the Black elected official and how he or she

perceives the role of an elected official is a primary focus of this work. In

addition to that, how the Black elected official links the policy-making

responsibility of the office to the constituency is a part of that focus.

Consequently, this section looks at age vs. attitudinal perceptions

concerning the following: 1. Whether Black elected officials consider Black

people instrumental in their elections; 2. What channels were used to

communicate to the constituency, and how often this was done; and

3. Whether Black elected Officials depend upon communications with

others in power for success.

When asked if they viewed Black people as instrumental in their election,

the responses from all age categories responded yes, except that of forty-six

to fifty-five; only 33.3 percent of this age category responded yes, while 11,1

percent responded no (see Table 6).

 

TABLE 6

Age and Blacks As Instrumental in Election

 

Age                       Yes            %                            No              %                            *NCP

 

26-35                    3                (11.1)                      0                 ( 0.0)                       11.1

36-45                    4                                                (18.5)         0                              ( 0.0)    18.5

46-55                    9                                                (33.3)         3                              (11.1)   44.4

56-60                    2                ( 7.4)                       0                 ( 0.0)                       7.4

over60                  5                (18.5)                      1                 ( 3.7)                       22.2

 

 

 

18. For further information, see Helen Ingram, "The Impact of Constituency on the

Process of Legislating," Western Political Quarterly, XXII (1969), 265-279.

19. Ibid.

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300                                                  OHIO HISTORY

 

With the exceptions of 3.7 percent of the over sixty age category

responding no, the forty-six to fifty-five age category was virtually alone in

responding that Black people were not instrumental in their election. The

evidence shown here supports this writer's suggestion that because 50

percent of the respondents in this category came from major cities of

populations of 250,000 and over, they have depended on coalitions to get

most of their officials elected. 20 Consequently, Black elected officials view

Black and White people voting in concert as instrumental to their election.

Also, the statistics show that 27.6 percent of those officials in the twenty-six

to fifty-five category recorded that under 20 percent of the voting

population was Black, and 33.3 percent of those officials recorded that

under 20 percent of the Black population was registered to vote (See Table

7).

 

 

TABLE 7

Age and Percentage of Blacks Registered to Vote

 

Category                    1-30%                  31-55%                 56-90%

Age                        Registered             Registered              Registered   TOTAL

 

26-35                               0                                                  1                                 0

36-45                               1                           2                           1                           4

46-55                                3                           2                           2                           7

56-60                               1                           2                           0                                           3

Over 60                            2                           0                           1                           3

No response = 12

 

 

 

When this survey was initially designed, the author wanted to ascertain

what specific channels of communication were useful to Black elected

officials. Subsequently, when asked what channels were used most often,

often, and least often to communicate to constituency, the respondents

replied that Black-owned newspapers, when available, were used. Those in

the twenty-six to thirty-five age category responded that they used Black-

owned newspapers most often, often, and least often (See Table 8). The

thirty-six to forty-five age category responded that Black-owned

newspapers were used often by 7.1 percent and least often by 14.3 percent,

 

 

20. For more information on Coalition Politics see Baynard Rustin, "Black Power and

Coalition Politics," Commentary, 24 (September. 1966), 35-40.

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Black Elected Officials                                      301

 

 

TABLE 8

Age and Use of Black-Owned Newspapers

 

Category            Newspapers Used   Newspapers Used                    Newspapers Used

Age                      Most Often                             Often                   Least Often

 

26-35                                1                                      I        1

36-45                                0                                      1                                      2

46-55                                1                                      3                                       0

56-60                                0                                      1                                      1

Over 60                            6                                      1                                      1

 

 

 

respectively. The age category of forty-six to fifty-five used Black

newspapers more often than any other age category: the response was 7.1

percent most often and 21.4 percent often. The remaining categories used

newspapers often and least often, respectively (Again see Table 8).

Although Black-owned newspapers in Ohio are few, it is significant to

note that whenever and wherever they exist they are utilized for purposes of

communication to Black communities. This data refutes the myth that

Black people do not support their own community activities. These results

also suggest that any move toward increased Black-owned newspaper

operations would receive support from members of Black communities.

This survey showed that Black elected officials also depend heavily on

White newspapers to communicate to the Black community. Research

 

 

TABLE 9

Age and Use of White-Owned Newspapers

 

Category             Newspapers Used   Newspapers Used                    Newspapers Used

Age                      Most Often                               Often                    Least Often

 

26-35                                1                                      1                                      1

36-45                                0                                                                   3                               0

46-55                                 4                                                                   3                               1

56-60                                1                                                                   0                               0

Over 60                             4                                                                   1               0

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302                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

indicated that all age categories responded to using White-owned

newspapers most often and often (See Table 9). This evidence further

indicates usage is high with White-owned newspapers because of

availability. Because White-owned newspapers are more available than

Black-owned newspapers, usage is more frequent (Again, see Table 9).

Black-owned radio stations experience the same problems as do Black-

owned newspapers there are too few (one in Ohio);21 consequently,

usage by Black elected officials is low (See Table 10). Compared to White-

owned radio stations, Black-owned radio stations are used less often by

 

TABLE 10

Age and Communication Through Black and White Radio

 

Used                           Used                               Percent

Most        Used          Least                               of

Age                             Often      Often         Often        Total  Respondents

 

Black  26-35                           0              0                 1               1        16.7%

Owned

White  26-35           0       1       2       3        17.6%

Owned

Black  36-45           0       0       2       2        33.2%

Owned

White  36-45           1       1       1       3        17.6%

Owned

Black  46-55           0       1       1       2        33.3%

Owned

White  46-55           1       2       4       7        41.2%

Owned

Black  56-60           0       0       1       1        16.7%

Owned

White  56-60           0       1       0       1        16.7%

Owned

Black  Over 60         0       0       0       0         0.0%

Owned

White  Over 60         2       1       0       3         17.6%

Owned

 

 

21. As reported in 1975, there was one Black-owned and managed radio station in Ohio-

WCIN, Cincinnati.

• 12
 

Black Elected Officials                                         303

 

Black elected officials. However, as with Black-owned newspapers, Black-

owned radio stations, when available, would most likely receive substantial

community support, which is often described as non-existent.

As has been noted, the Black church has been and continues to be a

multi-faceted institution which provides a centralized meeting place for

many activities in Black communities.²² However, this research did not

indicate overwhelming use of the church or its printed communication, i.e.,

the newsletter. There could be numerous explanations for this, but the data

suggest that unless the pastor is seeking or holds public office, the politics of

the community receive little attention in church newsletters, for the

newsletter traditionally has been reserved solely for church news.

 

 

 

TABLE 11

Age and Communication Through Church Newsletters

 

Category     Church Newsletter  Church Newsletter  Church Newsletter

Age          Most Often Often            Least Often

 

26-35                                0                                                                               0    1

36-45                                0                                                                               0    3

46-55                                1                                      0                                       3

56-60                                2                                      0                                       1

Over 60                            1                                      0                                       2

 

 

 

Not surprisingly, then, only 47 percent of the respondents reported using

newsletters. The age category which used church newsletters most often

was fifty-six to sixty. The next age categories to use the church newsletter

most often were those of forty-six to fifty-five and over sixty, respectively

(See Table 11).

The most widely represented organizations in Black communities in this

country are the NAACP and the Urban League. Consequently, these

organizations were identified by name in the survey to determine usage by

Black elected officials. The NAACP was used more often than the Urban

League. The forty-six to fifty-five category used both organizations more

than any other age category (See Tables 12 and 13).

 

 

22. For more information on the church as an institution in the Black community, see

Charles Hamilton, The Black Preacher (New York, 1972).

• 13
 

304                                               OHIO HISTORY

 

 

TABLE 12

Age and Communication Through NAACP

 

Age              Most Often      Often          Least Often

 

26-35                                     0                                                                            0                 3

36-45                                     0                                                                            0                 3

46-55                                     2                                                                            2 2

56-60                                     0                                                                            2                 0

Over 60 01                            0

 

 

 

 

TABLE 13

Age and Communication Through Urban League

 

Age              Most Often      Often          Least Often

 

26-35                                    0                                     0                                     3

36-45                                    0                                     0                                     3

46-55                                    2                                     2                                     3

56-60                                    0                                     2                                     0

Over 60                                 0 0

 

 

 

When asked whether Black elected officials are important as channels of

communication between the Black community and those in power

positions, the response according to age was that indicated in Table 14.

As Table 14 illustrates, the age category forty-six to fifty-five shows a

high response, with 90.0 percent of the respondents answering Yes to

whether they felt they were important as channels of communication

between the Black community and others in power. The next most

responsive category was that of over sixty.

when the respondents were asked why they felt Black elected officials are

important as channels of communication between the Black community

and the power structure, the answers varied from "Black elected officials

are the gate keepers of Black people's concerns," to "That's their job."

However, there was a definite theme running through the responses, which

• 14
 

Black Elected Officials                                     305

 

 

TABLE 14

Age and Perceptions on Black Elected Officials

Channels of Communication Between the Black Community

and Others in Power Positions

 

Age                                 Yes                   Percent                       No                     Percent

 

26-35                              3                       100.0                          0                          0.0

36-45                              4                       80.0                            1                        20.0

46-55                              10                     90.0                            1                        9.1

56-60                              2                       66.7                            1                        33.3

Over 60                          6                       100.0                          0                          0.0

 

 

 

evidenced a general sentiment. This sentiment was summed up in the

following observations by one respondent: "We are important because we

work both ways . . . interpreting councils' actions to the people and

bringing their concerns to council," and "Quite a few blacks feel more

comfortable and have more confidence in Black officials." Several

respondents felt that Black elected officials were not important as channels

of communication between the black community and others in power (See

Table 14). This sentiment was summed up in the following observation:

"Others in power have no respect for the Black community because of its

[the Black community's] failure to vote effectively." Other respondents

observed that there were times when Black elected officials were important

only because of their race and connections in the Black community.

However, some of the respondents were careful to note that, "At other

times, the variable of race isn't important." Consequently, this research

concluded that more often than not Black elected officials in Ohio do

perceive and behave in a fashion that reflects an understanding that they

are an important link between the Black community and others in power.

 

Age and Involvement

Involvement in the activities of the Black community is one way in which

effectiveness can be measured. This data showed that most Black elected

officials perceive themselves to be extremely involved in the activities of the

Black community. The age categories twenty-six to thirty-five, thirty-six to

forty-five, and fifty-six to sixty and over responded that their involvement

ranged from very high to high, while the forty-six to fifty-five age category

responses ranged from very high to low (See Table 15).

• 15
 

306                                                OHIO HISTORY

 

 

TABLE 15

Age and Level of Involvement of Black Elected Officials

in Ohio, 1978

 

Level of Involvement:

Age              Very High        High                       Medium               Low

 

26-35                                    1                            2                           0                                     0

36-45                                   2                            2                           0                                     0

46-55                                    5                            3                                                                 2              1

56-60                                    2                            1                           0                                     0

Over 60                                5                            0                                                      0                         0

 

 

 

Age and Affect on Policy

According to this data, Black elected officials also perceive that they have

an effect on policies which affect the Black community. However, the

research strongly indicates that they must be involved in community affairs

in order to understand the policy-making process and be aware of the needs

of their constituency.

All of the BEOs who responded answered affirmatively to whether their

involvement did have an effect on policy. General explanations to how that

involvement affected policy were summed up in the following responses: 1.

"Involvement brings experience and with experience one can understand

how to get things done." 2. "Being a board of education member, I have to

make decisions that affect the lives of children and I must know what those

children need."

Although the responses of Black elected officials in Ohio generally

reflected a positive attitude toward the Black community, some officials

experienced unique problems. The principal problem that appeared to

plague BEOs in Ohio was that of communication. In this regard, several

respondents complained about the absence of a broad and viable

communications network between BEOs in Ohio. Apart from the

communications problems they faced, Black officials encountered other

problems as well. These problems, or constraints, unique to Black elected

officials, prevent their being as effective as their White counterparts. Many

of those problems were expressed in the following responses: 1. "Black

elected officials face problems having to represent Blacks and Whites at the

same time"; 2. "Black elected officials have problems being understood by

Blacks"; 3. "Black elected officials have problems working with groups

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Black Elected Officials                                        307

 

which are poorly organized in the Black community"; 4. "Black elected

officials suffer from general apathy among Black people and racism among

Whites." Previous research has shown that Black elected officials also

suffer from not having their constituency as politically affective as their

White counterparts.²³

While most of the problems of Black elected officials in Ohio pertained to

their constituencies and other elected officials, additional problems did

exist. The source of the remaining problems was the Black elected officials

themselves. Many of the responses showed a tendency on their part to

doubt the political effectiveness of both their constituency and collegues.

For example, there was considerable concern about the "inability of Blacks

to block vote and stay together" and "not having enough Black elected

officials to force an issue." Although Black elected officials were extremely

frank about these problems, they were just as straightforward as to how

they could be more effective. They viewed effectiveness as being

synonymous with honesty and independence. To "know the constituency"

and to "play it straight" were of considerable importance to the

respondents.

This honesty and independence displayed by Black elected officials in

Ohio reflects what Clinton Jones sees as a pervasive characteristic found in

Black elected officials throughout the country. This trait, described by

Jones as "The efforts of Black Americans to enter the American political

system free of racial restrictions and conduct a search for an effective

strategy,^"24 apparently serves as a guide for Black elected officials in their

quest to strike a balance among honesty, independence, involvement,

effectiveness, and communication with their collegues and the entire

community.

 

Conclusion

This research revealed that the sociopolitical characteristics of numerous

Black elected officials in Ohio indicated tendencies toward certain age

categories, education levels, occupational status, community residence,

and positions to which they are most apt to be elected. These tendencies

suggest that Black elected officials in Ohio are most likely to be forty-six to

fifty-five years of age and have worked in such private industries as the Bell

Telephone Company and in such occupations as steelworker, account

executive, and radio engineer. This data further indicates that these

officials are employed full-time at these various jobs. In addition, they

probably have lived in the community over twenty years before being

 

 

23. For more information on this subject, see Nelson and Meranto, op. cit.

24. Clinton Jones, "The Impact of Local Elections Systems on Black Political

Representation," Urban Affairs Quarterly, II (March, 1976), 345-356.

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308                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

elected. The data also suggest that most Black elected officials in Ohio were

born in either Ohio or the South, and have probably finished high school as

well as four years of college. Finally, Black elected officials in Ohio are most

likely to be elected to positions on city councils and have an even chance of

being elected twice if that position represents a constituency of 250,000

people or more and the percentage of the Black voting population is at least

20 percent.

This research also found that, basically, the perceptions of Black elected

officials reflected positive attitudes toward using available linkages from

their offices to communicate with and ultimately serve their communities.

These linkages-the media and other elected officials-have proved to be

beneficial and are used despite some limitations.

According to this survey, Black elected officials, when trying to

communicate with their constituencies, used channels such as the radio and

newspapers. The use of the mass media, although the most effective means

of communication, is often limited in regard to its focus upon and within

Black communities. In spite of these limitations, Black elected officials not

only used the one (1) Black-owned radio station and the scarce number of

Black-owned newspapers, but sought other channels to supplement the

scarcity of the traditional media, i.e., community organizations and church

newsletters.

Black elected officials also viewed communication with others in power

positions as an extremely crucial channel by which to influence the Black

community. Combined with personal appearances (getting involved at

every level of political activity), Black elected officials in Ohio utilized every

opportunity to communicate with the community at large when it appeared

their involvement would affect policies which had an impact on their

constituencies.

Finally, Ohio's Black elected officials expressed their views on the

numerous problems confronting them, despite their efforts to serve their

constituencies. These officials considered their major problem that of

working together as a group within the political arena, followed by the

nagging problem of apathy among Black people as evidenced by their

voting habits and lack of interest in political issues.

• 18
 

Black Elected Officials                                     309

 

APPENDIX

 

QUESTIONAIRE FOR BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS

 

1. Age: 20-35_ 26-35_ 36-45_ 46-55_ 56-60_over 60_

2. Sex: Male          Female__

3. Occupation other than elected position:

4. Is the occupation listed above? full time   Part Time_

5. How long have you lived in the community in which you now reside?

1-5 years_ 6-10 yrs____11-20 yrsover 20 yrs____

6. How many years did you live in your community before being elected

to your present office? 1-5 yrs_6-10 yrs_ 11-20 yrs_over 20 yrs_

7. Please indicate your place of birth: City  State___

8. Check highest level of completed education: High School_College

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8  Law  School 1 2 3 4    Divinity Degree _

Other_

9. Give      specific  title    of    your     elected    posi-

tion.

10. How many times have you been elected to a public office?

11. Give specific level of your elected position: Local   State_

County    Federal

12. If local indicate the approximate size of city: below 1,000  1,000-

5,000     5,000-10,000      10,000-50,000_  50,000-100,000_

100,000-250,000  250,000 and over_

13. Please estimate the percentage of Blacks in the district from which

you were elected:_How many were registered to vote?_

14. Do you feel Black voters were instrumental in your election? yes-

No__________

15. Please indicate which channels you frequently use to communicate

information to your constituency:

a. Newspapers: (black owned) most often_often_____least often_____

b. Newspapers: (white owned) most often_____often______least often____

c. Radio stations: (black owned) most often_____often_____least often____

d. Radio stations: (white owned) most often_____often_____least often____

e. Radio stations: (white owned, Black management) most

often_______often_____least often____

f. Television: most often______often____least often____

g. Church newsletter: most often_____often_____least often_

Black community organizations:

h. NAACP: most often_____often_____least often_

i. Urban League: most often______often______least often___

j. Other_______most often______often______least often______

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310                                               OHIO HISTORY

 

16. Do you feel that Black Elected Officials are important as channels of

communication between the Black community and "the power structure"?

Yes_____No____

17. Why do you feel that way?

 

18. Please indicate the level of your involvement in decision that affect the

Black community: very high_____high____medium_____low____

19. Do you feel that your involvement has an effect on policy outputs?

Yes____No____

20. Why do you feel that way?

21. What do you feel poses the biggest problems for Black Elected

Officials?

22. As a Black Elected Official, how do you use your position to influence

decisions that effect the Black community?

23. In your opinion, what is the most common problem a Black Elected

Official faces?

24. How can one be most effective as a Black Elected Official?

• 20