Ohio History Journal

508       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

It will not be disturbed by wars and revolutions, but it will tower

sublime, while monarchies totter and fall; it will stand majestic,

immutable, the American Republic. (Applause.)

 

ADDRESS OF THEODORE E. BURTON

Following the address of Colonel Cole, President

Johnson said:

I wish I might possess some of this inspiring oratory of the

last speaker in making these introductions. However, my limi-

tations leave me only the power to say in simple way that one of

the world's greatest statesmen, a man full of years and honors,

who is today rendering the greatest service of his career to his

state and his country, has left his busy life in Washington that

he may come here to witness these unveilings and make an ad-

dress. I shall introduce to you a man, who, trite as the saying

may seem, needs no introduction, nevertheless we will present

Honorable Theodore E. Burton, who will address you on the

subject, "The World War and Its Lessons." (Applause.)

When the last echoes of the generous applause that

greeted Congressman Burton had died away, he ad-

vanced to the speakers' stand and spoke as follows:

It is most unfortunate that the faithful labor of those who

organized for this occasion should be marred by the inclement

weather. We cannot say that Winter is lingering in the lap of

Spring, for Spring has not yet appeared upon the scene. And

yet, let us not forget how much darker were the skies, how much

more gloomy were the days when our soldiers were battling

abroad. The dough-boys went down into the trenches, slimy,

damp, and dark, not to protect themselves against the elements,

but that they might not be slain by the murderous shells of the

foe.

It is for us, by such memorials as this and by the more sub-

stantial tributes of our gratitude and affection, to remember those

who fought in the late war. Let not the voice of the living or

the dead be able to say to us, "Are we then so soon forgot?"

My friends, the late World War, from 19I₄ to 1918, was the

most frightful conflict in the world's history. Absorbed in the

busy whirl of the present, with its excitements, we do not realize

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its magnitude or importance. Maybe those who come after us

will have a better grasp upon its significance. In that awful con-

test more than ten million of the bravest and best marched

through the dark valley of the shadow of death to certain de-

struction, and deeply engraven on a multitude of hearts are the

records of grief, rendering homes which might otherwise be alive

with happiness and joy, abodes of suffering and sorrow. The

number disabled by wounds or sickness can scarcely be enumer-

ated. The material loss in that awful contest was more than two

hundred and fifty billions of dollars. The stored up savings of

the ages, more in amount than the combined wealth of any four

of the leading countries originally involved in the struggle, were

burnt up in the waste and destruction of war. And yet, when

we contemplate the aftermath, the spiritual and moral legacies

of hatred and vindictiveness may be more disastrous than the

material damage.

What was America's part in this great struggle? Nine years

ago today the declaration against the rulers of Germany went

forth to the world. Then there was an uprising such as no nation

has ever seen. By material assistance, by sending two million

soldiers across the sea, and by the readiness of many millions

more, America threw the weight of her might into the contest,

sustaining those who were worn and weary; and turned doubt

and defeat into victory. Whatever our critics may say at home

or abroad, I shall always maintain that our entrance into the war

was largely dictated by a spirit of altruism and by a desire to

preserve liberty and free government. Our nation's strength was

exerted for the supremacy of right over might, for justice and

with a hope, -- a burning hope, -- that the terrible struggle might

be the last and peace might follow.

Our participation in the war was not unanticipated, and when

the tocsin of alarm sounded, millions of soldiers were gathered

from far off Texas, from California, from where roll the waters

of the Oregon, from across the mountains and on to the plains,

and clear on to the Atlantic shore. We saw the well-trained, well-

equipped soldier made out of the raw recruit. We saw them say

farewell to kindred and friends, and go down to the ocean side

to sail for the field of battle. They were waving a last farewell

to us as they sailed forth, looking back on their native land per-

haps for the last time.

"Sailing, sailing, over the bounding sea," in danger from

the torpedo and the submarine, until their eyes rested upon the

farther shore, a strange land indeed. And when they landed in

France they needed no martial music, but with strength and

brawn, with vigor and confidence, they marched through the

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510       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

streets; and the population of Brest, the women and children, for

the men had gone, climbed up to roofs and towers, shouting, "The

Americans have come, the Americans have come, to save France

and to save the world." And later, in the awful clash of battle

were their efforts known, and American soldiers never knew re-

treat. We have never engaged in a war but what triumph rested

upon our banners. Such were the achievements of the men who

fought on the land, in the air, and on the sea, -- let not our tri-

umphs on the sea be forgotten. Let not our tribute of mourning

and praise be withheld from those carried not by tender hands

to the cemetery but lost in the deep. Of them we may say:

The waves became their winding sheet,

The waters were their tomb;

But for their fame, the ocean sea

Was not sufficient room.

It is especially fitting that we should gather here today in

the presence of the Governor, who has spoken, and of Colonel

Cole, and General Hough, who will address you. Around us is

a throng of young men who took part in the struggle. Here also

are the women who did their part as nurses and otherwise, min-

istering to the wants of the wounded and dying. And I see all

around me that throng of those who, at home, with the deepest

anxiety but with devotion to the cause, saw their kindred and

friends go forth to be, if necessary, a sacrifice on the altar of

patriotism.

What was Ohio's part in this great contest? For country

and for the rule of justice the state of Ohio between the declara-

tion, April 6, 1917, and the Armistice, November 11, 1918, con-

tributed two hundred and two thousand enlisted men, beside some

eleven or twelve thousand officers, -- two hundred thirteen or

fourteen thousand engaged directly in the service, to which must

be added the very considerable number of those who enlisted as

marines, in the navy, and in the regular army. Ohio, as in all

great crises of the past, responded to the call.

There was the 27th Division recruited from Ohio, which did

service in the Argonne and St. Mihiel and other bloody battlefields

of France. There was the 83rd and part of the 84th which also

fought bravely. Then there was the 166th Regiment, represented,

I believe, by General Hough, which performed most notable

service; and although some are wont to look with despite upon

that humble class, I cannot help but recall the 9th Battalion,

made up of the descendants of freedmen, who fought so well. I

would mention also the 332nd Regiment, part, I believe, of the

83rd Division. That was the only regiment which went to Italy,

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and following examples that have been given in duplication and

multiplication, they moved from sector to sector, and conveyed the

impression that a large share of the American Army was there.

Although there were only 3600, they rendered a most efficient

service.

You who fought in the war, you who took part as men and

women, occupy a unique position. Napoleon marched over the

Alps to the plains of Italy, and when he sought to inspire his

troops, he gave an address in which he said, "When you are old

and feeble, the young and the beautiful will point to you and say,

'There goes one who served in the Army of Italy.' " How much

more appropriately can the young and beautiful of the future

point to you who in the time of your country's perils, risked your

lives in the great World War from 1914 to 1918.

Now you have duties as citizens, and if you fought for your

country in time of war, you must be ready to serve it and strive

for it in time of peace. I wish I had time to give some of those

injunctions which one long in public life could give to a young

citizen. I shall mention only a few.

Bear in mind the perils which confront your country in these

piping days of peace, -- the excitement, the hysteria, the super-

ficial grasp on public questions, participation in things which thrill.

Though I do not wish to be regarded as unusually conservative,

I think sometimes it would be better if invention would cease now

with its last great product, perhaps the radio, and we should

utilize those which we have, before seeking other inventions which

may turn us aside from the more sober and deliberate duties of

life.

I would say to you, you should have some part in trying to

stay the extraordinary wave of crime which has overspread the

country. Some say it is due to the war. I do not think so. There

is always a degree of restlessness after a war, but in several of

the countries which participated, crime has since very much di-

minished. It is due in far larger measure to the lax administra-

tion of justice, and to the efforts of the flimsy sentimentalist, who

weeps for the guilty criminal, but has no tears for his victim who

lies buried in the cemetery.

And again, as to the quality of our citizens, I would say a

word to you. Let us not have any Bolshevists or Communists in

this country. There is one country across the sea that is ruled

by them, and there is a large sprinkling in others. They are ob-

taining a foothold in China and, I fear, in Mexico. Let us say

to those who wish to establish here a Bolshevik or a Communist

regime, -- "The ocean lies there, broad and open. You cannot

sail away too soon."

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Now what are the lessons of the World War? When we

survey its events we cannot be altogether satisfied with its results.

There is still antagonism, and hatred, and militarism among the

nations of Europe. Most fortunately we have been free from

the accumulated antagonisms of centuries. We had no deep-

seated animosity to the German people, but we knew that there

was an element in control led by a Kaiser who believed in the

mailed fist and the rattling sabre. There was a worship of brutal

force, which was a constant threat to the peace of the world.

But as far as the East is from the West, so far were we removed

from any spirit of revenge.

In a spirit of amity and with willingness to forget, we should

construct our policy for the future. But first, let us note a few

practical considerations. I have a certain admiration for those

who would outlaw war. That is the goal to which we should

all bend our efforts. That is the millennium of the future, but

until there is some substitute for war we cannot do away with it.

Disarmament, except in a limited degree, is perilous unless there

is assurance of security. We do not have for our young men

the compulsory military training in vogue in most of the nations

of Europe, because it is contrary to our ideals and we do not

feel that any necessity exists for it. We are fortunate in our

isolation, and across the border no armed forces threaten our

tranquility; but to say that we can never be in any danger is

most hazardous. Preparedness is necessary, and military train-

ing, voluntary and even compulsory in colleges receiving support

from the government, is most desirable.

In his first Annual Message, January 8, 1790, President

Washington said, "To be prepared for war is one of the most

effectual means of preserving peace. A free people ought not

only to be armed but disciplined", and in the responsive address,

-- in those days when the Senate and the House sent an address

in response, they said, "We are persuaded that one of the most

effectual means of preserving peace is to be prepared for war."

Some twenty years later, President Madison, the scholar of the

formative period of our country, said, "Nor can the occasion fail

to remind you of the importance of those training seminaries",

that is, training schools. We may pass by the more militant ex-

pressions of President Roosevelt and of those men in the mili-

tary service and elsewhere who are constantly conjuring up danger

of war with Japan and other countries. But until a new order is

established in the world, our country with its vast resources must

not be left defenseless.

Every good citizen should be ready to respond with his

substance, his service, and even with his life if his country is in

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danger. That is the condition under which we enjoy the political

society of this wonderful country of ours. Indeed I would go

further. I think it extremely desirable that legislation should be

enacted, such as that proposed by the American Legion, and which

I had the honor to suggest in a keynote speech in 1924, under

which, in time of war, all forces, economic as well as man power,

be mobilized for defense. When the nation is in peril there should

be room neither for the slacker nor the profiteer.

But if practical considerations dictate preparedness, surely

our general policy should be one which looks to lasting peace.

If there is one universal desire among the more humane and

enlightened, it is for peace. Moral and intellectual forces have

been aroused as never before over the horrible sufferings of the

late war, and the threat that another combat would be even more

terribly destructive than the last. Such a combat might even

destroy the most precious achievements of civilization. It is well

to begin with that quality of restraint which makes for good-will

in our domestic affairs, as in the relations between employer and

employee, between whom there is frequent conflict to the equal

injury of each and in the avoidance of sectional strife. In olden

days when state was arrayed against state, repulsion was the

dominant spirit, and in a lesser degree this feeling still survives.

Let us consider a present day illustration, -- the bitter recrimina-

tions between the advocates of prohibition and its opponents.

Let there be no bandying of epithets but a calm and dispassionate

weighing of arguments pro and con, never forgetting that our

chief duty is to respect the established law of the land. If we

maintain among ourselves an attitude of composure and self-

possession rather than one of acrimony, our influence abroad will

be greatly strengthened.

What are some of the discouragements which face those who

seek for better relations between nations? In the first place there

are some who believe that war is the natural condition of man-

kind; that contests, bloody contests, are inevitable; even more, --

that the field of battle is essential for the maintenance of profi-

ciency, discipline and courage; and that war is a part of the life

of the country the same as any of the other various activities of

society. With that I cannot agree, and I believe their number

is diminishing. There are myriads, countless myriads of those who

have fought, who have seen bloodshed, who have gone through

the hardships of war on the battlefields. Leave it to them. Do

they desire another war? Leave it to the women and children.

Do they wish war? Leave it to the humanitarians. Leave it to

the Christian church; -- and I wish to impress the responsibility

of the Christian church in this regard. Devotion to the ideals

Vol. XXXV -- 33.

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of the Master would put an end to wars. You all remember the

story of Mary and Martha and Lazarus; just like many a home

in Ohio; two maiden sisters and a brother. One day Lazarus

sickened and died, and while the mourners were coming to com-

fort Mary and Martha, the Master came, and Mary said to him,

"Master, if Thou hadst been here my brother would not have

died." As one looks over that broad expanse stretching as it does

from morning till evening, with the crosses, the government monu-

ments, the battlefields and cemeteries in France where hundreds

of thousands lie buried, can we not say, "If Thou hadst been

here, these myriads would not have died"?

Then there is an exaggerated and selfish nationalism in the

way of peace. As the different portions of the earth come more

and more into contact, there arises a pride in race which pro-

motes unreasonable claims under the guise of a false patriotism,

and which demands that each country take a more aggressive

position. Then the people of each nation begin to think that they

have all the knowledge and all the good things of this world, and

national pride is exaggerated. Different races as well as differ-

ent people have different capabilities. One person may be a great

orator and another a great musician, and all cumbine in making

up society. We must realize that peoples with a different genius

from ours are entitled to our respect.

There is another obstacle in the way of peace, and it is

serious, -- the coming to the front of other races. I regret to

say that in my time there has been an increase of race repulsion.

True, we have indulged in a sentimental liking for many peoples.

When we have seen them at a distance we have not only been tol-

erant but appreciative of their virtues. But when we come in

closer touch we recognize a lack of entire congeniality. We per-

ceive that they have different ambitions and different ideals. We

thought when we considered the nations of Asia that they were

of little political importance, and we had the idea that we would

be dominant for all time; but we find that they resent this atti-

tude, and are beginning to say among themselves, "The ravages

of war have so impaired the strength of the white race that maybe

the time will come when we will put the Caucasian to bed."

Then, beyond all this, are the deeply-rooted feelings and an-

tagonisms which have grown out of this recent war, and the recol-

lection of former wrongs. These can be dissipated only by the

lapse of many years, for only time, patience, and a disposition

to smooth away asperities can cure the hatreds which have devel-

oped. These hatreds are heightened by new alignments and boun-

daries, the permanence of which I question. The forces of civili-

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zation are not static. They do not keep nations in the same con-

dition.

New boundaries were created in the treaties after the war in

which nations of superior civilization were put under inferior;

burdens unduly harsh were imposed upon the vanquished. New

countries without experience in government were sent forth as it

were upon uncharted seas without a compass. We love the idea

of popular government and democracy, but I must candidly say

I doubt whether it is a panacea for all conditions. The motto,

"Make the world safe for democracy" really means in some situ-

ations, "Make the world safe for stupidity", -- make the world

safe for that which tends downwards rather than upward.

I have dwelt on the factors which make for war, for its con-

tinuance, and for its unnatural miseries. Now, what are the

methods to prevent war? First of all, it is desirable to have a

great, august court for the whole world, to which all nations,

weak and small as well as great, may submit their differences, just

as individuals and states of this Union submit their controversies

to the Supreme Court of the United States, which is a proper

model; and where, in the splendid language of Chief Justice

Marshall a hundred years ago, "Russia and Geneva shall be re-

ceived with equal consideration". It is the aim of those who ad-

vocate this idea that international law shall be rescued from

vagueness and uncertainty; that new principles be established, and

that there be the same method of settlement between nations as

between individuals.

But there is a more immediate means to promote peace and

that is by education, -- education which teaches that the world

is becoming one great commercial republic and that there is a

community of interest, the importance of which increases with

the years. In that education the first and foremost need is to

build up an international mind and a rational public opinion. On

that subject one of our great statesmen, Senator Root, has said,

"There is but one power on earth that can preserve the law for

the protection of the poor, the weak and the humble; there is but

one power on earth that can preserve the law for the maintenance

of civilization and humanity, and that is the power, the mighty

power of the public opinion of mankind. More than the sheriff,

more than the constable, more than the state's prison, is the citi-

zen's fear of the condemnation of the community in which he

lives, and in international affairs the respective countries fear

more than anything else the condemnation of the rest of the

world." Germany sincerely thought that she had the greatest

military organization the world had ever seen, and she had. Why

was it she did not succeed? It was because the public judgment

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and the public opinion of America was against her and her ruth-

less methods that she met defeat. Our own President Coolidge

has said on this subject, "World peace, a world affair, stands or

falls by world opinion. If we are to have world peace, we must

have the necessary world opinion to support it."

In movements for peace, what country has the opportunity

which our own possesses? We are the mightiest in resources; we

are greatest in potential military force; we have in a very excep-

tional degree the confidence of all. Let our part be that of jus-

tice, with a spirit of fairness to all, and with a realization that in

foreign relations, as between individuals, neither can have his

own way, but that concession and a spirit of amity are necessary

in order that nations may live in peace. At present there is some

little friction in regard to debts to the United States. Foreigners

are saying very generally, "Uncle Samuel ought not to insist on

payment of the debts." I think all due leniency should be exer-

cised, though the sacredness of financial obligations between coun-

tries should be preserved. We ought to treat Italy and France

and all the rest with forbearance and good-will. I sincerely hope

that the proposed debt settlement with Italy approved by the Debt

Commission and the President will be confirmed by the Congress

in a few days. Let us bear in mind that these debts were largely

for supplies sent from our own country when prices were very

high; and let us bear in mind also that these loans were made in

time of war for the carrying on of war, -- largely for the work

of destruction, and not for any productive enterprise which would

yield a return.

Let us, by example, show that we are fair. We have stood

as a friend to all; we are ready with our good offices to prevent

quarrels. Let us feel that our glory is not so much in battles

won as in wars prevented. We have extended aid by the hun-

dreds of millions of dollars, and the kindness with which it has

been done is more than the money. We have been deeply moved

by the suffering of Europe and of all countries. We have fed the

hungry and starving, we have furnished shelter for the homeless.

We have given succor to the sick and the dying, we have lifted

up the heads of the broken-hearted; and in this as much as in

military achievement rests the glory of the American name.

It should be our most earnest hope that our country may not

be guided by those motives of imperialism and selfishness which

have dominated so many other lands, -- that our policy should

not be one of greed. Thus the prophecy may be fulfilled that

"westward the star of empire takes its way" and that this great

experiment in government shall be the best.

My friends, let me say in closing, this memorial will endure,

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as we trust, for centuries to come. How massive are these pillars

and foundation stones. Here we see the beauty of the sculptor's

art, a monument to the skill of the architect. And as these pillars

stand out in the darkness and the light, each pillar may seem to

say to the mortal passing by, "When you are dead and gone I

shall remain, for I speak for that which is eternal. Here we will

stand, mightier in strength than the fabled Atlas bearing the

round globe upon his shoulders, with no muscles to grow weary

and with no heart to faint." And yet, when this building

crumbles, as in the ages to come it must, that which this build-

ing commemorates will be immortal, for it is the symbol of an

event and of an idea. That event was the world's colossal

struggle, in which the sons and daughters of Ohio, with abun-

dant heroism and sacrifice, bore a splendid part; and that idea

was liberty, humanity, the everlasting triumph of truth and

justice, the might of our own United States.

Mr. Burton spoke most effectively. His established

fame as an eminent Ohio statesman, his position on

the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the National House

of Representatives, his membership on the World War

Foreign Debt Commission and the Executive Committee

of the American group of Inter-Parliamentary Union

and his chairmanship of the U. S. Delegation of the

1925 Geneva Conference for Control of International

Traffic in Arms peculiarly qualified him to speak on

"The World War and Its Lessons." The audience with

rapt attention caught every word of his noble address.

At a few points the tense silence was broken by applause

and at the conclusion of the peroration the audience

arose and manifested its enthusiastic approval by long-

continued applause. A number of persons present who

had frequently listened to Mr. Burton on other occasions

declared that they had never before heard him speak so

impressively. His address will long be cherished as a

classic of patriotic oratory.

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