Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 241
ADDRESS OF HON. W. J. GILMORE.
DELIVERED AT GREENVILLE, OHIO, AUGUST 3,
1895.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I acknowledge the kindness of your
committee in giving
me, by their invitation, an opportunity
to address you on this
occasion. In coming back to Greenville
after an absence of
years, there remain, on this side of the
great river that separates
this from a future state of existence,
but a few of those warm
friends who welcomed me when I first
came to Greenville, forty-
six years ago, as a lawyer
"following the circuit," after the man-
ner in vogue with the early lawyers of
the state, and not aban-
doned entirely at the time above spoken
of by the lawyers of
western Ohio. My connection with the
Greenville courts, either
as lawyer or judge, continued for more
than twenty-five years.
On my return at present, I meet but one
of the numerous
members of the Greenville bar, who were
in active practice when
I came to your old court house in a
professional way. That
member is John R. Knox, between whom and
myself the closest
relations of professional and personal
friendship and confidence
have existed for all these years, and it
is too late now to reasonably
apprehend a jar between us in the
future. However, my friend
seems to be as youthful and active as
myself, and if a jar should
unfortunately occur between us, followed
by a conflict, the avoir-
dupois of the case will be in my favor,
and my object will be, if
possible, to gently "sit down on
him," which will settle the racket
between the only remaining members of
the Greenville bar of
1849.
But I must not confine my remarks to the
members of the
bar alone. In the periods of time that I
spent in Greenville, it
was my good fortune to become pleasantly
acquainted very gen-
erally throughout the town and country.
As it was with the
bar, so it was with the personal
acquaintances made when I
first came. But comparatively few of
them remain to greet me
to-day. The others have gone. This
impresses me with the
Vol. VII.-16.
242 Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
idea that I must be a "back
number" brought forward for the
occasion. But be that as it may, if time
would permit I would
be delighted to mention the names of
many of the pioneer women
and men, whom I found here at my first
coming, and to testify
to their great worth and excellence in
every respect. These in-
troductory remarks may be regarded as
smacking of egotism,
but I regard my long acquaintance in
Greenville and the country
as justifying what I have said by way of
re-introducing myself to
the old remaining pioneers and the
descendants of those who
have gone.
The occasion that calls us together is
the centennial cele-
bration of the Treaty of Greenville,
commonly called Wayne's
Treaty.
The nations of antiquity delighted to be
able to trace their
origin back to some fabulous demi-god,
of miraculous, mysterious
and perhaps accidental birth, to whom
they gave a name, and
to whom they attributed such acts,
powers and greatness that in
their opinion elevated him far above the
sphere of ordinary mor-
tals. The traditions upon which they
relied to establish the facts
concerning their origin were too old to
be contradicted by living
witnesses, and hence, were susceptible
of being proved to the
ready satisfaction of the populace, by
the beautiful but fabulous
legends and stories, which were invented
by the genius of the
poets and priests and sung by the
wandering minstrels to admir-
ing and appreciative crowds collected on
the street corners or in
shady groves; and in this way the
courage and patriotism of the
populace were stimulated to such a
degree as to render them
capable of performing great deeds in
defense of personal rights
and their country.
If it was a pleasure to the ancients to
listen to these beautiful
legends and fables, pertaining to the
origin of their government,
it ought to be a pleasure to us to
familiarize ourselves with the
facts relating to our origin, as well as
the origin of our own State,
its organization, its form, its laws,
its institutions, and all that
renders it great and good in the sense
that places it in the front
rank of states, in the grandest
political Union of states that has
ever existed upon earth.
Every important fact connected with our
State and preced-
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 243
ing its organization are now matters of
history, open to the in-
spection of all citizens who take an
interest in our origin and
development.
A connected sequence of historical
facts, taking us back to
the discovery of this continent by
Columbus, and to the first set-
tlements of what now constitutes the
United States of America,
are all available to the students of
history, who are desirous of
knowing the facts that occurred between
the time of the dis-
covery and the first settlements, a mere
reference to which is all
that can be appropriately or necessarily
made on this occasion.
But we are here to celebrate the
Centennial of the Treaty
of Greenville.
The occasion is one of such interest,
not only to the people
of Ohio, but to those of Indiana,
Illinois, Michigan and Wiscon-
sin, which states were all carved out of
what is known in history
and in law as the "Territory
northwest of the river Ohio." These
states are naturally more deeply
interested in the history of this
territory, than are the other states,
for the reason that the Treaty
of Greenville was the result of somewhat
local causes that had
been operating, and tending to make such
a treaty a necessity for
many years.
The states named have, therefore, a
common interest in all
matters relating to this territory, that
preceded its organization
by the Ordinance of 1787. It will
be impossible in the limits of
this address to call attention with
particularity to all that is of
interest in this connection. All that
can be done, will be to pre-
sent in a general way, the controlling
causes by which the terri-
tory and jurisdiction over it was
acquired by the United States;
the manner in which that jurisdiction
was exercised from the
time it was acquired until by due
process of law the people of
the territory organized themselves into
the five states named,
with defined boundaries, and were
admitted into the Union on
an equal footing with the original
states.
It is apparent that the scope of this
address must necessarily
be much restricted. Much interesting
matter must be omitted.
No effort will be made to preserve the
exact chronological order
of the occurrence of controlling events,
though an effort will be
made to prevent confusion in these
respects. Attention will be
244 Ohio Arch. and His.
Society Publications.
directed mainly to the territory
northwest of the river Ohio, its
defense by the general government
against the Indians, and the
battles fought with them, eventuating in
the Treaty of Greenville.
We pass by the supposed laws of the
Mound Builders, and
the more modern savages, who, history
tells us, were in the pos-
session and occupancy of the great
Northwest territory when it
was first discovered by Europeans, and
whose legends and fables
may have been as beautiful as those of
any other prehistoric peo-
ples who have inhabited the earth; but
they had no poets to put
them in enduring form, to be sung by the
wandering minstrels
for the amusement and education of their
fellows, and their oral
traditions have been lost and forgotten.
By the right of discovery and occupation
in 1673, France as-
serted her dominion and jurisdiction
over all the territory west
of the Alleghenies, from the St.
Lawrence to the mouth of the
Mississippi, which includes what we know
as the territory north-
west of the river Ohio. France retained
dominion over this vast
territory until 1763, ninety years,
during which time the Jesuits
and agents of France, in an intelligent
manner, made explora-
tions of every part of the territory,
much of which they mapped
with a good deal of accuracy. They also
established Indian mis-
sions in the territory, especially in
the region of the Great Lakes.
They planted settlements therein,
principally in the central and
extreme southern portions of it. They
also erected and manned
forts at strategic points, generally on
or near some navigable
stream or lake, by which they held
military possession of the
territory for the French Crown.
At the close of a war between England
and France, in which
the sovereignty of this territory was
one of the many questions
involved, and which resulted
disastrously to France, the latter,
by the treaty of 1763, was compelled to
cede to the former all
her possessions in America lying east of
the Mississippi river.
This gave England a title by conquest to
the ceded terri-
tory, which was annexed to the English
Crown, and became sub-
ject to her dominion and laws. She also
took military posses-
sion of it. Many of the forts mentioned
had been built by
France as a protection against the
encroachment of the English
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 245
colonies, which were partly contiguous
to or adjoining said pos-
sessions of France.
After the peace of 1763, the English
having no use for the
forts so built by France as a protection
against England and her
colonies, abandoned and destroyed all
such; and thereafter Eng-
land retained forcible military
possession of her lately conquered
territory by means of three forts under
the command of English
officers, one of which was at Detroit in
Michigan, one at Kas-
kaskia in Illinois, and the other at
Vincennes, Indiana. Under
the law of nations, this was a
sufficient possession to protect the
claim of England to the territory so
acquired from France as
against all others.
The Revolutionary War, which commenced
in 1775, was
waged on the part of the colonies for
the sole and only avowed
purpose of achieving their independence.
They had in the out-
set of the war no declared purpose of
conquest.
The boundaries of the colonies became
the boundaries of the
respective states after they had become
independent, and did not
on the west extend beyond the crest of
the Alleghenies.
It is true that after independence was
achieved, three of the
states, Massachusetts, Connecticut and
New York, set up claims
to portions of the Northwest territory,
by virtue of the terms of
their original colonial grants from the
Crown, and on a like
ground Virginia claimed the entire
territory northwest of the
river Ohio.
There is no purpose on my part to
discuss the merits of
these respective claims, and they are
alluded to only for the
purpose of saying that they subsequently
became the subjects of
such heated controversies between the
states as to endanger the
formation of the Union itself; and that
in my opinion the discus-
sions that took place in Congress, on
the subject of these claims,
in which men of consummate ability took
part, did more to en-
lighten and educate the people of the
states, and in an allowable
sense, the states themselves, than any
other single subject that
was discussed in Congress previous to
the adoption of the consti-
tution that sealed the Union. The
discussions had reference to
the principles of our form of
government, the rights of the
states respectively, and above all on
the necessity of the states
246 Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
meeting each other in a spirit of
conciliation and compromise in
settling their respective claims in
order that the formation of the
Union might be rendered possible.
It is interesting, as well as
gratifying, to know that the spirit
of compromise prevailed, and that the
states directly interested in
the controversy respecting this great
territory, with the excep-
tion of some special reservation on the
part of Connecticut and
Virginia, which were conceded to be
just, in due form ceded to
the United States in trust for the
benefit of the people of the
several states all their respective
claims to the great Northwest
territory, but for which compromise I am
persuaded the Union
could not have been formed and perfected
by the adoption of
the constitution, and perhaps the Treaty
of Greenville, which
affected so vitally the great territory
in question, might never
have been made.
We go back for the purpose of briefly
tracing our title to
the great Northwest territory. By the
right of discovery and oc-
cupation, France asserted her dominion
over all the territory
west of the Alleghenies, from the St.
Lawrence to the mouth of
the Mississippi from 1673 to 1763.
During these ninety years
the territory that is now Ohio, was
subject to the laws of France;
and although these laws left their
impression upon the lands in
some localities outside of what is now
Ohio territory, they made
no lasting impression here. This may be
accepted as evidence
of the fact that when the civilization
and laws of the Anglo-
Saxons come in collision with those of
Latins, the latter give way.
By the treaty of 1763 between France and
Great Britain the
former ceded to the latter all her
possessions in North America
lying east of the Mississippi river.
This, as before said, gave
Great Britain a title by conquest to the
ceded territory, and all
of it, including that portion that is
now Ohio, became subject to
her dominion and laws, and remained so
till 1783, when she ac-
knowledged the independence of the
states in rebellion against
her authority; and the Mississippi was
fixed as the western boun-
dary of the territory that was
thereafter to be subject to the gov-
ernment and laws of the United States.
But how came the Mississippi to be made
the western boun-
dary of the territory acquired by that
treaty? It was by the
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 247
forcible ousting of the English from the
territory during the
Revolutionary War, and the taking and
holding forcible military
possession of it by Virginia till the
close of the war. This made
a holding of the possession of the
territory adverse to the Eng-
lish, and this, under the law of
nations, gave the United States at
the time of the treaty of peace in 1783,
a right to insist that they
hold the territory to the Mississippi
river by conquest. This
right was eventually conceded by
England, and by the treaty, the
Mississippi was made the western
boundary of the territory, to
which England relinquished all claim by
the treaty. If England
had still been in foricble military
possession of it, at the time of
the treaty, after holding such forcible
possession by conquest
from France, it is a very serious
problem whether her sovereignty
over it would have been relinquished to
the United States. The
latter made her claim through Virginia,
whose claim under a
Crown grant has heretofore been
mentioned; and it will be
proper now to state how Virginia came
into forcible military
possession of the territory. Previous to
the revolution in 1774,
the Indians inhabiting Northwest
territory and Canada were in
the habit of making raids into the
western borders of Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia for the purpose of
obtaining scalps and plun-
der from the whites. These raids became
so serious that Vir-
ginia determined to put an end to them
by war upon the tribes.
A military force was raised and sent
against them. In 1775, the
battle of Point Pleasant, on the Ohio,
was fought. It was the
most stubborn and sanguinary Indian
battle that was ever fought
to a finish on this continent. The
Indians were overwhelmingly
defeated. They then sued for peace, and
a treaty of peace was
made, with which none of the parties
were afterwards satisfied.
The result was that the Indians were
peaceable for some two
years, when they again commenced their
predatory warfare
against the frontiers of Pennsylvania
and Virginia.
Now came to the front one of the most
remarkable men of
those remarkable times - George Rogers
Clarke. He lived in
Albemarle county, Virginia. He was of large
size, to which his
physical strength corresponded. He was
mentally a very able
man, and was an experienced Indian
fighter and was of un-
doubted courage and determination. The
Indians were trained
248 Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
and commanded by English officers, and
were fitted out, shel-
tered and protected by the English at
the forts of Kaskaskia and
Vincennes while prosecuting their wars
against the frontiers;
and on their return from their forays,
laden with scalps and plun-
der, they were received by the English
with demonstrations of
joy and hearty approval. Under these
circumstances Clarke was
of the opinion that the Indians could
not be whipped adequately
to make them desist from their savage
warfare against the fron-
tiers, while they could flee, when
necessary to avoid punishment,
to the protection of the British forts
above named, where they
were armed and encouraged to continue
their depradations on
the whites.
Without counselling with any one on the
subject, Clarke
conceived the bold design of making a
conquest of the great
Northwest territory by taking and
holding Forts Kaskaskia and
Vincennes, after which the Indians could
be driven from the
territory. On submitting his designs and
plans to Governor
Henry of Virginia, they were approved,
and through his influ-
ence, after much delay and vexation,
during which Clarke mort-
gaged all his property to raise money to
forward his scheme of
conquest, a force of about two hundred,
which was to have been
three hundred and fifty men, was
organized and placed under
the command of Clarke. In January, 1778,
he marched to Pitts,
burg. where he and his army took boats
and commenced the
descent of the Ohio, for a point on the
river opposite to Kas-
kaskia, and about sixty miles from its
mouth. The delays of
the voyage, from causes incident to
those early times and im-
perfect means of transportation, were
such that he did not arrive
at the point above indicated until the
fall of 1778. As soon as
his boats were secured he commenced his
march against Kas-
kaskia. The march was one of great
hardships, but his men en-
dured them cheerfully when they saw
their commander march-
ing in the front, rifle in hand and
carrying his provisions on his
back.
It is almost needless to say that he
took the British by sur-
prise and the garrison surrendered
without resistance.
This peril then confronted him.
Vincennes, which was a
strong military post, under the command
of the British Lieuten-
Address of Hon. W. J.
Gilmore. 249
ant Governor Hamilton, lay directly
between Kaskaskia and the
frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia.
Clarke, looking facts
boldly in the face, said: "I must
take Hamilton, or he will take
me." With him, decision was
followed by instant action. With
only one hundred and thirty men, the
others remaining to de-
fend the fort, he at once started from
Kaskaskia in February,
1789, to march across the country to
capture Vincennes. There
is no time now to speak of that terrible
march, in which for days
and days the men were constanly wading
in water from two to
four feet deep. It is without a parallel
in history.
No other man than Clarke could have
brought his men
through it, but he did it without the
loss of a man, though many
of them were so weak as to require the
assistance of those who
were stronger when they reached ten
acres of dry land about two
miles from Vincennes. Even then Governor Hamilton had no
notice of Clarke's approach, and the
latter having captured some
Indians with some Buffalo meat, held
them prisoners until he
had fed his famished men upon the
captured meat. He then
literally waded against the fort and
after one day's fighting, it
surrendered.
The Virginians then manned the forts so
strongly that the
English made no subsequent demonstration
against them, and
thus the former held armed military
possession of the territory
until the close of the revolution; and
being so in possession,
their right to the territory was
admitted in the treaty of peace,
and, as before said, the entire
Northwest territory was ceded by
England to the United States by that
treaty.
I doubt whether history, taking
everything into considera-
tion, shows a parallel to this conquest
of Clarke's. It strikes me,
that without this conquest and continued
military occupation of
the territory up to the time peace was
concluded, neither the
United States nor Virginia had any claim
to the territory that
would have been valid under the law of
nations.
Perhaps but few now listening to me have
ever before heard
of George Rogers Clarke, or know of his
great conquests, the
benefits of which we are to-day enjoying
throughout the con-
quered territory, which now consists of
five free and independent
states, each constituting a star of the
first magnitude in the grand
250
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
galaxy of states composing our beloved
Union. By his great
valor and courage, he was instrumental
in the extinguishment of
the sovereignty of England over the
territory composing these
states. But while the conquest swept
away the claims of Eng-
land, it did not extinguish the title of
the Indians to the lands
in the territory, which title they
acquired and held by virtue of
original discovery and continued
occupancy of it, until their title
to a large portion of the territory was
extinguished by the
Treaty of Greenville.
I therefore suggest that on this
occasion the memories of
George Rogers Clarke and Anthony Wayne
should be associated
and equally cherished by the people of
the five great states created
cut of the territory: the one to be
remembered as the extin-
guisher of the sovereignty of England
over the territory, the
other to be remembered as the
extinguisher of the Indian title
to a large portion of the territory by
the Treaty of Greenville,
after having conquered a peace that made
the treaty a necessity
to the Indians in order to save
themselves from extinguishment.
Just one word by way of digression,
respecting the two
great men I have just named. As above
said, Clarke mortgaged
his property for more than it was worth
to raise the money to
equip his little, but great, army of
conquest. Virginia recog-
nized the greatness of the services of
himself and his men, and
made them a princely donation of lands
in the conquered ter-
ritory, in compensation of their
services, and which donation was
subsequently recognized and validated by
the United States. It
is to be hoped that his men received
more benefit from the dona-
tion than did their gallant commander,
whose share of the lands
was seized and sold by his creditors to
pay the debts he had con-
tracted in equipping his army. He died
poor.
The other, General Wayne, died in Erie,
Pennsylvania, in
the government service, for want of
what, to him, were the neces-
saries of life. I visited his tomb,
years ago, and as I approached
it I respectfully uncovered my head, and
as I stood there, silently
contemplating the hazardous scenes
through which he passed
in his active military life, those that
stood in the front line of my
thoughts were the "Battle of Fallen
Timbers" and the "Treaty of
Greenville," as they are in your
minds to-day.
Address of Hon. W. J.
Gilmore. 251
Here, in order to mention one other
thing of supreme im-
portance in connection with the Treaty
of Greenville, I must
again go back a few years, and call
attention to other matters
with which the patriot fathers were
earnestly wrestling, with fear
and trembling as to the fate of their
beloved country whose in-
dependence they had recently achieved.
Although they were
still clinging to the "Articles of
the Confederation" and the
Congress of the States, held under it,
as the sheet anchor of
their hopes, it had become clearly
apparent that the ties of the
Articles of Confederation were too weak
and inefficient to ac-
complish the purposes of a union of
independent states, such as
they contemplated, and for which they
hoped and prayed.
No point of time can be more interesting
to citizens of the
Northwest territory than that to which
attention is now directed.
The war of the Revolution had been
brought to successful ter-
mination. The Articles of Confederation
were in force, and the
Congress of the States held under it was
doing all it could do to
meet and harmonize the conflicting
interests and demands of the
states of the Union. The constitutional
convention had met in
May, 1787, and was in session at
Philadelphia, but it was un-
known what the outcome of its labors
would be. The last Con-
gress of the States under the
confederation was sitting in New
York, in which only eight states were
represented, and it was
manifest that it was about to fall to
pieces of its own weight, or
from want of cohesive and coercive
powers.
The citizens of the Northwest territory
have especial reasons
to look back with reverence and
affection upon the congress of
the old confederation; for it was the
territories northwest of the
river Ohio that were the objects of its
last and most solicitous
care. With its expiring breath it gave
to them the "Ordinance
of '87", and in pursuance of its
provisions appointed a governor
and three judges, who were to organize a
civil government within
its boundaries, and adjourned never to
meet again.
Two months afterwards (September 17th,
1787), the con-
vention promulgated the Constitution of
the United States which
was adopted and is supreme, but at the
time of which we are
speaking the "Ordinance" in
its relation to the territories was
scarcely inferior in importance to the
constitution itself. Except
252 Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
as to the initial and temporary
government of the governor and
judges, it contained an announcement of
the true theory of
American liberty, and provided
everything necessary to the de-
velopment of free and independent
states, and for their admis-
sion into the Union on an equal footing
with the original states,
and this for the time being was what was
best suited to their
condition. It was a code complete within
itself.
It will be remembered, however, that the
Indian title to the
Northwest territory had not been
conclusively extinguished to
any part of it. It is true that by the
treaty of Fort McIntosh
the whites claimed that there had been
an extinguishment of the
Indian title to a large portion of what
is now Ohio; but the In-
dians claimed that the treaty had been
made by certain Indians
who had no power to make it, and that it
was, therefore, fraudu-
lent and void. Notwithstanding this
claim of the Indians, how-
ever, settlers had begun to flock into
the territory shortly after
the adoption of the Ordinance, and were
being from time to time
attacked, murdered and scalped by the
Indians at all vulnerable
points.
The great importance of the Treaty of
Greenville, consisted
in the fact, that it in a conclusive way
swept away the Indian title
to all the land south or east of the
treaty line, and thus gave full
effect to the beneficent provisions of
the Ordinance of '87 in
nearly all that portion of the territory
that now constitutes the
state of Ohio. But this was not all, the
Treaty of Greenville be-
came a precedent, and the principles it
established were those,
substantially, that were subsequently
applied in extinguishing
the Indian title to the residue of the
great Northwest territory,
which is now sufficient in itself to
constitute an empire in popu-
lation, and in all things else that
constitute goodness and great-
ness in government; lying at the bottom
of which are the lasting
effects of the Treaty of Greenville.
It is impossible for me to say on the
subjects that I have
above spoken of all that I ought to say
upon them, but I hope I
have said enough to show the importance
of the Treaty of Green-
ville, which, to the pioneers of the
territory, was like the shadow
of a great rock in a desert land, under
which they could lie down
and rest in safety, while on their march
to empire.
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 253
Inasmuch as that portion of the
territory which now con-
stitutes the state of Ohio was the first
to receive the benefits of
the Ordinance of '87 and the Treaty of
'95, and was also the first
state developed and prepared for
admission into the Union under
their provisions; as showing what
occurred in Ohio in respect
to its organization as a territory, its
early laws, and admission
into the Union, we give the substance of
some of them; and
assuming that what occurred in Ohio in
these respects, prob-
ably occurred in substantially the same
way in the organization
of the other four states that were
formed from the Northwest ter-
ritory, we give those that occurred in
Ohio as samples of what
probably occurred in respect to the
others.
The Governor and two of the judges
appointed by the old
congress, arrived at Marietta on the 9th
of July, 1778, and estab-
lished the first form of civil
government within the territory. A
few settlers had preceded them to that
point and were literally
encamped in the wilderness.
In confirmation of the maxim that
self-preservation is the
first law of nature, on the 25th of
July, 1788, they published a
law for regulating and establishing the militia,
which was the
first law published in the
territory. The third section reads thus:
"And, whereas, in the infant state
of a country, defense and pro-
tection are absolutely essential, all
male inhabitants of the age
of sixteen and upwards shall be armed,
equipped and accoutred
in the following manner: . with a musket
and bayonet, or rifle,
cartridge box, pouch, or powder horn and
bullet pouch, with
forty rounds of cartridges, or one pound
of powder and four
pounds of lead, priming wire and brush,
and six flints."
And by the fourth section, amongst other
things it is pro
vided that the "corps shall be
paraded at ten o'clock in the
morning of each first day of the week,
armed and equipped as
aforesaid, in convenient places next
adjacent to the places of
public worship, etc.", and the
reason given for this was that it
was necessary in order to avert danger.
The salient points of other laws may be
noticed for the pur-
pose of contrasting those early times
with the present, thus show-
ing the advances in civilization that
have been made in our state
254 Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
in less than a century. For instance, by
a law of September,
1788, the punishment affixed to the
commission of crimes, al-
though deemed necessary then, would now
be called cruel and
unusual. Treason was punishable with
death and forfeiture of
estates real and personal. To the
malicious burning of a dwell-
ing house the same punishment and
forfeitures were affixed.
Malicious murder was punishable with
death. The punishment
for other felonies and misdemeanors was
generally by whipping,
never exceeding thirty-nine lashes, and
in some cases not ex-
ceeding ten lashes, and sitting in the
stocks from one to three
hours was also generally prescribed in
addition.
It is interesting to us lawyers to know
the fact that the fees
for practicing attorneys were fixed by
law, and ranged from one
dollar in the quarter sessions to two
dollars in the Supreme
Court, for each case tried and argued.
There was no intention
that lawyers should become bloated
capitalists.
Assessments for the support of the
organized counties were
made in money or specific articles as
the assessor deemed best,
and if not paid promptly the party
assessed was imprisoned till
the payment was made, or his discharge
ordered.
If a single man became indebted and
could not pay in cash,
he would, With the consent of the
creditor, be ordered by the
court to pay in personal services, not
to exceed seven years in
any case. Under like circumstances a
married man could not
be required to serve more than five
years.
These laws, selected at random as
examples of the laws pub-
lished or adopted by the Governor and
Judges, are not referred
to in either a querulous or frivolous
sense. They have upon
their face internal evidence of the
circumstances and necessities
of the people for whose government and
preservation they were
made. Much more may be readily inferred
from them than is
expressed in their words. They were made
in the unbroken
wilderness by pioneers for pioneers. All
were to be soldiers.
All were to be honest, and if they were
not they were either to
be hanged or whipped out of the country.
They had to pay
their assessments, either in corn or
cash as the case might be,
or go to jail. There should be no
extortioners, and bachelors
were at a discount as compared with
husbands.
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 255
So far this sketch is intended to direct
attention in a gen-
eral and historical way to some of the
laws affecting in a greater
or less degree what now constitutes Ohio
territory, from the
time of its occupation by Europeans,
down to the point at which
we have arrived. One of the provisions
of our first constitution
is here quoted: "That a frequent
recurrence to the fundamental
principles of government is absolutely
necessary to preserve the
blessings of liberty."
This enunciation of a great principle
pertaining to civil gov-
ernment is as true to-day as when it was
announced nearly one
hundred years ago. Startling and
significant events have oc-
curred in the meantime, affecting us as
a state and as a people;
endangering not only Ohio, but our Union
itself. But by cling-
ing and adhering to the great principles
upon which our govern-
ments, federal and state, are founded,
and resorting to the strong
arm of the military power, only when
required to do so solely for
their preservation against military
force brought against them
and intended for their destruction, we
have been able to main-
tain our civil governments in all their
pristine beauty and vigor,
and the states formed from the Northwest
territory have also
reaped rich harvest from the seeds that
were planted when the
Treaty of Greenville was made. And to
slightly paraphrase the
words of a great statesman, let us say
"that if we are not stricken
with judicial blindness we will cling to
our constitutions and
treaties, as the mariner clings to the
last plank when night and
tempest close around him."
Address of Hon. W. J. Gilmore. 241
ADDRESS OF HON. W. J. GILMORE.
DELIVERED AT GREENVILLE, OHIO, AUGUST 3,
1895.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I acknowledge the kindness of your
committee in giving
me, by their invitation, an opportunity
to address you on this
occasion. In coming back to Greenville
after an absence of
years, there remain, on this side of the
great river that separates
this from a future state of existence,
but a few of those warm
friends who welcomed me when I first
came to Greenville, forty-
six years ago, as a lawyer
"following the circuit," after the man-
ner in vogue with the early lawyers of
the state, and not aban-
doned entirely at the time above spoken
of by the lawyers of
western Ohio. My connection with the
Greenville courts, either
as lawyer or judge, continued for more
than twenty-five years.
On my return at present, I meet but one
of the numerous
members of the Greenville bar, who were
in active practice when
I came to your old court house in a
professional way. That
member is John R. Knox, between whom and
myself the closest
relations of professional and personal
friendship and confidence
have existed for all these years, and it
is too late now to reasonably
apprehend a jar between us in the
future. However, my friend
seems to be as youthful and active as
myself, and if a jar should
unfortunately occur between us, followed
by a conflict, the avoir-
dupois of the case will be in my favor,
and my object will be, if
possible, to gently "sit down on
him," which will settle the racket
between the only remaining members of
the Greenville bar of
1849.
But I must not confine my remarks to the
members of the
bar alone. In the periods of time that I
spent in Greenville, it
was my good fortune to become pleasantly
acquainted very gen-
erally throughout the town and country.
As it was with the
bar, so it was with the personal
acquaintances made when I
first came. But comparatively few of
them remain to greet me
to-day. The others have gone. This
impresses me with the
Vol. VII.-16.