Ohio History Journal

HARRISON'S GREAT SPEECH

 

At the Wonderful "Log Cabin" Campaign Meeting at

Ft. Meigs, in 1840.*

 

Closely intertwined with the coming dedication of the Fort

Meigs monument at Perrysburg is the history of a gathering

which rivaled, numerically, the meeting which will take place

there when the monument is dedicated in September.

The occasion was a speech by General Harrison, in 1840,

then a candidate for the presidency, and 40,000 persons assembled

to hear his address. When modes of travel are taken into con-

sideration it was one of the most notable events in the history of

the country.

Among his auditors were governors of state, military men

and prominent citizens, and every state of the Union was repre-

sented. It was the tribute of the people to the man who had

been with the forces of the country in the bloody Indian wars

from the time when he was a subordinate under Wayne until

he reached the position of commander of the Army of the

Northwest.

In enthusiasm and decorations, and, in fact, in all features,

it eclipsed any gathering held in the states prior to that time.

The political campaign of 1840 was unique in American

history. Nothing like had preceded it. No political campaign

since has equaled it in spectacular features and enthusiasm-

not even the "Wide Awake" campaign of 1860.

The "log cabin" and "hard cider" campaign of 1840 stands

without a parallel in our political history.

At the Whig national convention which assembled at Harris-

burg, Pa., in December, 1839, General William Henry Harrison

and John Tyler were nominated for President and vice president.

* [For this article we are indebted to the Toledo Blade, of May 8,

1908. - EDITOR.]

 

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Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson were the opposing

candidates nominated by the Democratic convention.

Opposing General Harrison an eastern correspondent in-

dulged in much ridicule, and, among other things, referred to

the candidate of the Whig party as a man whose acme of happi-

ness would be found in a log cabin with an inexhaustible supply

of hard cider drunk from a gourd.

This jibe at the habits of one, whose military career from

the battle of Fallen Timber through successive stages to his

brilliant victory over the British and their Indian allies in Canada

in 1813, had endeared him to the American people, was at once

taken up as the slogan of the campaign, and the "log cabin" and

"hard cider" became the keynote of the memorable contest of

1840.

Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune, published a cam-

paign paper entitled, "The Log Cabin," and all over the country

rude log cabins were constructed in almost every city, town and

village.  These cabins were furnished with rude tables and

benches; the walls hung with coonskins, accompanied with a

barrel of cider and gourds for drinking cups. In these structures

political meetings were held, not only weekly but almost daily.

The campaign in Ohio was opened at Columbus, February 22,

Washington's birthday, and it was a memorable day for Columbus.

From fifteen to twenty thousand persons had gathered there from

every section of the state. Columbus had made great prepara-

tions for the event. An immense log cabin had been constructed.

Every Whig residence in the city was brilliantly illuminated, and

the hotels, boarding houses and private homes were crowded to

the limit. The processions were punctuated with the peal of

cannon, the roar of musketry, the jubilant strains of music from

a score of bands, and the vociferous shouts of thousands carried

away with the enthusiasm of the hour.

The representation from northwestern Ohio was simply im-

mense. An imitation of Fort Meigs was constructed and de-

scribed in a Columbus paper as "twenty-eight feet long, embank-

ments six inches high, surmounted by piquets of ten inches, seven

blockhouses and a garrison of forty men. Twelve cannon with

appropriate mountings were properly disposed of at the batteries."

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Harrison's Great Speech.             199

 

Floating from this miniature fort were several flagstaffs, one

of which displayed the following inscription:

"Fort Meigs,

"Besieged May, 1813.

"Tell General Proctor when he gets possession of the fort,

he will gain more honor in the estimation of his king and country,

than he would acquire by a thousand capitulations."

Another streamer contained the dying words of the brave

Lawrence: "Don't give up the ship."

Among other resolutions adopted at this gathering was the

following:

"Resolved, That it be recommended to the young men of

the states of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Western

New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, to celebrate the next anni-

versary of the raising of the siege of Fort Meigs in June, 1813,

on the ground occupied by that fort."

In pursuance of this resolution, on the 11th of June, 1840,

there assembled at Perrysburg and Fort Meigs a gathering esti-

mated at 40,000 enthusiastic Whigs, not only from Ohio and

neighboring states, but from the more distant states south and

east - in fact, no section of the union was unrepresented. Among

these were many distinguished statesmen of that day as well as

many of the veterans who had faithfully served their country

under their beloved commander, who came to do him special

honor on that occasion. These thousands came on horseback, on

foot, by wagon and by boat. In those days it was no small effort

to make the journey that thousands did make through a sparsely

settled country, without the means of travel afforded in this year

of grace. Other thousands came by boat, from the eastern states.

The names of some of these steamers were the Commodore Perry,

the General Wayne, Lady of the Lake, General Scott, Jefferson,

United States, Sandusky, Huron, etc. These came to the foot of

the Rapids, then the head of navigation.

The display of banners, the roar of musketry, the belching

of cannon, ringing of church bells, the, shrill notes of fife and

drum, bands of music, military companies - all made an im-

pressive scene never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it.

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A few of the older inhabitants of Perrysburg - boys then - who

participated in those demonstrations, speak of those scenes with

a feeling of enthusiasm and pride.

H. S. Knapp, in his "History of the Maumee Valley," gives

the following names of the speakers on that day:

"Colonels Todd and Clarkson, of Kentucky, former officers

under General Harrison during the siege; Hon. Thomas Ewing;

General Woodbridge, of Michigan; General Ford; John R. Osborn,

Esq., then of Norwalk, now of Toledo (since deceased and well

remembered by Toledo citizens), on this occasion rendered him-

self conspicuous in an effort which challenged the encomiums of

some of the most distinguished persons present; Hon. Oliver

Johnson, of Michigan; Dr. Smith, of Monroe, Mich.; Robert

Schenck, of Dayton; George C. Bates, Esq., of Detroit; Mr.

Saxton, an old Revolutionary soldier from Connecticut; James

Fitch, of New York; Hon. E. Cook, of Sandusky City, delivered

a brilliant oration; Mr. Chamberlain, a blacksmith, from Kinder-

hook, gave a humorous and witty discourse. Rev. Joseph Badger,

the chaplain in 1813, eighty-five years of age in 1840, offered the

opening prayer."

But the principal attraction was the address of General

Harrison, which was eagerly listened to by the assembled thous-

ands and stenographically reported by the correspondent of the

New York Tribune. A copy of that address may not be without

interest to the reader of the present day. General Harrison said:

 

Fellow-Citizens-I am not, upon this occasion, before you in ac-

cordance with my own individual views or wishes. It has ever appeared

to me, that the office of President of the United States should not be

sought after by any individual; but that the people should spontaneously,

and with their own free will, accord the distinguished honor to the man

whom they believed would best perform its important duties. Enter-

taining these views, I should, fellow citizens, have remained at home,

but for the pressing and friendly invitation which I have received from

the citizens of Perrysburg, and the earnestness with which its accepta-

tion was urged upon me by friends in whom I trusted, and whom I am

now proud to see around me. If, however, fellow citizens, I had not

complied with that invitation-if I had remained at home-believe me,

my friends, that my spirit would have been with you; for where, in this

beautiful land, is there a place calculated, as this is, to recall long past

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Harrison's Great Speech.                  201

 

reminiscences, and revive long slumbering, but not wholly extinguished,

emotions in my bosom?

In casting my eyes around, fellow citizens, they rest upon the spot

where the gallant Wayne triumphed so gloriously over his enemies, and

carried out these principles which it seemed his pleasure to impress

upon the mind, and in which it has ever been my happiness humbly to

attempt to imitate him. It was here, fellow citizens, I saw the banner

of the United States float in triumph over the flag of the enemy. There

it was where was first laid the foundation of the prosperity of the now

widespread and beautiful West. It was there I beheld the indignant

eagle frown upon the British lion. It was there I saw the youth of our

land carry out the lesson they imbibed from the gallant Wayne-the

noblest and the best an American can acquire-to die for his country

when called to do so in its defense.

(At this moment the speaker's eye fell upon Gen. Hedges, when he

said: "Gen. Hedges, will you come here? You have stood by my side

in the hour of battle and I cannot bear to see you at so great a distance

now." Immense cheering followed this considerate recognition, and the

cries of "raise him up," "place him by the side of the old general," had

scarcely been uttered when Gen. Hedges was carried forward to the

stand.)

The general continued: It was there I saw interred my beloved

companions, the companions of my youth. It was not in accordance

with the stern etiquette of military life then to mourn their departure;

but I may now drop a tear over their graves at the recollection of their

virtues and worth.

In 1793, fellow citizens, I received my commission to serve under

Gen. Wayne. In 1794 I was his aide at the battle of Miami. Nineteen

years afterward I had the honor of again being associated with many

of those who were my companions in arms then. Nineteen years after-

wards I found myself commander-in-chief of the northwestern army;

but I found no diminution in the bravery of the American soldier. I

found the same spirit of valor in all-not in the regular soldier only,

but in the enrolled militia and volunteers also.

What glorious reminiscences do the view of these scenes around me

recall to my mind! When I consented to visit this memorable spot, I

expected that a thousand pleasant associations (would to God there were

no painful associations mingled with them) would be recalled-that I

should meet thousands of my fellow citizens here-and among them

many of my old companions-met here to rear a new altar to liberty in

the place of the one which bad men have prostrated.

And, fellow citizens, (continued the general), I will not attempt to

conceal from you that in coming here I expected that I should receive

from you those evidences of regard which a generous people are ever

willing to bestow upon those whom they believe to be honest in their

endeavors to serve their country. I receive these evidences of regard

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and esteem as the only reward at all adequate to compensate for the

anxieties and anguish which, in the past, I experienced upon this spot.

Is there any man of sensibility, or possessing a feeling of self-respect,

who asks what those feelings were?   Do you suppose that the com-

mander-in-chief finds his reward in the glitter and splendor of the camp?

or in the forced obedience of the masses around him?

These are not pleasures under all circumstances-these are not the

rewards which a soldier seeks. I ask any man to place himself in my

situation, and then say whether the extreme pain and anguish which I

endured, and which every person similarly situated must have endured,

can meet with any adequate compensation, except by such expressions

of the confidence and gratitude of the people, as that with which, you

fellow citizens, have this day honored me? These feelings are common

to all commanders of sense and sensibility. The commanders of Europe

possess them, although placed at the head of armies reared to war.

How much more naturally would those feelings attach to a commander

situated as I was?  For of what materials was the army composed

which was placed under my command? The soldiers who fought and

bled and triumphed here were lawyers who had thrown up their briefs-

physicians, who had laid aside their instruments-mechanics, who had

put by their tools-and, in far the largest proportion, agriculturalists,

who had left their ploughs in the furrow, although their families de-

pended for their bread upon their exertions, and who hastened to the

battle field to give their life to their country if it were necessary, to

maintain her rights. I could point from where I now stand, to places

where I felt this anxiety pressing heavily upon me, as I thought of the

fearful consequences of a mistake on my part, or the want of judgment

on the part of others. I knew there were wives who had given their

husbands to the field-mothers who had clothed their sons for battle;

and I knew that these expecting wives and mothers were looking for

the safe return of their husbands and sons. When to this was added

the recollection that the peace of the entire west would be broken and

the glory of my country tarnished if I failed, you may possibly conceive

the anguish which my situation was calculated to produce. Feeling my

responsibility, I personally supervised and directed the arrangement of

the army under my command. I trusted to no colonel or other officer.

No person had any hand in the disposition of the army. Every step

of warfare, whether for good or ill, was taken under my own direction

and of none other, as many who now hear me know. Whether every

movement would or would not pass the criticism of Bonaparte or

Wellington, I know not; but, whether they would induce applause or

censure, upon myself it must fall.

But, fellow citizens, still another motive induced me to accept the

invitation which had been so kindly extended to me. I knew that here

I should meet many who had fought and bled under my command-

that I should have the pleasure of taking them by the hand and recur-

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Harrison's Great Speech.                   203

 

ring with them to the scenes of the past. I expected, too, to meet with

a few of the great and good men yet surviving, by whose efforts our

freedom was achieved. This pleasure alone would have been sufficient

to induce my visit to this interesting spot upon this equally interesting

occasion. I see my old companions here, and I see not a few of the

revolutionary veterans around me. Would to God that it had even been

in my power to have made them comfortable and happy-that their sun

might go down in peace! But, fellow citizens, they remain unprovided

for-monuments of the ingratitude of my country. It was with the

greatest difficulty that the existing pension act was passed through con-

gress. But why was it restricted? Why were the brave soldiers who

fought under Wayne excluded ?-soldiers who suffered far more than

they who fought in the revolution proper. The revolution, in fact, did

not terminate until 1794-until the battle was fought upon the battle

ground upon which my eye now rests (Miami). War continued with

them from the commencement of the revolution until the victory of

Wayne, to which I have just alluded. The great highway to the west

was the scene of unceasing slaughter. Then why this unjust discrimina-

tion? Why are the soldiers who terminated the war of the revolution,

in fact, excluded, while those by whom it was begun or a portion of

them, are rewarded? I will tell you why. The poor remnant of Wayne's

army had but few advocates, while those who had served in the revolu-

tion proper had many friends. Scattered as they were over all parts of

the Union, and in large numbers, they could exert an influence at the

ballot-box. They could whisper thus in the ears of those who sought

their influence at the polls: "Take care, for I have waited long enough

for what has been promised. The former plea of poverty can no longer

be made. The treasury is now full. Take care; your seat is in danger."

"Oh ! yes, everything that has been promised shall be attended to if you

will give me your voice." In this way, fellow citizens, tardy, but partial,

justice was done to the soldiers of the revolution. They made friends

by their influence at the ballot-box. But it was different with Gen.

Wayne's soldiers. They were few in number, and they had but one or

two humble advocates to speak for them in congress. The result has

been, justice has been withheld.

I have said that the soldiers under Wayne experienced greater

hardships even than the soldiers of the revolution. This is so. Everyone

can appreciate the difference between an Indian and a regular war.

When wounded in battle, the soldier must have warmth and shelter be-

fore he can recover. This could always be secured to the soldiers of the

revolution. In those days the latch string of no door was pulled in.

When wounded, he was sure to find shelter and very many of those

comforts which are so essential to the sick, but which the soldiers in an

Indian war cannot procure. Instead of shelter and warmth he is ex-

posed to the thousand ills incident to Indian warfare. Yet no relief was

extended to those who had thus suffered!

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After the war closed under Wayne, I retired; and when I saw a

man poorer than all others, wandering about the land, decrepid and de-

cayed by intemperance, it was unnecessary to inquire whether he had

ever belonged to Wayne's army. His condition was a guarantee of that-

was a sufficient assurance that he had wasted his energies among the

unwholesome swamps of the West, in the defense of the rights of his

fellow citizens, and for the maintenance of the honor and glory of his

country.

Well, fellow citizens, I can only say, that if it should ever be in my

power to pay the debt which is due these brave but neglected men, that

debt shall first of all be paid. And I am very well satisfied that the

government can afford it, provided the latch string of the treasury shall

ever be more carefully pulled in. Perhaps you will ask me for some

proof of my friendship for old soldiers. If so, I can give it you from

the records of congress. When the fifteen-hundred-dollar law was re-

pealed, I opposed it, as I opposed changing the pay of members of

congress from six to eight dollars, until we had done justice to and

provided for these soldiers. You will find my votes upon this question

among the records of congress, and my speech upon it in the published

debates of the time.

I will now, fellow citizens, give you my reasons for having refused

to give pledges and opinions more freely than I have done since my

nomination to the presidency. Many of the statements published upon

this subject are by no means correct; but it is true that it is my opinion

that no pledge should be made by an individual when in nomination for

any office in the gift of the people. And why?  Once adopt it, and the

battle will no longer be to the strong-to the virtuous-or the sincere

lover of the country; but to him who is prepared to tell the greatest

number of lies, and to proffer the largest number of pledges which he

never intends to carry out. I suppose that the best guarantee which an

American citizen could have of the correctness of the conduct of an

individual in the future, would be his conduct in the past, when he had

no temptation before him, to practice deceit.

Now, fellow citizens, I have not altogether grown gray under the

helmet of my country, although I have worn it for some time. A large

portion of my life has been passed in the civil departments of govern-

ment. Examine my conduct there, and the most tenacious Democrat-

I use the word in its proper sense; I mean not to confine it to parties,

for there are good in both-may doubtless discover faults, but he will

find no single act calculated to derogate from the rights of the people.

However, to prove the reverse of this, I have been called a fed-

eralist! (Here was a cry of "The charge is a lie -a base lie. You are

no federalist.") Well, what is a federalist? I recollect what the term

formerly signified, and there are many others present who recollect its

former signification also. They know that the federal party was accused

of a design to strengthen the hands of the general government at the

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Harrison's Great Speech.                   205

 

expense of the separate states. That accusation would nor cannot apply

to me. I was brought up after the strictest manner of Virginia anti-

federalism. St. Paul himself was not a greater devotee to the doctrines

of the Pharisees than was I, by inclination and a father's precepts and

example, to anti-federalism. I was taught to believe that sooner or

later that fatal catastrophe to human liberty would take place; that the

general government would swallow up all the state governments and

that one department of the government would swallow up all the other

departments. I do not know whether my friends Mr. Van Buren (and

he is and I hope ever will be, my personal friend), has a throat that can

swallow everything; but I do know that, if his measures are carried out,

he will lay a foundation for others to do so if he does not.

What reflecting man, fellow citizens, cannot see this? The repre-

sentatives of the people were once the source of power. Is it so now?

Nay. It is to the executive mansion now that every eye is turned-that

every wish is directed. The men of office and party who are governed

by the principles of John Randolph, towit: the five loaves and two fishes,

seem to have their ears constantly directed to the great bell at head-

quarters to indicate how the little ones shall ring.

But to return, I have but to remark that my anti-federalism has

been tempered by my long service in the employ of the country-and

my frequent oaths to support the general government; but I am as ready

to resist the encroachments on state rights as I am to support the legiti-

mate authority of the executive, or general government.

Now, fellow citizens, I have very little more to say, except to exhort

you to go on peacefully if you can-and you can-to effect that reform

upon which your hearts are fixed. What calamitous consequences will

ensue to the world if you fail? If you should fail how the tyrants of

Europe will rejoice. If you fail, how will the friends of freedom, scat-

tered, like the planets of heaven, over the world, mourn, when they see

the beacon light of liberty extinguished-the light whose rays they had

hoped would yet penetrate the whole benighted world. If you triumph,

it will only be done by vigilance and attention. Our personal friends,

but political enemies, remind each other that "Eternal vigilance is the

price of liberty." While journeying thitherward, I observed this motto

waving at the head of a procession composed of the friends of the pres-

ent administration. From this I inferred that discrimination was neces-

sary in order to know who to watch. Under Jefferson, Madison and

Monroe, the eye of the people was turned to the right source-to the ad-

ministration. The administration, however, now  says to the people,

"You must not watch us, but you must watch the Whigs! Only do that

and all is safe!" But that my friends, is not the way. The old-fash-

ioned Republican rule is to watch the government. See to the govern-

ment. See that the government does not acquire too much power. Keep

a check upon your rulers. Do this, and liberty is safe. And if your

efforts should result successfully, and I should be placed in the presi-

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dential chair, I shall invite a recurrence to the old Republican rule, to

watch the administration and to condemn all its acts which are not in

accordance with the strictest mode of Republicanism. Our rulers, fellow

citizens, must be watched. Power is insinuating. Few men are satisfied

with less power than they are able to procure. If the ladies whom I see

around me were near enough to hear me, and of sufficient age to give an

experimental answer, they would tell you that no lover is ever satisfied

with the first smile of his mistress.

It is necessary, therefore, to watch, not the political opponents of

an administration, but the administration itself, and to see that it keeps

within the bounds of the constitution and the laws of the land. The

executive of this Union has immense power to do mischief, if he sees fit

to exercise that power. He may prostrate the country. Indeed, this

country has been already prostrated. It has already fallen from pure

Republicanism, to a monarchy in spirit, if not in name.

A celebrated author defines monarchy to be that form of govern-

ment in which the executive has once the command of the army, the

execution of the laws and the control of the purse. Now, how is it with

our present executive? The constitution gives to him the control of the

army and the execution of the laws. He now only awaits the possession

of the purse to make him a monarch. Not a monarch simply, with the

power of England, but a monarch with powers of the autocrat of Russia.

For Gibbon says that an individual possessed of these powers "will, un-

less closely watched, make himself a despot."

The passage of the sub-treasury bill will give to the President an

accumulation of power that the constitution withholds from him, a mon-

arch. This catastrophe to freedom should be and can be prevented by

vigilance, union and perseverance.

["We will do it," resounded from twenty thousand voices, "we

will do it."]

In conclusion, then, fellow citizens, I would impress it upon all-

Democrats and Whigs-to give up the idea of watching each other, and

direct your eye to the government. Do that, and your children's children,

to the latest posterity, will be so happy and as free as you and your

fathers have been.

 

At the close of General Harrison's address the vast multitude

of hearers gave "three times three" with a vim, an earnestness

and an unanimity that eloquently voiced the truth and beauty of

the sentiments so forcibly portrayed by the honored speaker.

This monster demonstration at Fort Meigs was well calcu-

lated to give even additional force and character in the further

progress of that remarkable campaign.     Not a political meeting

of any consequence was held throughout the country that did

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Harrison's Great Speech.           207

 

not bring out delegations in wagons and vehicles of every de-

scription, reaching sometimes a mile in length. These wagons

were trimmed in many fantastic designs, and always accompanied

with martial music.

On General Harrison's return from Fort Meigs, he visited

a number of towns in Ohio, among them Columbus, Springfield,

Dayton, Germantown, Cincinnati and other places.

At Germantown there were some unique preparations for

his reception. Among the features were thirteen lads, of whom

the writer was one, representing the thirteen original states.

These were dressed in blue hunting shirt with coonskin caps, and

sang campaign songs from the Log Cabin Song Book. Among

the airs were Dan Tucker, Rosin the Bow, Buckeye Brawn, John

Anderson My Joe, Auld Lang Syne, etc. Some of the lines were:

 

"Say, Oh where was your Buckeye cabin made?

Away down yonder in the sylvan shade,

Where the Buckeye boys wield the plow and spade,

There, Oh there, was our Buckeye cabin made."

Then again:

"Oh, what has caused this great commotion

The country through?

It is the ball a-rolling, rolling on

For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too.

For with them we can beat any man-man-man

Of the Van Buren clan;

For with them we can beat any man."

 

And so on, with many doggerel jingling songs of a similar

character.

Another ornamented wagon containing a number of girls

dressed in white, and these represented the stars in the Union

at that time.

Many similar spectacular features, processions, patriotic dis-

plays and illuminations characterized the campaign of 1840 in

every town and village of note throughout the country, north

and south - a campaign that has never had its counterpart in

our political history.

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