REFUNDING BILL

     WHEN the last year of Mr. Hayes's term began, the pol-

iticians had already long been busy with plans for

selecting his successor. But for his positive refusal to allow his

name to be mentioned, in adherence to the pledge given in his

Letter of Acceptance, there is much liklihood that he would

have been renominated. As it was, his sympathies were with

the candidacy of Mr. Sherman. Mr. Blaine was again a can-

didate with a large and vigorous following.       But the most

formidable movement was on the part of Conkling and the rest

of "the old guard." They were determined to compass the

nomination of General Grant, recently returned from a tri-

umphal trip around the world, despite the shortcomings of his

Administration and in defiance of the popular sentiment against

a third term.  In all the pre-convention activities they were

most aggressive and most assertive. They appeared at Chicago

with the largest and most compact body of delegates, who never

wavered for thirty-six ballots, Blaine and Sherman commanding

the next largest groups. The only hope of defeating Grant, the

opposing leaders at last saw, was by uniting their forces on

some third man. Garfield had made a brilliant speech nominat-

ing Mr. Sherman. To him the weary delegates at last turned

and gave him the nomination by a very small majority, seeking

to appease the dazed and disappointed Conkling by adding his

chief political lieutenant, Arthur, to the ticket.   Mr. Hayes

watched the whole contest with intense interest and was pleased

with the outcome. Garfield had been the leader of the Admin-

istration forces in the House and his nomination implied em-

phatic approval by the party of Mr. Hayes's policies and course

of action.


             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          591

  In midsummer the President made his annual visit to Ohio,

speaking twice at Soldiers' gatherings (Columbus, August 11,

and Canton, September 1). On both occasions the burden of his

speech was an argument and plea for national aid to education,

especially in the South,-a subject that lay very close to his

heart. "To perpetuate the Union and to abolish slavery," he

said, "were the work of war. To educate the uneducated is the

appropriate work of peace."

  Immediately after the speech at Canton, Mr. Hayes, with Mrs.

Hayes and two of his sons, accompanied by a group of friends,

started on a trip to the Pacific Coast. This was the first visit

of a President to that region and the longest journey any Presi-

dent had undertaken up to that time. Everywhere enthusiastic

throngs gave the distinguished travellers welcome and provided

them with endless entertainments.      The President's speeches

were felicitous expressions of appreciation of the people's cordial-

ity, with pleas for national unity and for sentiment in favor of

national aid to education. The President returned to Fremont

just in time for the election, the result of which gave him pro-

found gratification.  He felt that his course as President had

given new vitality to his party.

  The Indian policy of the Administration, which had been

characterized throughout by wisdom and humanity, was brought

into public discussion in the last months of Mr. Hayes's term

when sensational reports of injustice done to the Ponca tribe

were published. The matter caused the President some anxiety

when first brought to his attention. He at once made a thorough

inquiry, and presented the facts in a straightforward message

to Congress, which resulted in repairing as fully as was then

possible the sufferings of the tribe and which proved the good

faith of the Administration in its enlightened and humane efforts

for the Indians.

  The last act of the President--and a fitting climax to his

many services in behalf of sound money--was the veto, on

the very day before his retirement, of a refunding bill, loaded

down with objectionable features. He returned to Ohio attended

by the plaudits of a grateful people.]


  March 4, 1880. - Three years of my term gone today. Only

one year of it remains. The past has been on the whole more

satisfactory, as I now look back, than I hoped it would be. For

the future more care, more determined adherence to strict duty,

and all will be well.

  March 6. - Monday last Lucy and Webb with Mr. and Mrs.

Moss, of Sandusky, left for Ohio. They will be absent another

week. The two young children are with me, also Miss Lucy

Cook and Miss Betty Ballinger, of Texas. We are a nice party

but Lucy is greatly missed.

   For two or three weeks I have had a dull pain extending

through the body from the right breast to the right shoulder-

blade; occasionally there is pain in the right elbow. It seems

to be rheumatism and Dr. Baxter is treating it as such. It inter-

feres with sleep and comfort and grows no better. In other

respects I was never in better health.

  March 7. Sunday. - Rainy and gloomy. - About a month

ago I missed the volume of my diaries which precedes this-

beginning in May, I think, 1876, and ending about a year ago.

It was a black, flexibly bound volume, not so thick as this and

about the same shape and size in other respects. It contained

what little I had to say during the Presidential canvass and the

first two years of my term of office. I fear if lost it will get

into the newspapers. It contains few things that would be em-

barrassing in print, but undoubtedly has some. I do not recall

more than two of this sort; and yet there must be much in it

that I would prefer not to see in print. [The volume had prob-

ably only been mislaid.]

  Saturday, March 13, 1880. - A wintry morning. Snow covers

the ground and trees. Fanny and Scott are out before breakfast

with their sled enjoying it. It snowed all day yesterday. For

three days we have had winter weather. Lucy will probably

leave Columbus today to return here.

  Fanny and Scott night before last appeared at a costume ball

for children given by their dancing-master. Fanny was beauti-

ful as Martha Washington and Scott as an orderly sergeant of

the Twenty-third. Fanny copied the picture in the East Room.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          593

  March 18, 1880. - In the Fitz-John Porter case the debate in

the Senate is virtually a rehearing of the case. The bill restores

him to his regular army rank, that of colonel, with pay from the

date of his dismissal, January, 1863. He has been out of service

during all of that period. The passage of the bill is therefore

a reversal of the judgment against him and something more. It

is a declaration that he did his full duty in those last days of

August, 1862, and is therefore entitled to be signally honored

and rewarded for his conspicuous merit and services as a corps

commander in the battles referred to. This is the recommenda-

tion of the board of officers whose report and findings were

sent to Congress by me. The question I am now to consider is

whether such merit was exhibited and such services rendered

by Fitz-John Porter.

  On receiving and reading the report of the board this was the

conclusion which I felt myself inclined to adopt.

  March 20, 1850. - There is a strong disposition in the House

to renew the contest of last spring over the election laws. They

have attached as a rider to an important appropriation bill a

proviso that will prevent the appointment of more than two or

three deputy marshals in any one election district. No formidable

riot or mob can be prevented or suppressed or held in check by

such a force. If this is passed, I must veto it. I will set out the

law as it is, the change made by the bill, the opinion of the

Supreme Court, and the duty to sustain it.

  Let me examine Stephens' and Speer's speeches.

  March 24.-The extreme eastern part of the United States

in Maine is about 69 [67] degrees west of Greenwich and the

extreme western part, one of the Aleutian Islands, is about 189

[188] degrees west of Greenwich. In other [words] the United

States extends from west to east about 120 [121] degrees.  The

central point is in the Pacific Ocean about ninety miles west of

the coast of Washington Territory!

  April 1, 1880. - We  returned  from  New  York yesterday

afternoon in the limited express, reaching here on time, 4 P. M.,

after a pleasant ride of six hours, and a notably happy visit in

the great city.  We took lunch with Mr. John Taylor Johnston,



president of the Metropolitan Museum of Art at I P. M., Tues-

day; attended the opening exercises of the museum at the Cen-

tral Park at 3:30 to 5:30 P. M.; dined at Mr. John Jacob Astor's

at 7 P. M., and a reception at the same place until 11:30 P. M.

In the morning I had photographs taken by Frederick. - Party

- Lucy, Mr. Andrews, Governor and Mrs. Andrews, Mrs.

Austin, and General Myer.

  Monday evening at a quiet and beautiful party at Mrs. Par-


  April 10, 1880. -This morning at 8:30 A. M., I planted two

American elms perhaps six feet north of the driveway in front

of the north front of the White House.  One is due north from

the northeast corner of the house and the other is due north of

the northwest corner. I was assisted by Pfeister and two labor-

ers and by Scott. Scott also planted an elm a little northwest

of my northwest elm.

  April 11. - In the Philadelphia Times of March 29, an article

was  published  entitled  "White  House  Gallery-Rutherford

Birchard Hayes, of Ohio,-A  pen picture," by General H. V.

Boynton. It seems to be by a friendly hand and contains many

things a friend might have written. But in truth, General Boyn-

ton who has been, and I hope will be again, sincerely friendly,

was at the time deeply offended with me. His nature makes it

impossible for him to see fairly the character and merits of those

he dislikes. The great defects of the sketch, as I see it, are due

to the unfortunate quarrel between General Boynton and Gen-

eral Sherman.  I had no connection with the controversy except

to refuse a court martial to decide the merits of the affair be-

tween the correspondent and the commander of the army. I did

this without any thought that my judgment, clearly right, would

alienate General Boynton. I regret that it has had that effect.

  His leanings appear in many parts of the "pen picture." First,

the Southern policy is represented as very different in practice

from what "its friends" understood it would be when they sup-

ported it. I know, of course, very little of what was expected.

The truth is, I had no confidants in regard to it. My judgment

was that the time had come to put an end to bayonet rule. I

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          595

saw things done in the South which could only be accounted for

on the theory that the war was not yet ended. Many Southern

people evidently felt that they were justified in acts which could

only be justified in time of war towards the common enemy.

The Republicans, the North, the colored people, if active in

politics, were regarded and treated as the public enemy. My task

was to wipe out the color line, to abolish sectionalism, to end

the war and bring peace. To do this, I was ready to resort to

unusual measures, and to risk my own standing and reputation

with my party and the country. For the first time in our history

a gentleman who had opposed the election of the President was

by that President invited into his Cabinet. Judge Key, a Con-

federate soldier and a Democrat who had supported Tilden

against me, was made Postmaster-General and one of my con-

stitutional advisers. A number of other appointments were made

of Southern Democrats.

  My object was to end the war; to restore confidence in the

South in the justice and good will of a Republican Administra-

tion.  The army was withdrawn because I believed it a consti-

tutional duty and a wise thing to do.  I know of no friend, unless

it is General Boynton, who supported the policy when it was

inaugurated who does not sustain it now.  On the other hand,

I meet constantly men who now applaud it, who were at the

beginning of it strongly opposed to it. It is not true that tried

Republicans at the South were totally abandoned. The possible

support which could lawfully be extended to them was their ap-

pointment to office. Altogether the loudest complaint I have

heard is that so many of "the tried Republicans" referred to

have been appointed to office. I am not aware of a single in-

stance in which a conspicuous Republican of the South can be

said to have been abandoned. Governor Chamberlain alone

has not received office, and he placed himself in an attitude of

antagonism which precluded it. The practical destruction of the

Republican organization in the South was accomplished before

my Southern policy was announced and before Order Number 1

was heard of.

  I repeat, no man who favored the policy, except Now General

Boynton is now dissatisfied with the Administration on account


of it. I am confident that General Boynton never expressed

discontent with it, or with Order Number 1, until after the re-

fusal of a court martial on his charges against General Sherman.

If he did, it never reached me. And certainly for the six months

next before the Sherman affair, General Boynton constantly ex-

pressed the warmest admiration of the conduct of the Admin-

istration, and his ardent desire that I should consent to be a

candidate, or at any rate accept a nomination a second time.

I always replied to him in substance that if the nomination and

the election and the commission were offered to me, I would

refuse under all circumstances to depart from my avowed pur-

pose not to be my own successor. In no way could I do the

country so great a service as by setting a precedent against a

second term. Several Presidents have declared themselves when

candidates, or when elected, opposed to a second term. I shall

be the first who has adhered to the rule when the question arose

at the end of a first term.

  If I were to here enumerate the points in which the Adminis-

tration has been successful in a marked degree I would name:

  1.  Judicial appointments.    Mr. Justice Harlan,  Supreme

Court, [and others named on page 467 ante.]

  2. Foreign Missions. Andrew D. White, [and others named

on page 467 ante.]

  3. Cabinet-able gentlemen, free from scandals.

  4. No nepotism in the President's appointments.

  5. Good morals in the White House.

  6. Maintaining the authority of the President in appointments

against congressional dictation, and especially against Senatorial


  7. Maintaining sound doctrine in vetoes of bills designed to

coerce the Executive.

  8. Veto of Chinese Bill.

  9. Veto of Silver Bill.

  10. Firm adherence to resumption and successfully carrying

it out.

  11. The Mexican policy, securing peace and safety on the

Texas border.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          597

  12. The true doctrine asserted as to European control of an

Isthmus canal.

  13.  An Indian policy [of] justice and fidelity to engagements,

and placing the Indians on the footing of citizens.

  14. A constitutional, just, and liberal policy upon the South-

ern question.

  15. Non-partisan appointments in greater number than any

President since Washington. Key in the Cabinet, a marshal for

Georgia, a judge for District of Columbia, a commissioner of

District of Columbia, members of Board of Health, of Missis-

sippi River Commission, visitors to West Point and Annapolis,

Minister to Brazil; postmasters, many, census supervisors.  Sev-

eral hundred in all.

  16. The prompt and firm suppression of the great riots of


  17. Raids into the Indian Territory prevented.

  18. The true policy with respect to Mormonism and polygamy.

  19. The Administration has never had a newspaper organ in

Washington or elsewhere. As Mr. Evarts said: "The Adminis-

tration has not been well edited." This is good as a joke, but

with the newspapers so enterprising and able as they now are,

no organ is wisdom. It gives all a fair chance, and gives the Ad-

ministration a fair chance with all.

  20. In fine, I have not done as much to improve the system

and methods of the civil service as I hoped and tried to do, but

I have improved the service in all of its branches until it is equal

to any in the world - equal to that of any previous Administra-

tion. Look at its purity, efficiency, freedom from scandals, and

decide as to its merits.

  April 28, 1880.--Yesterday when we were sitting at lunch

a dispatch was handed to Lucy which she seemed to divine con-

tained bad news. She handed it across the table to me, and I


                              MINNEAPOLIS, April 27, 1880.

To MRS. R. B. HAYES, Executive Mansion, Washington.

  Doctor had an apoplectic stroke this morning. Unconscious;

condition dangerous.                       

                                          ANNIE M. WEBB.


  Soon after, we received a dispatch that the doctor died about

noon.  Lucy immediately made preparations to start for Minne-

apolis. We sent dispatches to Birchard at Toledo and Webb

at Fremont  and received replies.  Hearing that the doctor's

remains would be buried at Cincinnati, Lucy and Lucy Cook

with our servant Isaiah, about ten o'clock last night in Mr.

Garrett's private car, left for Cincinnati. Our friend John W.

Herron sent word that he would meet Lucy at the depot and take

her to his home.

  Dr. Joseph T. Webb has been out of health several years.

He was superintendent of Longview Asylum about 187-.  The

location was a bad one being near the canal. Chills and fever

prevailed.  Doctor Webb was never rid of chills and fever after

he left Longview.  In addition to this he had severe headaches.

He was of a bilious temperament and quite corpulent. His

sudden death was therefore not a surprise to us.

  As a young man he was very fine-looking. He weighed over

two hundred [pounds] before he was twenty years old, was

about six feet tall; dark complexion, fine large black eyes, or

dark hazel, good regular features, black hair; and was a friendly,

social man of popular ways. His fondness for sports was a

noticeable trait.  He played ball, was an excellent fisherman and

horseman. He was a tender-hearted and skilful physician. In

the army he was an almost universal favorite.  His laugh was

contagious and full of happy humor.  I often meet old comrades

who say, "I would give anything to hear the doctor's laugh."

He occasionally had melancholy spells but until after the loss of

his health they were of short continuance and not very frequent.

After the failure of his health, the morbid tendency of his nature

became strong, almost predominant.  I sometimes feared that

he would become insane.  There were occasional symptons of it.

He distrusted at times his nearest friends.  Dr. Comegys, a

friend and connection, feared that he might glide into insanity.

Judge Matthews [his brother-in-law] felt the same apprehension.

Some months ago he wrote of his general good health but spoke

of severe shooting pains in his head. These no doubt were

symptoms of the apoplexy which killed him.  We will remember

him as he was until after the war--an affectionate, warm-

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          599

hearted, honest, and brave man, possessed of uncommon talents

of observation, good judgment, and the faculty of making those

around him happy to a degree rarely met with.

  He died childless, leaving his widow, Annie Matthews, his

sister (my wife), and numerous friends to mourn his loss. Age,

fifty-three last January. Buried in Spring Grove, Cincinnati.

  April 29, 1880. - Mrs. Sarah Moody Kilbourn, of Delaware,

Ohio, my cousin, came to visit us after Lucy had started for

Cincinnati. I am glad to have her here during Lucy's absence.

I only regret that her mother, Aunt Moody, did not come with

her.  Although in her ninetieth year, and somewhat deaf from

age, she is a most interesting person. She not merely remembers

well and relates in an interesting way the events of many years

ago, but she also is well informed and has an accurate memory

as to current affairs in this country and abroad.

  May 8. - I vetoed the Deficiency Bill on account of the per-

manent legislation attached to it in regard to the election laws.

It was a measure of coercion, thinly disguised.  Now I anticipate

the passage by the Democrats of a bill to change the mode of

appointing the deputies of elections, their number, etc., etc. I

can sign an efficient measure containing suitable provisions, if

its only object is to secure non-partisan deputies.

  May 11, 1880. -Walked with [William D.] Howells to the

new building for the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, to the

new Museum building and thence home. Two miles or more be-

tween 6 and 7 A. M. - before breakfast.

  May 17, 1880. -  Mr. and Mrs. Howells left us Thursday eve-

ning.  We had a delightful visit from them.  Mrs. Kilbourn left

Tuesday.  We hear from Rutherford at Santa Fe. He will re-

turn to college this week.

  Honorable Thomas A. Osborn, Minister to Chili, sends me by

his wife a cane - the stick cut from near the mouth of the cave

of Alexander Selkirk in the island of Juan Fernandez.

  May 26, 1880. - The magnolia south of the White House had

its first large white blossom this morning.


  May 30, 1880. - Yesterday I went in [a] special car to Phila-

delphia to take part in a meeting of George G. Meade Post,

Number 1, G. A. R., at the Academy of Music for the purpose

of raising a fund for a Meade memorial.  Secretary of War

Ramsay, General Devens, Attorney-General, General Bingham,

Judge Kelley, Judge McCammon, and a Mr. Russell constituted

the party in the car. General Devens and I went to the house of

Honorable Charles Gibbons. A pleasant dinner party; a ride in

the noble park; and in the evening General Chamberlain made

the regular address. Rather didactic in the main, but with noble

sentiments and much deep feeling in the closing paragraphs about

the dead. I followed with a short talk on Meade. Was ex-

ceedingly well received by the fine audience. Governor Hoyt

presided. General Sherman and Mr. Woodford followed me.

  June 5, 1880.  Saturday. -This is the fourth day of the

Chicago convention. It is probable that no nomination will be

made today. The friends of Grant are apparently working for

delay. It now seems impossible to nominate Grant. Blaine's

chances are good. It may be Sherman or a fourth - either Ed-

munds or Windom.  The defeat of Grant is due to the unpopu-

larity of the managers of his canvass and of their methods. The

third term and the general lack of availability on account of his

failure as President are also powerful elements in producing the

result. The immediately valuable result is the condemnation of

the machine as organized and managed by Conkling and Came-

ron. The latter is in all respects a failure as a politician. The final

overthrow of the unit rule is a solid achievement. I greatly

regret that Grant, our first soldier and a man of many sterling

qualities, should be so humiliated and degraded as he has been

by his unprincipled supporters.

  Let me emphasize in my last message the idea that, the Con-

stitution should be so amended as to lengthen the term of the

President to six years, and so as to render him ineligible for a

second term.

  June 11, 1880. - General Garfield's nomination at Chicago was

the best that was possible. It is altogether good. The conven-

tion accomplished a great deal of good. The defeat of the unit

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          601

rule was an important achievement. [Likewise,] the defeat of

the rule-or-ruin Senators, who usurped the power of the people;

[and] the defeat of a third term against so great a chieftain as

Grant. There is much personal gratification in it: The defeat

of those who have been bitter against me; the success of one

who has uniformly been friendly; Ohio to the front also and

again; the endorsement of me and my Administration; the en-

dorsement of civil service reform. The sop thrown to Conkling

in the nomination of Arthur only serves to emphasize the com-

pleteness of his defeat. He was so crushed that it was from

sheer sympathy that this bone was thrown to him.

  But now, how to win? The contest will be close and fierce.

We may be beaten. Oregon begins the campaign with a good

first gun. We must neglect no element of success. There is a

great deal of strength in Garfield's life and struggles as a self-

made man. Let it be thoroughly presented- in facts and in-

cidents, in poetry and tales, in pictures, on banners, in represen-

tations, in processions, in watchwords and nicknames.

  How from poverty and obscurity, by labor at all avocations,

he became a great scholar, a statesman, a major-general, a Sen-

ator, a Presidential candidate. Give the amplest details--a

school-teacher, a laborer on the canal,--the name of his boat.

The truth is, no man ever started so low that accomplished so

much in all our history. Not Franklin or Lincoln even.

  Once in about twenty years a campaign on personal character-

istics is in order. General Jackson in 1820-24 [1824-28], General

Harrison in 1840, Lincoln in 1860, now Garfield in 1880. I know

we can't repeat in details, but in substance we can. In this in-

stance we stand on the rock of truth. Such struggles with ad-

verse circumstances and such success! The boy on the tow-path

has become in truth the scholar and the gentleman by his own

unaided work. He is the ideal candidate because he is the ideal

self-made man.  If he were not in public life he would be equally

eminent as a professor in a college, as a lecturer, as an author,

an essayist, or a metaphysician. - Quote in talking of him Buell's

article in the Capitol of the 13th of June.

  June 15, 1880. - General  Garfield returned from Ohio this

morning and spent several hours with me, and took dinner with


us. He is a little hoarse from much talking, but is natural and

sensible. I told him I thought the nomination would be ratified

at the election with enthusiasm; that his personal history as an

ideal self-made man would be a most popular feature of the can-

vass. He was anxious to know the feelings of Sherman as to

his (Garfield's) loyalty to him. I assured him on this point that

it was as he would wish it to be.

  He told two omens. As he entered the convention the day of

his nomination, a man distributing leaves of the New Testament

handed him a leaf which he (Garfield) put in his pocket. Long

after the nomination, emptying his pockets, the leaf was found.

The verse that was apparent as it was folded read: "The stone

which the builders rejected, etc., etc." At one o'clock P. M.,

the hour of the nomination, an eagle lit on Garfield's house in

Washington and sat there several minutes and was seen by

many persons.

                          [CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, June 15, 1880.

  MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: -You will expect a report of the

National Convention from my standpoint. You should have had

it at an earlier day, but for the need I felt for rest.

  The convention was one of the most extraordinary ever held

in this country, and during the first four days it seemed as if it

would do for the Republican party what the Charleston Conven-

tion did for the Democratic party. - That danger was averted.

It was a convention of surprises and disappointments. --The

encouragement received on the one hand from the victory in be-

half of district representation, was offset by the cowardice and

infirmity of principle manifested in the nomination of Arthur;

the delight one felt over the defeat of the resolution introduced

by Conkling for the expulsion of Campbell and others of West

Virginia was mitigated by the fact that the right of freedom of

opinion (or private judgment) was not directly and openly

maintained; and the gratification over the adoption of a civil

service resolution was lessened by the insincerity of members in

speaking against the resolution and when brought to record

voting for it. Massachusetts was earnestly for an expression on

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          603

civil service; my friend Campbell, of West Virginia, advocated it

on principle; and General Willard Warner notified the conven-

tion that members, no matter what their private views, did not

dare to place the Republican party in an equivocal position on

that question before the country. Of course, they did not, but

their action was hollow. The very cowardice of these men was

a high tribute to the intelligence of the American voters, and a

recognition of the hold which your Administration has on the

hearts of the people.

  Conkling's spirit of revenge reached the Committee on Resolu-

tions, where, after discussion, a hearty endorsement of the pres-

ent Administration was voted. The malcontents were asked

what platform, other than the record of your Administration,

the Republican party could safely make a popular canvass on

in the present contest, and they could answer nothing. The

good people in attendance on the convention were very free in

expressing the opinion that if the Republican convention were

wise it would renominate you, despite your refusal, and put the

responsibility of the future welfare of the party upon you. This

popular feeling was the most gratifying of anything that oc-


  It was in evidence that in different sections of the country

great frauds had been practiced- notably in Illinois and some

of the Southern States--to secure delegates who should vote

as the Senatorial syndicate might dictate. The best interests of

the party never entered into consideration in any action of the

supporters of Grant. The promises made to me in advance of the

convention by some of these leaders, when the time for action

came, were disregarded, and I was convinced deceit had been in

their hearts from the first. Hence I am brought to the conclusion

that there is very little, if any, more regard for morality among

the majority of the political managers of the Republican party

than among those of the Democratic party; but that in the mass

Republicans are better than the leaders, and they can not resist

the moral force back of the party, which brings ever opportunely

principles to the front despite the opposition of individuals. In

this periodically-recurring phenomenon there is great encourage-



  To the accidental presence of Garfield in the convention is to

be attributed his nomination. Otherwise the opposition to Grant

would have united as readily on another. On the morning of

the 8th [of] June the anti-third-term opposition were dispirited.

They had caucussed and conferred with each other nearly all

night without being able to agree upon any plan for defeating

the compact force that followed the beck and call of Conkling

and Logan.  They went into the convention expecting the nomi-

nation of Grant from a division of their own forces in which they

had sullenly determined to acquiesce. The Grant people con-

fidently expected to succeed early in the day. They had taken

advantage of the adjournment over Sunday to canvass the

Southern Sherman men, and they had succeeded in making South

Carolina practically solid, [and] had reduced Sherman's vote in

Mississippi to four; while a few scattering votes, considered un-

reliable, in the Northern States, were confirmed in their support

of the ex-President. They came into the convention feeling sure

of a victory. Conkling's arrogance had increased, if possible,

and he was determined to "neither give nor receive quarter."

  Fifteen minutes before the convention organized, one of the

New York delegates with whom I have had business relations

came to my table [the Associated Press table] and said that he

had just had a conversation with Senator Conkling, and that the

Senator said that the nomination of Grant would be made that

morning; that their plan was to have some of the Southern dele-

gates vote on the second ballot for Windom to keep the Minnesota

delegates from going to Blaine, and that in the break-up sure to

follow Grant would get enough Sherman and Edmunds delegates

to nominate him. He added, "You are at liberty to anticipate this

in your reports." I sketched the program rapidly and sent it to

Bateman of the Ohio delegation. Subsequently I saw Butter-

worth, of Ohio, and Chandler, of New Hampshire, and informed

him [them] of the plan. The latter was thoroughly dispirited,

remarked that it was dangerous and likely to succeed. I pointed

out the importance of having Minnesota give some of her votes to

Blaine on the first ballot. "They will not do it," he replied.

"You must compel them," said I, and he succeeded in making a

break there. Massachusetts went to Sherman on that ballot.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          605

Thus Massachusetts and Minnesota thwarted the Conkling plan

and saved the party from division.

  The escape from the hates, the jealousies, the revenges, etc.,

of the syndicate is something to be thankful for. And the en-

dorsement of sound principles is also cause for gratulation.

  After the convention had adjourned and the members generally

had departed, Governor Dennison came to me to talk over

the  events  of  the week just closed.     He  explained the

part taken by Ohio and defended his action in pledging Ohio to

Conkling in the Vice-Presidency, which bit of sentimentality

gave Arthur to the party. I had objected to Ohio giving any

votes against seating the contestants in Illinois (whose claims

were based upon principle and majority votes), and protested

against the support of Arthur. In this the dear old governor

was against me and now sought to exculpate himself. His ex-

planations were not important, but he said: "I wish you would

write to the President and assure him that no disrespect to him

or his Administration was intended in this support of Arthur, of

New York; that he did not enter into our thoughts," etc.

  Another illustration of how age incapacitates for action.

                       Faithfully yours,

                                 WILLIAM HENRY SMITH.]



         EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 18, 1880.

   MY DEAR S-:--I have just read your letter in the midst of

preparations to go to Ohio for exactly a week's absence. It is

an excellent letter--a wise, shrewd, able letter. For a week I

have had it in mind to write you briefly saying, "I am de-

lighted with it. How do you feel?" Hoar for president [chair-

man of the convention] -the unit rule (the corner-stone of

the boss system) abolished - Cameron crushed - the Adminis-

tration endorsed - civil service reform endorsed  the triumvirs

beaten- the eager, self-seeking candidates beaten--the office

 seeking the man! What other convention in all our history

can show as much good and as little harm ?


  Of course the final issue is in doubt, but it is a case full of

hope, and a case for presenting a bold and confident front. John

Thompson's  advice should be our keynote  in advising.  The

country is full of  men  of no party ties.  Garfield is the ideal

self-made man.    Nobody since Dr. Franklin so completely the

work of his own ambitious labor. Clay and Lincoln got their

place by gifts direct from  Heaven.  But the full man, the trained

man, the man equipped for achievement, in short, the man like

Garfield, is made by  his   own perseverance and industry. What

an encouragement to the ambitious young fellows of our country!

It will surely tell in the canvass.  If before the day of the Presi-

dential election  we can persuade the country that Garfield is

surely coming in, we  may carry several Southern States.  What

a victory that would be! But -


                                               R. B. HAYES.*


  June 26, 1880. -  Returned yesterday from Ohio.  Lucy and

Fanny spent the time with Laura at Columbus.  I went to the

commencement of Kenyon College.  Received warmly by all.

Spoke easily and apparently acceptably for ten minutes.

  July 5, 1880. - The Fourth celebrated today.  The day opened

with the firing of one hundred guns.

  We  returned from a delightful trip to New Haven at 10:30

P. M. Saturday.  We were received warmly.  With Thomas R.

Trowbridge's family Saturday night, Sunday, Monday and until

Tuesday afternoon.  A rare family we found our kinsfolks, the

Trowbridges.  Several families--all in business together- the

business dating back about two hundred and forty years, and the

  * Mrs. Hayes, sending a magnolia bloom to Mrs. W. D. Howells at this

time, wrote:-"The truth is that, with the nomination being uppermost

in my thoughts, I came near letting the season pass. But now that we are

happy in the general's [Garfield's] nomination, and the escape from James

G. B[laine], my heart is light and I feel almost 'transported to realms

above.' But seriously, it is a great source of happiness. We know the

general's honesty and sincerity."

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          607

present firm and form of it about eighty years.  The older

brothers, Thomas, Henry, and Ezekiel, all men of character, and

their sons apparently worthy of them, with ladies and grand-

children all that could be desired. Sunday attended church at

the Centre Congregational.  Mr. ---- preached a trial sermon,

Dr. Bacon after the regular sermon called attention tastefully to

my presence. After service visited the crypt where are, I be-

lieve, seven of my ancestors, viz., four named Trowbridge, hus-

bands and wives, one Ezekiel Hayes, and two (probably) Rus-

sells, and (perhaps) Whitings.  This is well kept, immediately

under the church.

  Monday we visited Branford, a fine farming town. We were

received in the large brick house built by my great-grandfather,

Ezekiel Hayes, and saw the graveyard where are buried Rev.

Samuel Russell and other ancestors. A pleasant welcome by a

large number of people at Mr. Jones', landlord of the---,

the old Hayes mansion. Evening a reception at Trowbridge's.

  Tuesday P. M. we went to the quiet and admirable home and

family of President Porter. Attended Law School and Scientific

School Commencement; college ditto and alumni meeting.  Re-

ceived the degree of Doctor of Laws. I made a successful little

speech which was well applauded at the alumni meeting. It

was badly reported.

  [On] July 2, dined on the Moselle, ocean steamer of the

[North]  German Lloyd line, at Hoboken.  Captain and Mr.

Schwab  were  specially interesting.  It was  all managed by

General James, the postmaster of New York. [On the] 3rd,

breakfasted at Manhattan Beach with General S. L. Woodford

-the most useful, enjoyable, and attractive watering-place I

ever heard of.

  Thursday, July 8, 1880.  Soldiers' Home.-Yesterday  we

came out to the Home bag and baggage.  Weather fine. This

morning I have risen before 6 A. M. and will begin my morning

walks. I weighed yesterday one hundred and ninety pounds.

Warm morning walks will take off during this month at least

five or eight pounds.

  I walked this morning over to the National Cemetery and east-


wardly until the clock struck 7 A. M., when I returned by the

President's gate--the gate kept by General Scott's orderly


  Friday, July 9, 1880.- Last evening we sailed in a steam

yacht down the Potomac from Seventh Street Wharf almost to

Fort Washington and reached home about half after nine. The

party consisted of General and Mrs. Myer and a young daughter

of nine, Mr. Rogers, Phoebe, and Andrews, and Lucy, Ruther-

ford, and myself.  We were guests of General Myer.  The

weather was favorable. Rain threatened but none fell until

during the night after our return.

  In my last message, why not show that the civil service cannot

be what it should be without legislation in aid of the reform?

There should be a board or commission, to make rules and to

investigate fitness of candidates, charges against incumbents,

and the like, with power to make the investigations thorough.

There should be legislation as to the interference of Members of

Congress with appointments.


          EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 9, 1880.

  MY DEAR GENERAL :--Mrs. McLean has returned from West

Point without seeing you about her nephew's case. John C. Kil-

breth is a boy in whose welfare I feel a very great interest. If

you can save him from dismissal I hope you will see that it is

done. Please write me and give me the facts.


                                              R. B. HAYES.


      West Point.


         EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 10, 1880.

  MY DEAR GENERAL: - We spent our third night at "the Home"

last night and are tolerably well settled. It is not a cool weather

resort, but in the absence of the other members of the Adminis-

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          609

tration I have managed to get through July and August there.

You know how it is. Suppose you try it with us a little while.

You can stand it, and your presence will be a great gratification

to us all.


                                                 R. B. HAYES.



          EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 10, 1880.

   MY DEAR SIR:--I have your note of the 8th inst. Since re-

ceiving the letter from you and Mr. Dawson I have given the

subject a good deal of attention. It is urged by those who are

well informed and largely interested in the pending political con-

test that the action contemplated would, however expedient for

your locality, be injurious to the general cause. The change of

situation since I saw Mr. Bailey here may require a postpone-

ment of action. In this matter I have no other desire or purpose

than to do what is best for the cause throughout the country.

I shall be glad to be fully advised, and now give you this view

taken by our friends here for your consideration.


                                                R. B. HAYES.


  P. S. - Another candidate has also been presented in case of

a change.

  July 11, 1880.  Sunday. - In the Nation of the 8th there are

criticisms of my course on the reform of the civil service. Agree-

ing generally with the Nation on this subject, I would like to

make it clear to all such friends of the reform, that public opinion

and Congress must be right on the question before we can have a

thorough and complete reform. The President has neither time

nor authority, neither means nor men, to gather the information

required to make appointments and removals. In my last mes-

sage I may frankly admit my own shortcomings (albeit they are

not what the Nation supposes), enlarge on the importance of the



reform, and urge that my successors shall have, what I have not

had, a board of well paid, able men, to supply the information

required to ascertain [the] qualifications of applicants for office,

and to furnish ways to examine as to the conduct and qualifica-

tions of the incumbents.

  Monday, July 12, 1880.--Yesterday General Casey and Mrs.

Casey dined with us.  After dinner a long talk with the General

on the Washington Monument, which he has charge of, the con-

ditions and wants of West Point, the retirement of old officers,

and other army matters.  The chaplain at West Point should be

retired and a young and vigorous preacher of real character

should take his place. A larger attention should be given to

general literature. Our officers should have higher resources for

happiness than are now resorted to in the Western posts.

  Let me try in my annual message to give a fair picture of the

present condition of the civil service. The party now in power

has had the offices of the Government longer than any party

since the introduction of the spoils doctrine into our system of

administering the Government - since 1829. The party of Jack-

son and Van Buren after their Presidential terms - twelve years

- were succeeded by the party of Harrison and Tyler upon

whose inauguration a general sweep-out of offices began. They

in turn were superseded by Polk in 1845, after four years of

power, and a new set of officers were brought in.  After four

years they in turn were changed and the appointees of Taylor

and Fillmore took the offices in 1849 and held them until dis-

placed by Pierce.  For eight years no general removal took

place.  In 1861 the appointments of Republicans in the place of

the officers of Pierce and Buchanan was begun by President

Lincoln.  Many changes were made in 1866 and 1877, but no

general sweep-out has occurred for twenty years.

  Let me ascertain the number of office-holders in each Depart-

ment of the Government, the length of time they have been in

the public service, and the general condition of the service as to

efficiency, illustrated by special facts, such as the amount of

money collected and disbursed, the amount lost, etc., etc.

  The points to be considered are: - 1. Appointments; on what

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          611

showing or examination to be made.  2. Removals; for what

causes and how the facts are to be shown or ascertained. 3.

Political action (conduct) of officials. 4. Assessments, etc., etc.

5. Congressional patronage. What it means. Its practical work-


  The President has the authority to do a great deal in pro-

moting a reform of the civil service. But the great mass of

evils to be dealt with require means, time, agents, the work of

intelligent and able officers, none of which the President has un-

less they are furnished by Congress.

  As at present situated, the great evil is congressional patron-

age. This I have resisted as a usurpation of executive preroga-

tives, until now few Congressmen assert openly their claim to it.

But they withhold from the Executive the means to get informa-

tion from other sources than through Congressmen.

  My action has been mainly directed to these points: -1. To

restore to the Executive Department the appointments and re-

movals, and to take it [them] from Senators and Representa-

tives. 2. To take the office-holders out of political work. 3.

To give to men in office security in their tenure as long as their

official and personal conduct are good. 4. The thorough investi-

gation of abuses and the dismissal and punishment of unworthy

officers, without regard to political influences. 5. Judicious ap-

pointments without regard to "influences." 6. To abolish the

practice of making assessments upon public officers for political

or other purposes.

  July 13, 1880. -This is the anniversary of the adoption of

the "Ordinance of 1787" by the Congress of the old Confedera-

tion. In the early days of the Republican party, this day was

always remembered. Twenty-five years ago, in 1855, the "Anti-

Nebraska Convention," the Republican convention many called

it, the fusion convention as it was of antislavery men, Know-

nothings, etc., was held at Columbus, Ohio, and Salmon P. Chase

was nominated for governor.

  I have been asked for my crest. In honor of my ancestors,

according to the Hayes traditions, and especially in honor of my

grandfather, a blacksmith, and my great-grandfather, a scythe-

maker, why not say?


  Crest. - A falcon displayed sitting on an anvil; the right side

of the anvil supported by a scythe and the left side by an ox-

yoke. Motto (under the anvil), Recte.

  Nothing is more certain than this. The principles of Mr.

Jenckes and Mr. Eaton - in short, the principles of a true civil

service reform - cannot be carried out if both houses of Con-

gress are hostile to those principles. If a decided majority in

each house is opposed to the reform, it cannot be established. It

can only be made radical, thorough, and complete by the support

of a majority in both the House and Senate.  The first great step

in the reform is to abolish congressional patronage; to restore

to the Executive the appointing power which has been usurped

by Congress, and especially by the Senate.

  "Experience has proved," says General Garfield, "that with

our frequent changes of Administration, no system of reform

can be made effective and permanent without the aid of legisla-

tion. Appointments to the military and naval service are so

regulated by law and custom as to leave but little ground for

complaint. It may not be wise to make similar regulations by

law for the civil service." Undoubtedly General Garfield is right

in the first part of his statement. Experience has shown the

necessity of legislation by Congress to establish an effective and

permanent reform of the civil service. And nothing is plainer

than that Congress will enact no useful legislation on the subject,

unless actually driven to it by the force of public opinion, as

long as the offices of the Government are mainly under the con-

trol of Members of Congress. The offices are regarded as part

of their perquisites--by far the most important part, in the

case of Senators, - of the emoluments of their offices. They

will not voluntarily give up that part of the compensation of their

offices which they most highly prize.

  July 14, 1880. - The end I have chiefly aimed at has been to

break down congressional patronage, and especially Senatorial

patronage. The contest has been a bitter one. It has exposed

me to attack, opposition, misconstruction, and the actual hatred

of powerful men. But I have had great success. No member

of either house now attempts even to dictate appointments. My

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          613

sole right to make appointments is tacitly conceded. It has

seemed to me that as Executive I could advance the reform of

the civil service in no way so effectively as by rescuing the power

of appointing to office from the congressional leaders. I began

with selecting a Cabinet in opposition to their wishes, and I have

gone on in that path steadily until now I am filling the important

places of collector of the port and postmaster at Philadelphia

almost without a suggestion even from Senators or Representa-

tives! Is not this a good measure of success for the Executive

to accomplish almost absolutely unaided in Congress? Mr. Ed-

munds, conspicuously, Messrs. Hoar, Burnside, Dawes, Merrill,

Hill, of Colorado, have aided in the work, and many other Sen-

ators have in the outcome cheerfully acquiesced in my course.

Among them are Kirkwood and Plumb, Baldwin, Ferry, Mc-

Millan, Windom, Saunders, Blair, [and] Cameron, of Wisconsin.

  The greatest heat of this summer in Washington was on the

13th of July. About 2 P. M., the thermometer at the front win-

dow near the entrance to the East Room was at 98 degrees in the

shade. In the hall, the thermometer at the entrance to the Blue

Room was 88 degrees.


          EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1880.

  MY DEAR GENERAL:- I have but very few things to do that

are either difficult or important. Approaching the last half year

of my term, with my successor already named, people are more

solicitous about his purposes and views than about mine. I did

not therefore write you with any business matter in my thoughts.

But as I get rid of the cares and troubles which make the in-

cessant and almost intolerable strain of this place, I find myself

valuing more and more friends and relationships which date

back. Knowing your attachment here, it struck me that you

could be induced to come East during this or next month, hence

my letter.

  There is a matter which I will mention in confidence, viz.,

whether to, and how to reorganize West Point.  It is not on a

satisfactory footing in several important respects. With only


six months left to my Administration, is it worth while to at-

tempt a reorganization?  If so, who is the man to put at the

head of it?

  There is nothing else that I now think of that is worth writing

about. If we were lazily riding, or gossipping on the piazza, it

would give me a real satisfaction to talk over some interesting

matters, in a way that would, I am sure, not be disagreeable to

you. Our family are all in usual health and without exception

we all look forward with great comfort and satisfaction to the

time when we shall be free again. The little taste of liberty

we now have is an appetizer.

  With kindest regards and best wishes to the general and Mrs.


                           Sincerely,            R. B. HAYES.

  M. F. FORCE.

  July 19, 1880.--Rogers  returned from Atlantic City yester-

day. He left his family there. He says that in an interview

Governor Jewell is reported to have said that the President is

not so decided in his civil service reform views as he was, and

that he, Jewell, hoped for greater activity on the part of the

office-holders. I do not believe Governor Jewell said this. Cer-

tainly, it is without foundation. I am not in the habit of talking

otherwise than squarely and with distinctness, if I speak at all on

any public question. The politicians are often anxious to be

politic, to trim, to talk so equivocally as to have the benefit of

opposing nobody. This is of course contemptible, and does not

usually avail. The man of policy is pretty sure to be found out.

The true course is respectful but explicit statements of opinion.

I think that General Garfield has made a mistake in not speak-

ing more explicitly on the civil service.     I do not doubt the

soundness of his real opinions on the subject; but his letter [of

acceptance] does furnish some ground for doubt on that subject.

  July 20, 1880. - Last night we had the first copious shower

that has fallen since we came out to the Home about two weeks

ago. Soaking rains are much needed.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          615

  The practical success of this Administration in giving the

country as good civil service, for the time being, as that possessed

by any country-as that of any previous Administration- is

due, mainly:--1.  To the character of the Cabinet--all men

of the strictest integrity and only one of them with political

ambition;  2.  To the fact that all office-holders soon were made

to know that efficiency and honesty were their best titles to

security in their positions, and that if inefficient or dishonest

their lack of fidelity would be promptly and thoroughly investi-

gated and unsparingly exposed and punished. No amount of in-

fluence or political power ever saved the unfaithful.

  July  21.--Showers  yesterday:  not  copious  here.       Cool


   I think an effective speech could be made for Garfield by

showing by facts and figures how the Democratic party sanc-

tions in both houses of Congress the practical nullification of the

Fifteenth Amendment. Let it be calmly done. Quote the reso-

lutions of the Democratic National Conventions on the subject

--the fifth plank of their last platform --and then show in de-

tail what is done in South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, and

other States. It could be clearly proved that by a practical nulli-

fication of the Fifteenth Amendment the Republicans have for

several years been deprived of a majority in both the House and

Senate.  The  failure of the South to faithfully observe the

Fifteenth Amendment is the cause of the failure of all efforts to-

wards complete pacification.  It is on this hook that the bloody

shirt now hangs.  This causes the immigrant to avoid the South.

Only one city, out of the twenty which now have a population

exceeding one hundred thousand, is a Southern city!  For all

this the Democratic party of the North is responsible. If they

would refuse to seat Southern Representatives and Senators

whose seats have been obtained by violation of the Constitution,

the question would be rightly settled.

  July 25, 1880. - If I talk to the soldiers, why not speak of the

fruits of their services on the right side of the good cause? It

is now true that this is God's country, if equal rights, a fair start,

and an equal chance in the race of life are everywhere secured


to all. If clouds cast their shadows on our path, we are cheered

also by the sunlight of prosperity. What is our condition now?

The debt, failures, incomes, employment for skilled and common

labor at fair prices - a fair day's wage for a fair day's work.

What we fought for was to make us one people - a free people

with an equal start and a fair chance in the race.

  Just in proportion as the results and true principles of that

combat have been fully and cheerfully accepted, just in that

proportion is our country in its several parts prosperous and



         EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 28, 1880.

  MY  DEAR GENERAL:-I agree with you about West Point.

You have hit the nail on the head in every point you make. A

great practical difficutly remains- to find the right man. In ad-

dition to what you say of General Pope, in all which I concur,

there is another. He would not have a fair chance. From the

start he would be thwarted by the same influences which brought

disaster in 1862. They would be intensified and increased in

many ways. The press in an unconscious way is seeking to be-

come the government of this country. But this is leading me

away from the question. Think of names. Terry, Comstock,

Abbott, Park, etc., etc. You see how little progress I am making.

This is nothing new. In all affairs of government the same

difficulty is met. Who?


                                              R. B. HAYES.



        EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 2, 1880.

  MY DEAR MRS. McDOWELL: -Your letter to Lucy  on the

temperance memorial has not been seen by her. We prefer to

keep the matter from her as much as possible. She is troubled

enough by the unavoidable publicity of her life. She has not

decided anything about the memorial, nor had anything to do

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          617

with it. At the beginning of this affair, a few gentlemen of dis-

cretion and experience--true and trusted friends--were con-

sulted. Two plans were suggested. The first a memorial pic-

ture, and another a fountain. With entire unanimity the memorial

picture was preferred. A fountain is very expensive and if

cheap is apt to be unsightly and dirty. The first objection seemed

conclusive. A picture can go into every house, is cheap and

practicable, if anybody wants the thing done. But Lucy is not

to be annoyed about it. She has done a good temperance work,

and ought not to have to decide the differences of others.

  I would not have the picture in the White House, but in some

public hall or gallery. The important thing would be the engrav-

ings of it for family use. We have a number of such.

  We do not expect to stop at all in Chicago on our Western

trip. We greatly enjoyed the major's short visit.

  With best wishes,


                                                R. B. HAYES.

  P. S.--This is for your private, friendly ear.  We  do not

mean to have anything to do with this business. Please therefore

return this letter to me as soon as you read it, that I may feel

safe against accidents.-H.



   [The following undated and unaddressed memorandum was

evidently written by Mr. Hayes at about the same time.]

  The very decided objection which Mrs. Hayes makes to the

commemoration memorial, which her temperance  friends are

talking of, leads me to make this suggestion.

  It has been the custom to commemorate interesting events by

memorial pictures. A successful painting, if engraved skilfully,

may reach the eyes of thousands who would never have an op-

portunity to see a monument. The life-size portrait of Martha

Washington, now in the White House, will be enjoyed by means

of photographs and engravings by multitudes of people in all

parts of the country who will never see the painting.


  My suggestion is that one of the eminent artists of the country

be employed to paint a life-size portrait of Mrs. Hayes. It can

be placed, with a suitable inscription (for two hundred dollars a

copy of the painting could be had equal to the original) at her

birthplace or at the institution in Delaware or Cincinnati where

she was educated, or at some other place which the committee

may select.  Engravings and photographs will make it, with its

memorial inscription, familiar to all friends of the cause.

  Has not this suggestion merit? Such a work will be simple,

comparatively very cheap, and not offensive to taste in the judg-

ment of the most fastidious and diffident. I would cheerfully

contribute to the fund necessary to accomplish the object, and I

hope Mrs. Hayes and her friends will consent that the portrait

may be painted, and that the temperance friends will adopt it as

altogether fitting and proper for the purpose they have at heart.

  August 3, 1880. - The sentence in my inaugural message which

has been often quoted, viz., "He serves his party best who serves

his country best," occurred to me as I was walking east on the

north side of Broad Street in Columbus with a small party of

friends in February 1877.  I was pondering the inaugural ad-

dress, and talking of it, with (I think) Rogers, Dick Anderson,

Denny Rogers, and Mitchell; perhaps also General Beatty.  We

were going from my residence to General Mitchell's. "Serve

your party by serving your country," "You will serve your party

if you serve your country,"  "To serve one's country is the best

way to serve one's party," are among the forms of statement

that occurred to me. The best service of party is service to

the country.

  Thursday, August 5, 1880. - About 7 P. M. a cool wind from

the west cleared up the sky. There never was a finer sunset.

The sky and clouds were brilliant and beautiful. Near the

western horizon the sky was green; higher up, silver, gold, blue,

and crimson. The freshened grass and foliage added to the

scene. Rogers dined with me. We visited Trowbridge on B

Street Northeast, near the Capitol. Some day there will be

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          619

fine houses around the Capitol, east and northeast and northwest,

and they will be the favorite sites.

  I printed today my fifteen-minute speech for the Ohio Soldiers'

Reunion at Columbus on the 11th.  Rogers who thinks well of

almost anything I do says, "It is so good," and repeated it, "and

with emphasis."

  My hobby more and more is likely to be common school edu-

cation, or universal education.

  August 8, 1880. -Yesterday the first stone was laid in con-

tinuance of the Washington Monument - a corner-stone on the

northeaast corner. Present, Colonel Casey, Captain Davis, the

workmen, Admiral Ammen, and myself.  I placed under a half-

 dollar marked on one side "R. B. H." and on the other "1880."

The marking was done on the top of the monument, and a

similarly marked piece I keep as a token.

        EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 8, 1880.

  MY DEAR SIR:--I send you a hasty talk I shall probably get

off at Columbus.  This notion, that the way out is universal

education, and that the National Government must take it in

hand, is one of my hobbies, for which you are perhaps respon-

sible. I read your great speech in 1870, and would now like to

have a copy of it, if you can conveniently spare it.*


                                               R. B. HAYES.


       Worcester, Massachusetts.

  August 14, 1880. - I returned last night from Columbus.  The

Soldiers' Reunion was very successful.  The reporters speak

  *Mr. Hoar wrote from Quebec, August 15:--"Mr. President:--I have

read with the greatest delight the speech which with your letter has

been forwarded to me here. Nothing can be better than its masterly

statement of the lessons drawn from the census; and your authority

will, I hope, be able to secure the passage of some measure which will

inaugurate the policy of national aid to education, before the present

Administration completes its term of office."


of fifteen thousand veterans in line and seventy-five thousand

spectators.  Certainly no such numbers have assembled before

since the war on such an occasion. Each regiment in the great

procession marched under its own old tattered banners - a very

affecting sight. Great joy and great enthusiasm. I took on as

my guests in my car Generals Sherman, Upton, Hazen, Crane

(assistant surgeon -general), MacFeely, - , Colonel Rockwell,

Major Nickerson, and Lieutenant Clem. Colonel Corbin was in

charge of the party. All went off well with us and gloriously

with the grand reunion.- I had a most enjoyable visit with

my hosts--our nephew and niece, Doctor and Mrs. Fullerton.

. . .  Altogether I find myself very well satisfied with my

journey.  .

  Suspicions are expressed as to the fidelity of the census

enumerators in Southern States, especially in South Carolina.

It must be thoroughly examined. Doubtless the natural increase

in the South is large.  Where the modes of living are inexpen-

sive, land plenty and cheap, and population sparse, the natural

increase is always large.

  Sunday, August 15, 1880.  Soldiers' Home, near Washington.

-We start for Ohio in less than two weeks and for the Pacific

Coast the second of September, or rather the evening of the

first from Canton. The preparations for so long a journey and

absence from the capital will keep me very busy the rest of the


                       WASHINGTON, D. C., August 16, 1880.

  DEAR SIR:--At the great reunion of the Ohio soldiers last

week I tried to show that to complete the victory gained by the

Union arms it was necessary that the means of education should

be amply provided for all parts of our country. Wherever uni-

versal education prevails in the United States, the results of the

war are cheerfully accepted and the constitutional amendments

embodying those results are inviolable. Ignorance is the enemy

most to be dreaded by the friends of free government. Ignorant

voters are powder and ball for the demagogues. The right to

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          621

vote will lose its value in our country if ignorance is permitted

permanently to prevail in any considerable portion of it. The

 schoolmaster alone can abolish the evils which slavery has left

in the South.  Universal education is the only safe foundation

for universal suffrage.  Men cannot be fitted for the duties of

citizenship in a republic without free schools. Jefferson said:

"Without education universal suffrage will be a farce or a trag-

edy, and perhaps both." In too many instances elections are

already the farce he predicted.

   Let us hasten to provide for all our countrymen the means of

instruction, that we may escape the tragedy which Jefferson



                                               R. B. HAYES.]


Private and confidential.

        EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 16, 1880.

  MY DEAR MAJOR:--I want to use as an illustration, if it is

true, the following, viz.: In one of the years when wheat failed

in Ohio and the East, a cargo of wheat was sent from San Fran-

cisco to Liverpool. There it was bought by an American and

shipped to New York. A miller of Dayton, Ohio, bought one

thousand bushels of it, shipped it by rail to Dayton and there

ground it. Is this true? Who was the miller? It may have

been before the war - perhaps thirty years ago.

  With best wishes,


                                                R. B. HAYES.



  August 19, 1880. - One week from today, Thursday, we ex-

pect to start for Ohio and thence on our tour to the Pacific

Coast. When I meet assemblages of citizens, of necessity I must

talk to them. Brief as these conversations must be, I ought to be

in some measure prepared for them.  As I now see it, congratu-


lations on the condition and prospects of our country will al-

most always be appropriate. In order to make them of some in-

terest, let me gather facts as to restored union, sound financial

condition, increase of exports of agricultural and manufacturing

products, balance of trade, and the like. In order to make the

talks practically useful, not merely vain boasting, let me trace

the favorable conditions to the adoption of sound principles and

warn the people of some of the evils existing which threaten our

future, such as clipped silver dollars, unredeemed government

paper, a redundant currency, popular illiteracy, sectional and

race prejudices, etc., etc.


        EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 19, 1880.

  MY DEAR S-: - I shall not probably attempt to prepare any

speeches of importance this fall. If I do I will try to get them

to you as you suggest. The Columbus affair went off well, so

far as I could see.

  I will be at Canton, Twenty-third Reunion, September 1. May

possibly write something. I have not yet done anything of the

sort reported.

  Yes, the letter [of acceptance (Garfield's)] was not strong.

But his speeches, etc., etc., are good and we must bring to the

front his record.  He is gaining daily, as I see it. The tide is

favorable, or I am much mistaken.

  We go hence to Fremont the 26th instant,to Canton the 31st.

Thence via Chicago to Omaha, Cheyenne, etc., without stop until

we reach Salt Lake City.- Very dull here.


                                                R. B. HAYES.


       Associated Press, Chicago.

  August 24, 1880. - We are preparing for our long absence.

We go Thursday, [the] 26th, to Fremont; on Wednesday [fol-

lowing] to the Twenty-third [Regiment] Reunion at Canton on

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          623

the first [of] September. That night after the reception we go

 on to our cars and start on the tour to the Pacific Coast.  I pre-

pare one speech on national aid to education - to the education

of the colored and other illiterates of the South.

   When strangers meet in mixed assemblages their talk is about

the weather, their health, the crops, the condition and prospects

of business, and the current news, foreign and domestic.  It is

only after they are more intimately acquainted that in mixed

companies they talk of religion and politics.  For my general

talks on miscellaneous occasions this usage must govern.  All

of my audiences must of necessity contain men of different

creeds and parties.

             SOLDIERS' HOME, WASHINGTON, August 24, 1880.

   DEAR SIR:--General Garfield said in New York: -"These

veterans of the war meet tonight to stand guard around the

sacred truths for which we fought."

   The truths for which we fought were national unity, the su-

premacy of the National Government, and the equal rights of all

men before the law.

   The perpetuity of the Union is established. The supremacy

of the National Government, although still doubted by many and

denied in some influential quarters, has been so fully sustained

by the Supreme Court in the masterly opinions, recently delivered

in relation to the new constitutional amendments and the validity

of the federal election laws, that hereafter we may confidently

expect, in every conflict between state laws and the constitutional

laws of the United States, that the latter will be held by the gen-

eral consent of the country to be of paramount authority and

obligation; and that the right of final decision as to the constitu-

tionality of the laws of Congress resides in the Supreme Court

of the United States will also be generally accepted as the true


  It cannot, however, be gainsaid that there is still in our country

a dangerous practical denial of the equal rights with respect to

voting secured to colored citizens by the Fifteenth Amendment

to the Constitution.  One of the cogent arguments in favor of

extending the right of suffrage to the freedmen was that it


would furnish them with the means of self-protection. It was

hoped and believed that with the right to vote they could assert

and maintain all of their other rights. It has been found, how-

ever, that the ballot, like every other weapon of human contriv-

ance, to be effective, must be wielded by the skill and intelligence

which training and education alone can give. To guard the

sacred truth of equal rights we must go one step further. We

should furnish to all our countrymen the means for that in-

struction and knowledge without which wise and honest self-

government is impossible.


                                              R. B. HAYES


      Burlington, Iowa.

  Fremont, August 28, 1880.- We reached here last night at 8

P. M.- twenty-two and one-half hours from Washington - in

the new car of Mr. Pugh, superintendent of inspection of [the]

Pennsylvania Railroad. We brought my old friend Trowbridge

sick (sciatica or Bright's disease), Commissioner of Indian Af-

fairs, and Mr. Jamison, of railway mail service, with Fan,

Scott, and the colored servants, Winnie and Scott. At several

points in Ohio, although all my movements were kept private,

we were met by good crowds who cheered us heartily. I was

pleased when cheers were heartily given on a call of "Three

cheers for the model President."  We  got home after dark.

Rud had the house in as good case as could be in view of the

improvements.* They strike us both well, particularly the ex-

ternal appearance, the porch, and the rooms in the bay-window

addition on the south side.

  Lucy is forty-nine today. I never loved her so much as now.

  Fremont, August 30, 1880.-We  attended the Methodist

Episcopal church.  Mr. Wilson, in tender sweet tones and words,

portrayed the consolations of the Christian in time of affliction.

Text was a comparison of the Christian to the palm-tree and the

cedar of Lebanon.

  *A large addition to the house was under construction.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          625

  My old friend, William Henry Smith, came from Chicago and

spent several hours with me returning last night. He gave me

the inside history of the Chicago convention and of many other

political movements. On the whole, nothing unpleasant for me

to hear.

  White House, Sunday, November 7, 1880.--We left Wash-

ington on the Pacific tour Thursday evening, August 26, and re-

turned Saturday morning, November 6, after an absence of

seventy-one days. Our trip was most fortunate in all of its cir-

cumstances. Superb weather, good health, and no accidents. A

most gratifying reception greeted us everywhere from the people

and from noted and interesting individuals. I must not forget

to make acknowledgements.


      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 13, 1880.

  MY DEAR S-:- Nothing has been done, or thought of, about

the distribution of advance copies of the message. Reports are

not yet before me. It will hardly be ready until a day or two be-

fore it is to be delivered. Possibly no advance copies can be sent

out. If you can come here you could do as you think best. Why

not come?

  I am not to be thought of for Senator or anything else.*

Please help me out of it when you have a chance. Sherman is

the man.


                                                R. B. HAYES.


  *Mr. Smith had written: -"I observe that our newspaper friends are

fixing your status for the future, and that you are to be a United

States Senator. One crusty fellow will not have it so, and says that

you refused to contribute to the campaign fund or to help Garfield in

any way- went off to the Pacific, etc., etc. There are others, among

them the Tribune of Chicago, who say that you saved the Republican

party from destruction, planted it upon the solid rock of good govern-

ment, and made it possible to elect Garfield in 1880.  This your friends

know to be the exact truth, and they rest content in the assurance that

when the history of 1876-1880 is written that truth will be plain and




                            [WORCESTER, November 20, 1880.

  SIR:--I enclose an extract from the proceedings of a meet-

ing held in this city on Friday. I feel profound anxiety that the

order for redressing this wrong should come from you, not from

a Senator or from Congress. Your Administration is to take

its place in history as the purest and freest from stain since the

inauguration of Washington, without any exception whatever,

unless this removal of the Poncas, or the failure as far as may

be to redress it, be partly laid to its charge. The country will

be satisfied with your personal decision of this matter, on per-

sonal examination. It will be contented with that of no lesser


  I am yours, with the highest respect,

                                           GEORGE F. HOAR.]


Private and Confidential.

      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 24, 1880.

  MY DEAR SIR: - I am in receipt of your letter of the 20th. As

soon as practicable I will give the matter attention, and will be

glad to confer with you when you return. I suppose General

Schurz has been most shamefully treated in this affair, but I may

be mistaken. I will look into it carefully.


                                                R. B. HAYES.


     EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 27, 1880.

  DEAR SIR:--Touching your letter of the 24th instant, while

I am confident that there is no foundation for your apprehensions

of wrong-doing to the Poncas in case they visit the Interior De-

partment next month, I will nevertheless give heed to your cau-

tion and see that nothing unfair or inconsiderate is done.

  As this is the first time that you have called my attention to the

subject, I would be glad to know what you would advise.


  HONORABLE H. L. DAWES.                         R. B. HAYES.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          627

  Sunday, November 28, 1880. - General Schenck is slowly re-

covering from his long illness. He is now able to walk about the

city. He called with his lovely niece, Miss Irwin, yesterday. He

told an interesting anecdote of Lincoln. Having an appointment

to meet the President with a friend whose business he (General

Schenck) was to present, they found the President absent at the

War Department. On his return he seemed greatly agitated and

in a morose and hurried way, as if he had forgotten the appoint-

ment to meet them, he began to cross-examine General Schenck

as to his business, why he came, etc., etc. Soon, seeming to

notice that General Schenck was surprised and hurt by his man-

ner, Mr. Lincoln took General Schenck by the arm and led him

into another room and said: "I ask your pardon, General

Schenck, I have been rude to you. You must forgive me. I

couldn't help it.  I am in great distress.    If hell is a worse

[place] than this place has been for the last year, I can't help

sympathizing with the Devil.  We have just heard that Hooker,

notwithstanding we telegraphed him repeatedly to hold his posi-

tion, has recrossed the river, and a great disaster has befallen

our troops."

  Mr. John B. Alley called yesterday. It is the first time I have

seen him since his accident. He says he "loves and admires Gen-

eral Garfield. But General Garfield did wrong when he denied

the truth of Oakes Ames' testimony in the Credit Mobilier af-


  Mr. Alley also said that Mr. Charles Francis Adams said that

his father, John Quincy Adams, habitually spoke of his Presi-

dential term as the unhappiest four years of his life.


     EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 29, 1880.

  MY DEAR GENERAL:--I hasten to say that no such action as

the one you refer to is possible in my time. General Pope, I have

supposed, felt aggrieved and lost confidence in my friendship,

because of what I thought ought to be done in the [Fitz-John]

Porter case. But he is altogether mistaken. I should promote

him if a chance offers, and would be glad to do it. I would do


nothing to wound him, but on the contrary would be glad to

gratify him.


                                              R. B. HAYES.


Private                    WASHINGTON, November 29, 1880.

  MY DEAR GENERAL: - It strikes me that Horace Davis would

represent well the Pacific Coast in your Cabinet as Secretary

of Interior. A good business man - sincere, upright, sound, of

good temper, position, etc.  I send a letter of Webb's, which

please return. He is level-headed and has known all these men.


                                              R. B. HAYES.

  P. S. - I only write in the hope to help - not to add to your



  December 1.--Attended at Easton yesterday reopening of

Pardee Hall of Lafayette College. Dined with Saint Andrew's

Society, Philadelphia, until midnight. A busy and delightful


  December 4, 1880.- Dined last evening at Mr. Evarts' with

the members of the Cabinet. Mr. Maynard, the Postmaster-Gen-

eral, was absent. Mr. [John] Hay, Assistant Secretary of State,

was also present. Mr. Hay tells anecdotes capitally. He is

timely and apt in using them and his fund is prodigious. Colonel

Thompson said a Baptist minister, at the head of a bureau, al-

lowed the first extra compensation for carrying the mail to

Honorable William Smith of Virginia, who was after that known

as "Extra Billy Smith." The same Brown (Baptist preacher)

wrote Colonel R. M. Johnson's famous report on Sunday mails.

  I am to go to the New England dinner in Brooklyn December

21. Why not say that the best New England idea in the present

condition of suffrage and citizenship is that which requires Gov-

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          629

ernment to furnish all of the young sufficient instruction to

enable them to be good citizens? The schoolmaster is as essential

in a republic to its safety and good government as a legislator, a

judge, a soldier, or a sheriff.

  December 8, 1880.- A  great and grievous wrong has been

done to the Poncas. Mr. Dawes thinks that Mr. Schurz is

chiefly to blame for the wrong, and for the fact that no decisive

steps have been taken for its redress. Mr. Schurz thinks that

Congress is chiefly to blame in the premises and in particular that

Mr. Dawes is himself more in fault than the Interior Department.

  Let me look into this.  Certainly, if Mr. Dawes thought Mr.

Schurz was so greatly to blame, he should have called the atten-

tion of the President to the neglect or offense of the Interior De-

partment. He was friendly to the Administration. He often

brought matters of smaller importance to the President's atten-

tion; but this affair he never mentioned to President Hayes until

in December, 1880, after the Worcester meeting. (Get all the

Globes--the Records since December 1, 1876; also the reports

of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the last four years.)*

  The New England idea is universal education. Let it not be

confined to any one State or section. Let it be the national idea

and be embodied in the legislation and institutions of the whole

nation.  Liberal education will follow free-school education as

surely as the light of day comes with the sun.

  *After thorough investigation the President on February 1, 1881, sent

a special message to Congress giving a careful history of the case and

recommending remedial measures which Congress was prompt to enact.

At the same time, the President set forth anew the liberal principles

which he thought should control the future dealings of the Government

with the Indians.  Senator Dawes at once wrote the President:--"Will

you permit me to express to you personally, what I shall embrace the

first opportunity to say publicly in the Senate, my great gratification

in the Ponca message just read to the Senate. Every word of it meets

my hearty commendation, and is worthy of your high office and high

character. In my opinion it will pass into history as a great state

paper, marking an epoch in our dealings with the weak and defenseless

more conspicuous and grand than any other public expression from the

head of the nation for many years. It gives me more than ordinary

pleasure to say this much to you."


  When it was announced that an unknown and commonplace

person had been appointed to an important office, Talleyrand said:

"To have done and to have said nothing is, I know, a tremendous

power, but it ought not to be abused."  This is a favorite anec-

dote of Mr. Evarts.

  December 14, 1880. - The Vice-President says: - "If Garfield

fails to appoint Sherman to the Treasury, it will be regarded as

a weak yielding to Conkling, as ungenerous to Sherman, and as a

disregard of the wishes and interests of the country. This is the

opinion of every man I have talked with. If he will be President,

all will be well; but if he merely does what Conkling wants, he

will be a failure. I have said forty times if he had one-tenth

of your amiable obstinacy and independence, he would be a great

success. All he needs to do is to be firm in the right and he will

have the whole people at his back."

  The Senate yesterday passed a bill in relation to Fitz-John

Porter. It is far less objectionable than any bill heretofore of-

fered. Mr. Dawes, Republican, offered the amendment, which

was accepted by Governor Randolph. But on the final vote Judge

Davis and all [the] Republicans voted no. It probably presents

again the old questions: - 1. The power of Congress to set aside

or disregard a court martial. 2. The merits of the case. The

former bill was extraordinary. It was a bill to honor Porter.

This is not that. Is it simply to do him justice, or is it clemency?

I am not averse to clemency. But on the merits, as I now see the

case, Porter has no claims.

  December 15, 1880. - With General Crook walked to the top

of the Washington Monument.

  We dine General and Mrs. Grant and thirty-four others, mostly

noted people, tonight. Lucy is well enough in all respects in the

duties of a state dinner, but she feels unequal to them, and there-

fore hates state dinners.

  [December] 16. - The dinner passed off in good style.  The

floral decorations of the table were very fine.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          631

     EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 16, 1880.

MY DEAR SIR:--I find that our arrangements with reference

to the Ponca investigation will perhaps require modification by

reason of the fact that I can't provide for the expenses of any

one who is not either in the army or in the Interior Department.

I therefore suggest that I name General Crook in the place of

Colonel Moneypenny, and Mr. William Stickney, or some other

member of the Indian Board. Of course I will name no one

not approved by you and the Boston committee. This will place

on the Ponca Commission two named by me, and the Boston com-

mittee's nominations of two or three others will suit me with this

understanding, that I will furnish funds for the persons named by

me, and the Boston committee must provide for the expenses of

those named by them. As the President, my only wish in the

affair is that the investigation may be thorough and fair, to the

end that complete justice may be done to the Poncas for the

wrongs they have suffered, preferring rather to go beyond than

to fall behind full redress.


                                              R. B. HAYES.

  P. S.- A man fit to be President is fit to be trusted with a

contingent fund.  With ten thousand dollars each year I could

have done a great deal of good.  Let President Garfield have a

contingent fund. - H.


  [December] 17. - Dined last evening with General Grant and

others at Mr. John B. Alley's. General Grant was interesting

and talkative. Senator Edmunds tells good anecdotes, and is

both witty and humorous - a rare combination.

  Christmas, 1880.- As usual the gifts were collected in one

room (in this case the red chamber), and the children, servants,

and friends in another (the library), and on the ringing of a

bell at the door Scott and Fan ran and brought a single article

well concealed by wrappings to me. After some delays and


guesses it is found whose gift it is. All got something, Scott

and Fanny many things. All at least a five-dollar gold-piece.

  My visit to Brooklyn, on the occasion of the New England

dinner, at Mr. A. A. Low's was a most happy one. I got off a

satisfactory short speech that was well received on "New Eng-

land Ideas."

  December 26. -If I speak on leaving here to friends, I may

perhaps at Columbus enumerate the things done or acted upon

during my term - not to discuss or boast of them but merely to

name them. I may speak of returning to private life as Wash-

ington and Jefferson did; not to shirk the duties of a citizen, but

not expecting or seeking again to fill conspicuous offices - offices

provoking competitions - but ready to do what I may in private

life or in humble stations, or if generally called to higher duties.

  How will you pass time? Or, that other unwarrantable phrase,

"How will you kill time"? A man with proper notions and

training, with books and grounds and neighbors, and with the

interests that are crowding around all who have a sense of duty to

their fellow men, will have more trouble to find time for his work

than to find work to occupy all the time at his command.


  MY DEAR GUY: - I write you this before breakfast - my first

of the New Year -to say "a happy New Year to you." It

finds us all well, and with hopes and condition that make grati-

tude a duty.

  I have no doubt I can arrange to secure Austin Bryan his place.

I shall certainly try to do so, and shall take great pleasure in

doing it. I note what you say of A. J. Evans. Davis has been

and is no doubt as you say, but his honesty and capacity and

Union record are strong claims.

  Nobody ever left the Presidency with less regret, less disap-

pointment, fewer heartburnings, or more general content with

the result of his term (in his own heart, I mean), than I do.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          633

Full of difficulty and trouble at first, I now find myself on smooth

waters and under bright skies.

  With best wishes for you and yours,

                      As ever, sincerely,

                                              R. B. HAYES.



  Sunday,  January 2, 1881.--Our  New  Year's ceremonies

passed off well; the papers say with "unwonted brilliancy."  Lucy

had gathered a fine bevy of young ladies as our guests for a fort-

night or so. Three young girls still in school, viz., Marion C.

Herron, of Cincinnati, Aggie Devens of Cambridge, and (perhaps

our cousin) Dora Scott, of New Orleans. - Probably she is not

to be called "a nestling" but a young lady "out." - And three

[four] of the nicest young ladies in the world; Kate Morgan,

daughter of Rev. Dr. Morgan, of New York, and a cousin via

the Trowbridge family, Lizzie Mills, daughter [of] D. O. Mills,

of California, now living in New York City, Carrie Russell, of

Newport, Rhode Island, and Lucy Cook, of Chillicothe, Ohio.

Seven fine young people. Our two lads, Webb and Rud with

Fan and Scott make up the household. A very fair promise of

enjoyment for the next few weeks.

  We begin to long for home and freedom more and more as

the time draws nearer.  .  .  . About the middle of October

last, one fine morning as we were passing on the noble steamer

Columbia out of the Columbia River into the Pacific Ocean, we

passed a beautiful ship the Valiant from Boston, Captain - .

Her flags were all up in honor of the President and when we

were nearest to her she gave us three rousing cheers. She

turned northward towards Puget Sound and we headed south-

ward for the Golden Gate. It impressed me deeply.

  I am soon to become a private citizen - to be entitled to the

privileges and immunities of that honorable and enviable posi-

tion; to have a right to manage my own private affairs without

intrusion. If not one of the wealthy citizens of our State, I

trust I shall always be ready to offer to friends that best part of


hospitality,--a hearty welcome to my home; and to those who

need it, that best part of charity,- aid cheerfully given accord-

ing to my means.



  MY DEAR S-:- Your letter of the 31st ult. puts me in pre-

cisely the state of mind you were placed in by my inexcusable

forgetfulness of the Kendrick matter.  The explanation- not

the excuse, for there is none--is contained in two statements,

viz.: If you had asked me the same question and made the same

request this morning before I read your letter that you did in the

conversation as to the retirement of Professor Kendrick [of

West Point], I should have made you the same reply and promise

I did then. That is, I should have said I knew nothing about it

-that I had never considered it, and that if it was done in my

time I would try to look after the interest of your friend, John-

son. Add to this the following.

  I am having very little trouble or embarrassment about any-

thing--as little as at any time since I came here; but, to my

surprise, I find myself more crowded with all sorts of things to be

done before I go out than I ever imagined could be the case. A

perpetual stream, growing too, of matters that must be attended

to is pouring in upon me, and I haven't time to eat or sleep.

  Now, if in all this you can find an apology for my neglect in

the Kendrick [case], I beg you as a friend to do it. Before I

close this letter I will see what has been done.  I don't know at

all except as you tell me, and I will try to make it all even be-

tween you and Mr. Johnson by taking the blame to myself.

  One word more. The Army and Navy are both sealed books to

the President. In a few important matters I have turned over a

leaf or two lately, and you see the rumpus it makes!

  Another thing. All matters you want attended to, do this:

Give to each matter a separate piece of paper. If you don't want

to appear in it, let it be an unsigned memorandum in the hand-

writing of another, and I will take special care to have it at-

tended to. I mean, of course, it shall be considered, and if right

and practicable, it shall be done.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          635

  The statement of my affairs is substantially correct and has

done good. I am exceedingly obliged to you. The thirty thou-

sand dollars is not the annual expense of the Executive Mansion.

That may not be over twenty-five thousand dollars but it is about

right for my total expenses. I have paid between six thousand

dollars and seven thousand dollars for political purposes for the

advantage of the Republican cause- not to committees of course,

except possibly fifteen hundred dollars or so, but yet for the cause,

and rather large expenditures for dependents, etc., etc., etc. But

you have given it to the public well and truthfully. I shall leave

here in debt from twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand

dollars, but with a good credit, plenty of property, and in no

sense needing pecuniary aid or sympathy. If the times continue

good a few years longer, I am sure of a competency - a happy


  I will write more tonight or tomorrow after I see how the

Kendrick matter is.

                                              [R. B. HAYES.]

  P.S.  4 P. M. - On inquiry I find:- I. Professor Kendrick

was retired on his own request, and I had nothing to do with it.

2. The vacancy was filled by an officer who had for several

years been his first assistant - was therefore next in order,

naturally, and was recommended by the West Point officers. It

came to me as one of the "of course" promotions which I was not

required or expected to consider. 3. It is probably the best


  In view of this shall I send for your friend?  He will probably

discover from an interview that I would have done what has been

done if I had been fully advised in the premises.

  Your educational article is first-rate.- H.



  MY DEAR SIR: - I stated my preference, on the subject named

to you last night, to the Cabinet and found that while there was

a general hearty approval, there was some slight friction. Not


enough to change my desire, but I thought it due to you to

inform you of it before you finally decide.


                                              R. B. HAYES.




  MY DEAR W--:--I reply to the questions of your circular in

their order:-

  1. Born of a widowed mother - a posthumous child--in a

village, I spent my childhood in her little family, attending school.

My youth was at college and the university.

  2. I did no regular manual labor, but was always fond of and

used to all manner of outdoor sports - hunting, fishing, rowing,

sailing, swimming, skating, riding, and the like, in all which I was

an expert. A feeble child, I grew up to be hardy, strong, and


  3. My privileges and experience in respect to living, business,

society, and education were so favorable, as those matters are

commonly regarded, that my chief danger was in my opportu-

nities. It is, according to my observation, much more likely that

a young man who has poverty to struggle with, and a lack of

advantages, to be successful in life, than one who has friends and

money to aid him. Prosperous circumstances are too heavy a

burden for most young men in our American society. Very few

are able to withstand their baneful influence. He is fortunate

who is not ruined by them.


                                               R. B. HAYES.



  January 9, 1881.- Lucy had her first reception yesterday

afternoon between three and five P. M. This is an affair which

if merely formal and stiff is stupid enough. But Lucy by orna-

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          637

menting the rooms with flags and flowers and by gathering a num-

ber of her most entertaining friends, young and old, to assist her,

has succeeded in making it an enjoyable social reunion.


      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1881.

  MY DEAR GENERAL: - I have learned that General Charles H.

Grosvenor will be a candidate for an important office in the line

of his profession under your Administration. He deserves spe-

cial and favorable consideration. Recognizing my situation with

reference to the appointment of Ohio friends, he has never been

an applicant before me for any place.  He always knew that

I would, of course, be exceedingly glad to appoint him if I could

properly do so. But he prefered to support the Administration in

an independent position. I now write to say in the most de-

cided way that I think he is able, a sound lawyer, and perfectly

trustworthy. His appointment will greatly gratify me.


  GENERAL GARFIELD.                              R. B. HAYES.

  Sunday, January 16, 1881. - The [New York] Graphic said a

few days ago:-"Take him for all in all, Hayes will step out of

office on the 4th of March next with more peace and blessing

than any President in fifty-six years. Who since Monroe has

gone out both willingly and regretted?"

  That the White House will be left "willingly" by both Mrs.

Hayes and myself is perfectly true. Indeed, "gladly" might

truthfully be substituted for "willingly." We have upon the

whole enjoyed our four years here. But the responsibility, the

embarrassments, the heart-breaking sufferings which we can't

relieve, the ever-present danger of scandals and crimes among

those we are compelled to trust, and a thousand other drawbacks

to our satisfaction and enjoyment by which we are constantly

surrounded, leave us no place for regret upon retiring from this

conspicuous scene to the freedom, independence, and safety of

our obscure and happy home in the pleasant grove at Fremont.


  It is said General Garfield will restore wine and liquor to the

White House. I hope this is a mistake. I am no fanatic on this

subject.  I do not sympathize with the methods of the ultra

temperance people. I believe that the cause of temperance will

be most surely promoted by moral, religious, and educational in-

fluences and by the influence of example. I would not use the

force of law as an agency for temperance reform. If laws on

the subject are enacted, let them be for the security of the com-

munity, to protect the public from nuisances and crime. Let the

temperance reformer keep to the text, influence, argument, per-

suasion, example.

  When we came here we banished liquors from the house,-

1. Because it was right, wise, and necessary. 2. Because it was

due to the large support given me by the sincere friends of the

temperance reform.  3.  Because  I believed that it would

strengthen the Republican party by detaching from the political

Temperance party many good people who would join the Repub-

lican party [and] would save to the Republican party many who

would otherwise leave it to join the Temperance party.

  If General Garfield rejects the practice I have inaugurated, he

will offend thousands, and drive them into the hands of the tem-

perance demagogues. He will lose the confidence of thousands

of good citizens and gain no strength in any quarter. His course

will be taken as evidence that he lacks the grit to face fashionable

ridicule. Nothing hurts a man more than a general belief that

he lacks "the courage of his convictions."

  If there are any two men in the country whose opposition and

hatred are a certificate of good character and sound statesman-

ship, they are Conkling and Butler. I enjoy the satisfaction of

being fully endorsed by the hatred and opposition of both these


  Hon. John D. Defrees has been in public life more than forty

years and is full of information of the great men of the past

in our politics. He was in the conference which formed General

Taylor's Cabinet in 1849. It was held at Governor Crittenden's

house in Frankfort, Kentucky.  General Taylor was not well

informed in the details of political life and relied very much

on the information and advice of Mr. Crittenden.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          639

  He [Defrees] tells this of Mr. Lincoln: In 1849, Mr. Lincoln

was very anxious to get the place of Commissioner of the General

Land Office.  Mr. Defrees came to Washington to get it for

him. He would probably have been successful if he had reached

Washington a few days earlier. He found it [the office] already

disposed of. Mr. Lincoln was greatly disappointed. Success

then would probably have lost him the Presidency and immortal


                  MEMORANDUM FOR GARFIELD.

                                           January 17, 1881.

  1. Whatever may be true in Europe and of Europeans, the

American who drinks wine is in danger of becoming the victim

of drunkenness, licentiousness, and gambling.

  2. To reject the reform which has been established in the

White House will grievously disappoint thousands of the best

people who suported you.

  3. It will revive the Temperance party, which has now dropped

almost out of sight, and give it votes enough to put in jeopardy

the Republican ascendancy in Maine, New Hampshire, Connecti-

cut, New York, Ohio, Indiana, and in perhaps thirty northern

congressional districts.

  4. It will seriously damage your personal reputation and your

political prospects.

  The present reform is sustained by the whole Protestant

press, clergy, and church membership, and by the friends of edu-

cation and temperance who are not professors of religion. This,

with so few exceptions that they need not be alluded to. You as

a professing Christian and lay preacher will be regarded as lack-

ing the courage of your convictions if you abandon it. It will

be said quite as much by men of the world as by others that you

lack the grit to face fashionable ridicule. That you can't afford.

The general wish is that you have two terms. You will surely

be renominated if you wish to be, or I am much mistaken. You

can't be elected, however, if you so deal with this question that

from five to ten per cent of the Republican voters are diverted

to Temperance candidates in the great States of the North.

Your duty to the Republican party is to let well enough alone


on this subject. The moment you reject the reform it becomes

a political question which in the hands of the Temperance leaders

will surely take from us States and congressional districts which

we can't spare.

  On the other hand if you accept what is, there will not be a

ripple of dissent - nothing worthy of a moment's notice. Many

hearts will be gladdened and nobody will be seriously offended.

  Sunday, January 23, 1881. - Coming in, I was denounced as a

fraud by all the extreme men of the opposing party, and as an

ingrate and a traitor by the same class of men in my own party.

Going out, I have the good will, blessings, and approval of the

best people of all parties and sections. The thing that seems to

me unaccountable is that, with more than usual distrust of my

own powers, I had a strong and comforting faith that I should

be able to organize and conduct an Administration which would

satisfy and win the country. This faith never deserted me. I

had it before either the election or the nomination. Doubtless

it was founded on my experience. I have often said that I never

fail to gain the confidence and friendship of those I wish to win,

if I have time and an opportunity to do so.

  I have for the present lost the friendship of General Sherman.

Several things have occurred to which this may be attributed.

1. I recommended the promotion of General Grant to a captain-

generalcy. 2. I retired certain officers, notably General Ord,

against his advice and wish. 3. I promoted Generals Hazen and

Miles against his wish. In all this there was no intention to

slight General Sherman. In fact, during all this time I was most

desirous to have his approval and friendship.

      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1881.

  MY DEAR S--:- There is a pro and con about Bache or Bash

of Chicago for paymaster. Logan says he is strongly for him.

Others speak ill of his reputation. How is the fact?

  All well. Love to yours.


                                                R. B. HAYES.

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          641

  P. S.-Don't follow up discussions about my Cabinet.  The

fact is, I first thought of General Johnston for a place - prob-

ably the Interior. I soon saw that of course the War [Depart-

ment] would not do. But a place for some Southerner was in

my mind. Johnston was not preferred and Key was. This is all

there is of it. But I beg you to let it rest.- H.


  [Mr. Smith replied: - "If it is Daniel N. Bash you refer to,

I have no hesitation in saying that his reputation is good, and I

believe he would make an honest and careful paymaster. But

are you not likely to get into deep water here? In November last

C. B. Farwell sent you papers asking the appointment of young

Ingram, and when I was in Washington in December you spoke

favorably of his appointment if there was a vacancy. On Satur-

day last Mr. Farwell wrote you a personal letter on the subject.

Both Bash and Ingram are good men. Your first promise is to

the latter. But I can understand why at this time you prefer

to appoint the former, and will suggest how this can be brought

about smoothly. If General Logan can be given to understand

that Farwell yields his claim as a personal favor to him and to

Mr. Aldrich (I assume that Mr. Aldrich is also concerned in this

matter as Bash lives in his district), it will help to adjust some

complications that are sure to arise pretty soon. And then a brief

personal letter from you to Mr. Farwell, saying that you found

it necessary to appoint Mr. Bash instead of Ingram will doubt-

less make it all right there."]


      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 2, 1881.

  MY DEAR S-: - I do not anticipate the rejection of Matthews.

If it should unhappily occur, the geographical reasons will not be

overlooked. In that case the Chicago bar may need to be hurriedly

canvassed. Lawrence and Jewett I know as men of high char-

acter in their professsion.  What is the age of Lawrence-his

health? This in strictest confidence.


  WILLIAM HENRY SMITH.                           R. B. HAYES.




      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 2, 1881.

  MY DEAR S-:--I have your note. I have written to Mr.

Farwell that I am prevented by committals from appointing his

friend paymaster. It is perhaps true that it was a mistake to

have made these committals without a fuller consideration of

the claims of others. I regret that the affair is as it is, but I can't

change it now. I would therefore be relieved from embarrass-

ment if Mr. Farwell would now consent to waive the claims of

his friend in favor of Bash. You may, if you think it worth

while, show this note to Mr. Farwell and dispatch me.


                                               R. B. HAYES.


  February 5, 1881. - A beautiful winter morning; snow every-

where; good sleighing yet. Took a sleigh-ride yesterday with

Governor Murray, of Utah, and General Merritt. The snow

now on the ground fell, much of it, as early as December 20.

  February 9. - Snow going off rapidly. - Garfield declared

President without hitch or difficulty.

  Lucy has got, we are told, an excellent portrait by Huntington.

It is painted for the temperance ladies. Miss Willard, president

of the Woman's Temperance Union of the United States, called

today with Mrs. Roach. Miss Willard talked intelligently about

the whole affair and in the best taste and disposition. I am glad

to find she is so capable and discreet. We shall have no trouble

with such a lady.

  February 11, 1881.- We have dined out a number of times

this winter. We thought we might depart from custom our last

winter. Last night we dined with Mr. George Bancroft, the

historian. The company at table was not large but it was notable.

Mr. Bancroft--lively, full of conversation and vigor at eighty-

two or more--is noticeable always. He said: "In 1812 I met

Mrs. Jerome Bonaparte, nee Patterson, then a very beautiful and

attractive woman, in Rome."-"Seaton told me a conversation he

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          643

had with Calhoun.  Calhoun was a candidate for President when

he was a comparatively young man, 'I,' said Seaton, 'told him he

was too young, that after his two terms he would still be young,

and he would find it hard to be laid on the shelf so young.' Cal-

houn replied, 'I would go home and write my memoirs.' So

characteristic!" said Bancroft. He said when Clay was an old

man and expecting soon to die, he expressed a wish to be

reconciled to Calhoun. A meeting at Clay's chamber was ar-

ranged. Clay met Calhoun with the friendliest courtesy. Cal-

houn was stiff - he couldn't say what ought to be said or do what

ought to be done. Clay was all the opposite.

  After Mr. Bancroft the other notable persons present were

Mr. and Mrs. Evarts, Senator and Mrs. Hoar, Sir Edward

Thornton, Senator Allison, Colonel Bonaparte, the grandson of

Prince Jerome, Mrs. Bonaparte, the granddaughter of Daniel

Webster, Mrs. Bancroft Davis, daughter of Senator ("Honest

John") Davis, of Massachusetts, and granddaughter of Rufus

King, Henry Adams, grandson of John Quincy Adams, and his

wife, niece of Mr. Hooper, ex-Secretary of Navy Robeson and

wife, Mr. Thayer of Worcester, Massachusetts, and his wife

(a Livingston), Mrs. Hayes and myself. More "family" than

we have met. Very agreeable and intelligent people.

  Mrs. Bonaparte said her grandfather, Daniel Webster, the night

before his great speech in the debate with Hayne went to bed

at 8 P. M. and slept soundly four hours. He then arose and be-

gan his preparation [of] the great reply. The whole subject

poured at once through his brain. Only one day for that speech!

Mrs. Bonaparte said her grandmother, on her deathbed at ninety-

five or ninety-six, said to Colonel Jerome: "The end of royalty

will soon come - there will be no more kings or dynasties; the

world is now to be republican."

  Mr. Adams said: "Our system of government has failed

utterly in many respects. The House is not what it was intended

to be, a deliberative body. The majority can't control its action.

Nothing less than two-thirds can control it. Our army is as it

ought to be a mere police. It ought to be called a police. Our

navy is nothing. In all ages the difficulty has been how to de-

cide who shall be ruler. It is the same here. No means has yet


been discovered of doing it peacefully. We have not got it.

Our reliance is on the people being so as to need no government.

When that is the case we are safe."

  February 13, 1881. - Visited Baltimore yesterday.  Met at the

depot by the mayor, Latrobe, President Gilman of the Johns

Hopkins University, and Mr. Keyser, of Baltimore and Ohio;

drove to President Gilman's - the old home of Johns Hopkins.

Visited with "friend" King the hospital (Johns Hopkins), un-

finished but with a commanding site and on a noble plan, the Pea-

body Library, etc., and lunched with President Gilman with per-

haps thirty or forty of the best people. At my table Judge

    ----, Reverdy Johnson,  and ---- Hopkins,  a nephew  of

[Johns Hopkins]. In the evening dined with the Press Associa-

tion, President Fox of [the] Associated Press [of Baltimore] in

chair. Senator Bayard, Governor Hamilton, and the mayor near

or opposite to me, with John L. Thomas at my right. The post-

master and treasurer also. A liberal, courteous company of over

fifty; at Eutaw House. Mr. Swinton, Senator Bayard, Thomas,

and Randolph, Judge Bond, and Rev. Mr. Cox made good

speeches. Mine was well received and with much enthusiasm,

viz., three cheers as I closed. Altogether a happy occasion.

  February 15, 1881. --I attended the Yale dinner at the Arling-

ton last night. Among the guests were President Porter, the

Chief Justice, Mr. Evarts, and a number of Senators and Repre-

sentatives, with scientific men, etc., etc. The young men enlivened

the occasion with college songs. Two of the good speeches were

by the young men - Mr. Bentley and Mr. Willard. I signed the

constitution and so became a member of the Washington Yale


  A word or two on the temperance question: When I became

President I was fully convinced that whatever might be true in

Europe and of Europeans, in our climate and with the ex-

citable temperaments of the Americans, the habitual use of in-

toxicating drinks was not safe. I regarded the danger of the

habit as especially great in political and official life. It seemed

to me that the example of excluding liquors from the White

House would be wise and useful, and would be approved by

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          645

good people generally. I knew it would be particularly gratify-

ing to Mrs. Hayes to have it done. We had never been in the

habit of using liquors in our own house, and we determined to

continue our home custom in this respect in our official residence

in Washington. Mrs. Hayes has been from childhood a total

abstainer. I was not a total abstainer when I became President.

But the discussions which arose over the change at the President's

house soon satisfied me that in this matter, if our example was

to be useful, there was no half-way house for me. During the

greater part of my term and at least for the last three years, I

have been in practice and in theory a consistent total-abstinence

man, and I shall continue to be so. All statements inconsistent

with the foregoing are without foundation.


                      WASHINGTON, D. C., February 17, 1881.

  MY DEAR MR. WELSH: - I need not say that I am very grate-

ful for the kindness of yourself and the citizens of Philadelphia

in whose behalf you wrote to me a month ago. The invitation

places me under great obligations.  But after some consideration

Mrs. Hayes and I agreed in thinking that it is upon the whole

best that we should return to Ohio immediately after the inaugu-

ration of General Garfield. No terms can be too strong ade-

quately to express my sense of the support I have received from

men like yourself and those you represent, in the difficult duties

of the trust devolved upon me four years ago. Your approval

of the general course and purpose of the Administration will al-

ways be remembered among the most agreeable circumstances

attending my official life.

  With great respect, I am,


  HONORABLE JOHN WELSH.                            R. B. HAYES.


      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 19, 1881.

  MY DEAR SIR: -I have your note of the 16th. If the con-

tingency happens which you apprehend, there may be some em-


barrassment about placing the picture [of Mrs. Hayes] in the

White House at present, but even in that case I suppose that in a

few months it may be placed there. In the meantime I make this

suggestion - merely as a suggestion for your consideration.

Mr. Huntington, the artist, would like to exhibit the picture in

New York for a few weeks. This is perhaps due to him for his

liberal deduction of one thousand dollars in the price; and, be-

sides, would not its exhibition at the art festival in New York

serve the general purpose of its friends?

  There will be no session of Congress after the 4th of March

and Washington will be deserted by strangers except office-


  If when Mr. Huntington is done with it, say about May I, the

White House is not thought to be the place for it, I am authorized

to say that it can be placed in the Corcoran Art Gallery in this

city - a fire-proof building and a capital place - where it will be

seen by thousands. It can remain there until it can be placed in

the White House, or permanently.

  As to the presentation. That will have to be done by corre-

spondence. We leave Washington for our home in Ohio Sat-

urday morning, March 5.

  I hope you will see in these suggestions what you wish by way

of reply to your letter.

  With the assurance that we are both much pleased with Mr.

Huntington's work, I am,


                                                 R. B. HAYES.



      EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 21, 1881.

   MY DEAR GENERAL:--I have your note of the 17th instant.

Webb or Rud will meet you at the depot and bring your mother,

the boys, and nurse direct to the White House.

  We hope to attend the reception the evening of the fourth. I

visited the building a few days ago. It is incomparably the finest

place for such an affair I ever saw.  All the arrangements for

the inauguration seem to go on well.  The crowd will be pro-

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          647

digious.  Governor  Hartranft told me  he would  have  from

Pennsylvania alone from five to seven thousand [men], uni-

formed and equipped.

  We go to Sherman's Friday night, and hope to leave for Ohio

on Saturday at 10:30 A. M. We fix our dinner to you for the

third of March.

  The Cabinet talk increases, but is good-natured, except as to

Folger.   I have happened to see nobody who did not speak

strongly in opposition to him.

  We thank you for your kindly invitation but it is best for us

to hasten home. - With best wishes,


                                                R. B. HAYES.



  In view of the well known facts that the sale and use in the

Army of the United States of intoxicating liquors is the cause of

much demoralization among both men and officers, and that such

sale and use give rise to a very large proportion of the cases

before general and garrison courts martial, involving great ex-

pense and serious injury to the service, it is therefore directed

that the Secretary of War take suitable steps, as far as practicable

consistently with vested rights, to prevent the sale of intoxicating

liquors (as a beverage) at the camps, forts, and other posts of

the army.

                                                 R. B. HAYES.

  February 25, 1881.--Our diplomatic reception last evening

was very beautiful. It began promptly at 8 P.M., a large number

of guests having arrived as early as 7:30. The stream of hand-

shakers poured incessantly past us two hours. The entertain-

ment in both dining-rooms was unusually well done. We passed

down to the East Room in the following order: First, Mrs.

Hayes and myself, the Cabinet and families, and our guests; then

the members of the diplomatic corps, and finally the guests gen-

erally. There was very little crowding, all the rooms of the house


and the conservatories being open, but the number was between

two and three thousand. The members of the House for the

most part were prevented from attending by a night session and

deadlock over the Appropriation Bill.  Towards the close of the

affair, several officers of the House entered to arrest members,

fifteen or so of whom had come down to the reception. Present,

all of the Cabinet with many ladies.  Supreme Court- Chief

Justice Waite, Miller, Field, Harlan, Wood, Bradley, [and]

Swayne, [and] Strong, ex-[justice] . . . .

  March 2, 1881. - My closing days are full of satisfaction.  I

have shaken hands with five hundred today. Many clergymen

congratulate me. The burden of the talk on all sides is a clean,

honest,  independent,  and  successful  Administration.      Mr.

Stephens, of Georgia, says he never saw an Administration go

out so well spoken of. Senators, Representatives, and citizens

say the same.

  Captain McC- gave me a cane with a cannon head from

iron of Farragut's ship, the Hartford, and rosewood shaft.

  March 3, 1881. - A bright and beautiful morning. - The Re-

funding Bill reached me at 8 o'clock last evening with all of its

objectionable features still in it. I shall veto it today. This

will be my last important act. The signing of routine bills, etc.,

etc., for a few hours more, and my official life closes.

  Never have I listened to as much commendation as I heard

yesterday. Mrs. Hayes seems to be a great and almost universal

favorite. Would we were worthier! It is said by old public

functionaries and by citizens that no President and his wife and

family ever left here so much and so generally regretted. Mr.

Roff, Mr. Bulloch, and Mr. Herron, with Mrs. Garfield, the

elder, and the son of the general, brought our list of guests at

dinner last evening up to thirty. A full house!


  MY DEAR SIR:--I regret that I cannot fix a time when I can

be in New York. We return to Ohio tomorrow. Will it not be

possible to make a trip to the West and paint the picture at my

             PRESIDENT--FOURTH YEAR          649

house in Fremont?  The affair can be managed in this way when-

ever you choose.

  Excuse this hurriedly written note.


                                               R. B. HAYES.


          ALTOONA, PENNSYLVANIA, Sunday, March 6, 1881.

  MY DEAR SIR: - We stopped over the day here and expect to

reach the home at Fremont Tuesday. The only untoward event

connected with our leaving Washington was the accident at

Severn by which a number of lives, perhaps four, were unfor-

tunately lost. This caused a delay of several hours. I have

written the President congratulating him warmly on his in-

augural message and his Cabinet. As I see it, his Administration

starts under very favorable auspices.

  I read the parting between you and the treasury people. It

was an affecting and interesting occasion. Your remarks were

extremely felicitous. The notion that you are too cold in tempera-

ment will not outlast many such scenes.

  On the whole, I am exceedingly gratified by the results and

the closing scenes of my Administration. To no one am I more

indebted - to no one am I so much indebted - for the career in

public life which is now closed, as I am to you. I want you to

know that I know and appreciate this fact.

  Please remember us warmly to Mrs. Sherman and thank her

for us both.

  I know that a most honorable career of public life is before you.

In it I shall always feel the deepest personal interest.


                                               R. B. HAYES.


  P. S. - If I left a letter to Bowen of the Independent on your

study table, please mail it. Can't you help Rogers to Hunt's

vacancy. - H.

  March 9, 1881. - We reached home last evening. The weather

was bad - "nasty," as the Englishmen say,--but the people


turned out and gave us a hearty welcome to our home. Our trip

from Washington and our good-bye in Washington had but one

untoward event - the sad railroad accident near Severn by

which two lives were lost and two others are not yet out of

danger.  Our engineer, John M. Unglaub, behaved in the most

devoted and brave way. He staid by the engine, at his post,

doing all he could to save us. Happily he will recover.

  In consequence of the delay we dined the evening of the 5th,

Saturday, with our good friends at Mr. Samuel M. Shoemaker's.

We then in a new car, a Pullman, went on till we reached Al-

toona, where we staid over Sunday.       Monday  we reached

Cleveland and staid with our kinsfolks, Mr. and Mrs. Lewis

Austin. We were called on by a good number (seven) of the

Twenty-third and by many of the best people. General Barnett,

Mr. Foote, Ely, Colonel Harris, Eels, and many others.

  At Clyde we were met by the Fremont Reception Committee

just at dark Tuesday  (8th) and found [awaiting us on our

arrival at Fremont] a large crowd with bands, torches, and

banners.  We  were heartily welcomed and taken home via

Croghan Street, Main Street [now Park Avenue], Birchard

Avenue, and Buckland Avenue to Spiegel Grove, with a large

throng of men, women, and children. I will put the names

of committees with the programme in my scrap-book of this date.

Mr. Everett made a speech on my veranda to which I replied.

After this Mrs. Hayes and I shook hands with a large part of the


                    END OF VOLUME III.

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