NOTES
Contributors to This Issue.
Roy F. Nichols is Professor of History
in the University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Raymond F. Fletcher is Business Manager
of the Portsmouth
(Ohio) Times.
Howard H. Peckham is Director of the
Indiana Historical
Bureau and Secretary of the Indiana
Historical Society, Indian-
apolis.
William Alexander Mabry is Professor of
History in Mount
Union College, Alliance, Ohio.
Cathaline Alford Archer (Mrs. John Clark
Archer) of Ham-
den, Conn., interests herself in local and
family history of the
Western Reserve of which she is a
native.
Frederick C. Waite, Professor Emeritus,
Western Reserve
University, now located in Dover, N. H.,
is the author of two
volumes of Western Reserve University
history. (See reviews
in this issue.)
John William Scholl is Professor
Emeritus, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Curtis W. Garrison is Director of
Research, Hayes Memorial
Library, Fremont, Ohio.
Book reviewers, represented by initials,
are Robert C.
Wheeler, James H. Rodabaugh, John O.
Marsh, Bertha E.
Josephson, and Harlow Lindley of the
Society's staff, and Mary
Jane Meyer of the Ohio War History
Commission.
310
THE DECLINE OF EPIDEMIAICS IN OHIO
by ROBERT G. PATERSON
Executive Secretary, Ohio Public Health Association
Secretary, Ohio Committee on Medical History and Archives
Introduction
When one considers the intimate relationship between disease.
particularly epidemic disease, and the individual it is a source of
wonder as to the almost complete absence of reference to this
phase of daily life in the standard histories of Ohio. From
Salmon P. Chase's A Preliminary Sketch of the History of Ohio
published in 1833 and Caleb Atwater's History of the State of
Ohio, Natural and Civil, issued in 1838 down to our own time,
the impact of medicine and disease upon the people of the State
has been all but ignored.
Change in Historical Perspective
A careful examination of the latest and most complete history
of the State of Ohio published in 1941-44 by the Ohio State
Archaeological and Historical Society reveals an awareness of the
social and scientific aspects of medicine never equalled in any of
the previous histories of the State. The nearest approach to this
latest history was the six-volume history of Ohio by Emilius O.
Randall and Daniel J. Ryan published in 1912. They secured
the collaboration of Dr. D. Tod Gilliam of Columbus, Ohio, to
contribute a chapter on "Medical Ohio." His discussion was
devoted largely to the institutional aspects of medicine.
"Historian's Note-Book"
The reason for the increased emphasis upon disease and
medicine in this latest history is, in my opinion, due to the per-
sistent effort exerted by Dr. Jonathan Forman. In 1936, he
began the conduct of "The Historian's Note-Book" in the Ohio
State Medical Journal. Late in 1936, Dr. Forman became the
editor of the Journal and in 1937, he turned the "Note-Book"
311
312 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
over to Dr. David A. Tucker, Jr., of
Cincinnati. Practically no
issue of the Journal has been
published since then without a con-
tribution to the "Note-Book."
This publishing outlet has been
the means by which a score or more
historical medical writers
have been stimulated to explore the
medical history of Ohio.
Ohio Committee on Medical History and
Archives
But perhaps more influential than the
"Note-Book" have
been the contributions of the Ohio
Committee on Medical His-
tory and Archives of the Ohio State
Archaeological and Histori-
cal Society. This committee was
organized in 1939 with Dr.
Forman as chairman and with the
whole-hearted support of Dr.
Harlow Lindley, Secretary of the
Society. Since 1939 the Octo-
ber-December issues of the Society's
quarterly journal have con-
tained papers dealing with various
phases of medicine and the
allied professions in Ohio.1
These papers were drawn upon
substantially in the writing
of the latest history of Ohio. While
much of the same informa-
tion had been available for many years,
it was hidden in the
primary sources exclusively medical in
character. These sources
were the medical journals, proceedings,
and transactions of medi-
cal societies which did not enjoy much,
if any, circulation among
the professional historians. But with
the advent of this material
in the Ohio State Archaeological and
Historical Quarterly the
attention of the Ohio historians to this
hitherto overlooked
material was caught and held. For
example: Professor William
T. Utter in Volume II of the recent History
of the State of Ohio
covering "The Frontier State--1803-1825"
devotes an entire
chapter of twenty-three pages to the
discussion of "Sickness and
Doctors." The other volumes of the
series contain repeated ref-
erences to specific diseases and medical
institutions together with
their social impact as they occurred
throughout the State.
Modern Discussion Lacking
The validity of these remarks is born out
by an examination
of Volume VI, a compilation of seventeen
monographs dealing
1 Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly,
XLVIII-LIV.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 313
with various phases of life in Ohio in
the twentieth century, 1900
1938.
The raw materials for dealing
with the diseases and
health of the people of Ohio are
available in the annual reports
and bulletins of the Ohio Department of
Health, in the Ohio
State Medical Journal, and in other kindred professional sources.
No one, as yet, has taken the time to
collate this material into a
monograph. There is no subject of
greater social significance
or more dramatic value in the history of
Ohio than the growth of
medicine and public health service
since 1900. The immense
increase in scientific knowledge of
medicine and the successful
social application of that knowledge in
the control of disease.
particularly epidemic disease, has
almost been taken for granted
by our people.
Title of Discussion
The title of this discussion, "The
Decline of Epidemics in
Ohio," is perforce a
"tongue-in-cheek" one. In the present state
of our knowledge an epidemic of a
communicable disease may
break out in any part of the state at
any time. However, the
fact remains that we have not had a
major state-wide epidemic
of any disease since the pandemic of
influenza in 1918-19. This
is the longest epidemic-free period in
the history of Ohio.
It seems worth while to examine the
causes for this freedom
which society has enjoyed for so long a
period of time, and to
consider such questions as: What has
been the past history of
epidemics in Ohio? How can we account
for the decline of epi-
demics? What are the factors which seem
to be our safeguards
against devastating epidemics?
Division of Discussion
There are three broad and arbitrary
periods of time since
the first settlement of the state in
1788 which appear as marking
the advance society has made in this
field of social well-being.
The first period embraces the years 1788
to 1873 or 85 years; the
second period covers the years 1873 to 9000 or 27 years;
and
the third period spans the years from 1900 to 1945. These
broad
time periods follow those adopted in
the.latest history of Ohio.
314
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
An over-all examination of the evidence
will warrant the
conclusion that more effective advance
in the control of epidemics
in Ohio has been made within the past
forty-five years than was
made in the entire one hundred and
twelve years prior to the
beginning of this century. There are many and complicated
reasons why this is so. It is hoped that
a brief review of these
three periods will throw some light upon
the developments in
epidemic control that have occurred
during the past one hundred
and fifty-seven years.
In order to keep this discussion within
reasonable limits it
will be confined to a few selected
epidemic diseases and a few
chosen episodes to point their
destructive effects. These epidemic
diseases are influenza, yellow fever,
cholera, small-pox, typhoid
fever, diphtheria, and two endemic
diseases--malaria and tuber-
culosis. These have been the
fear-provoking diseases among our
people. They are the diseases which have
caused the greatest
mortality at varying periods of time.
They are the ones which
have caused the greatest social
disorganization. Finally, they
are the ones which have challenged
"the spirit of adventure" of
the human mind to unravel their
mysteries.
Today, as we examine this list of
diseases, we find yellow
fever and cholera completely gone as
causes of either morbidity
or mortality in Ohio; malaria, typhoid
fever, diphtheria, and
small-pox almost at the vanishing point;
while tuberculosis is
being reduced rapidly in its relative
destruction of life and health.
Influenza, alone, stands as an
uncontrolled threat in the epidemic
field.
In the following Table I it will be
noted that the Ohio figures
begin with 1910. Ohio did not pass a
comprehensive vital sta-
tistics law until 1908. The figures for the first full year of
collection cover the year 1909. While
these figures were a vast
improvement on any previously reported
the 1910 figures come
more nearly reflecting the true
mortality situation than those of
1909. It will be seen that Tuberculosis
and Infant Mortality are
the two disease situations confronting
Ohio.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 315
Table 1
SPECIFIC DEATH RATES FOR SELECTED CAUSES
1910 - 1941
1. TUBERCULOSIS 4. DIPHTHERIA
Year Deaths Rates Year Deaths Rates
1910 7,179 150.6 1910 474 122
1915 6,668 126.5 1915 673 12.8
1920 5,932 103.0 1920 6:39 11.2
1925 4,816 74.9 1925 389 6.1
1930 4,233 64.1 1930 160 2.5
1935 3,602 52.8 1935 178 3.6
1940 2,785 40.8 1940 29 0.4
1944 2,754 39.2 1944 32 0.4
2. INFANT MORTALITY 5.
SMALL POX (U.S. RATES)
Year Deaths Rates Year Deaths Rates
1915 11,463 91.0 1910 0.4
1920 10,160 82.9 1915 0.1
1925 8,841 69.6 1920 0.6
1930 7,209 60.7 192 0.1
1935 5,080 50.4 1935 0.0
1940 4,739 41.4 190 0.0
1944 5,136 39.0 19 0.1
1944 0.1
3. TYPHOID
FEVER 6.
MALARIA
Year Deaths Rates Year Deaths Rates
1910 1,327 27.5 1910 0.8
1915 718 13.7 1915 0.5
1920 436 7.5 1920 0.2
1925 325 5.2 1925 0.2
1930 236 3.4 1930 0.1
1935 97 1.4 1935 0.1
1940 47 0.7 1940 0.0
1944 10 0.2 1944 0.7
I. The
Period from 1788 to 1783--Confused
Speculation
The general characterization of this period may be said
to be
"confused speculation." A brief review of the available primary
sources of information about epidemic diseases in Ohio
during
this period will convince any investigator of the
aptness of this
phrase. The
entire period is full of prolonged and oft-times
heated discussions in the realms of causation,
diagnosis, treat-
ment, and prognosis.
As in so many other areas of medical history, we
perforce
begin with Dr. Daniel Drake of Cincinnati. His mind. spirit,
310
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and indefatigable zeal led him to
publish in 1810 a booklet setting
forth the results of his observations of
life in Cincinnati under
the title of Notices of Cincinnati,
Its Topography, Climate and
Diseases. Five years later he
published that remarkable book
about Cincinnati which established him
as the foremost author
of the Ohio country. It was entitled Natural
and Statistical View
or Picture of Cincinnati and the
Miami Country. Drake's Pic-
ture of Cincinnati, as it is called, contains seven chapters and an
appendix covering in all 250 pages. In
chapter five he devotes
his attention to the consideration of
medical questions, the pre-
vailing diseases and their courses, in
the region around Cincinnati.
So far as can be ascertained, the best
single source of in-
formation available on the incidence of
early epidemic diseases
in Ohio is contained in the presidential
address of Dr. Samuel
Prescott Hildreth of Marietta. This
address was delivered be-
fore the third session of the Medical
Convention of Ohio held in
Cleveland on May 14, 1839. In his
discussion of "Diseases of
the Early Settlers of Ohio" he says
in part:
They sometimes were attacked with
malignant remittants in the
summer, and pneumonias and pleurisys in
the winter, but no serious epi-
demics appeared until partial openings
had been made in the primeval
forests, and the wet low grounds exposed
to the action of a summer sun . .
From the year 1788, the period of the
first improvements in Ohio, to the
year 1807, the date of the first great
epidemic, a large proportion of the
diseases originated in exposures to wet,
cold, hunger, and fatigue, and
were generally of an inflammatory type,
such as Rheumatisms, Pleurisys,
Pneumonias, Scarlatina and Small-pox.2
The great epidemic of 1807 was
influenza. Dr. Hildreth
continues:
The winter following the epidemic of
1807, was mild, and the summer
months were marked with no prevailing
diseases. From the years 1807 to
1813, the country was very healthy. The
few fevers which did appear were
generally typhoid, or synochal. Bilious
cholics for several years after the
epidemic, was a very common disorder.
Phthisis pulmonalis, also became rather
more frequent after the In-
fluenza, but was still a rare
occurrence. During the heats of summer
2 Samuel Prescott Hildreth,
"Address of the President," in Journal of the Pro-
ceedings of the Medical Convention of
Ohio, May 14-15, 1839, 16-7.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 317
cholera infantum was greatly more
frequent than it is at present, and often
proved fatal. It probably arose from the
same malarious state of the
atmosphere which produces intermitting
fevers, as we find it most prev-
alent in regions favorable to the latter
disease ....
By the first of August [1822] the
epidemic [yellow fever] was general
in this portion of the valley, and
especially in Marietta. The largest number
of attacks was in September, and at one
time there was not less than four
hundred cases within the area of one
square mile. They were composed
of all, from the mild intermittent to
the most malignant remittant, with the
usual symptoms which attend the yellow
fever. During the season I had
about six hundred patients under my
care. For four months in succession,
I ate but two meals a day, and spent
from sixteen to eighteen hours out
of every twenty-four in attending the
sick. Through a merciful Providence
my own health was good, and the only
suffering was from exhaustion and
fatigue through the whole of this
disastrous season. The proportion of
deaths was about six in every hundred cases,
where proper medical atten-
tion was given the sick; but so general
was the disease that many lives
were lost from a lack of nurses. All
other disorders were swallowed up
by this.3
We come now to the epidemic of Asiatic
cholera of 1832-34.
This epidemic was so devastating and
created so much fear,
that with each recurring epidemic of the
disease until the end of
the third quarter of the century this
fear was the motivating force
which led to an anxious desire to do
anything that promised relief
from its effects. Here again we quote
from Hildreth:
Early in that year [1832] the people
began to be alarmed with the
accounts from Europe of the ravages of
Asiatic Cholera, . . . and it made
its appearance on the N. E. coast of
America about the last of May, and
spread with fatal rapidity along the
great water courses which border the
northern side of the United States. . .
. With us no cases occurred this
year, but a few appeared late in the
season at Cincinnati. . . . Either
from a nervous dread of the disease, or
some morbific constitution of the
atmosphere, a large majority of the inhabitants this summer were
troubled with bowel complaints,
generally a moderate diarrhea. . . . No
disease which ever visited the civilized
world held such control over the
nervous system and moral faculties of
man; and during the period when the
great mass of our citizens believed it
to be contagious, I have no doubt that
one-half of its victims took the
disease, and actually died from the de-
pressing effects of dispair and fear. .
. . In 1833 and 1834 this epidemic
scourge still continued to visit our
most populous towns and cities in the
3 Ibid., 23-6.
318
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
west, while the sparse and thinly
settled portions of the country scarcely
felt its effects; . . . I think it was
found that the cleanly and well venti-
lated portions of our cities suffered
the least, and the filthy and ill-aired
the most.4
We can recognize today, from this
account, how keen were the
observations of the leading medical men
of that era.
In March 1933, Dr. Jonathan Forman
prepared a paper on
"The First Cholera Epidemic in
Columbus, Ohio (1833)." It was
later published in the Annals of
Medical History in 1934. His
description of the disease is of such a
vivid character that the
deep-seated fear created by an attack of
cholera is readily under-
standable. He says:
The epidemic of Asiatic cholera which
swept over our City one
hundred years ago this summer, for its
mortality and terror, surpassed any
pestilence that ever afflicted Columbus
before or since.
Cholera, because of its sudden
appearance, its high mortality, and
the frightful appearance of its dead,
has always been a dramatic character
in the history of the human race. Those
who die of this disease are a
gruesome sight. It attacks the bowels
and causes a stupendous loss of body
fluids in the typical "rice-water
stools." The whole body becomes covered
and dank moisture. Cheeks become hollow,
nose ipnched, eyes sunken,
voice husky. Death's rigor sets in
quickly. Muscles literally become as
hard as a board. Sometimes a stiffening
corpse jerks about; it may kick
out a foot, wave an arm, flap its jaws
or roll its eyes. Of such things is
the natural terror of man for this
loathsome disease.5
With such a graphic picture of the
disease, and it was en-
countered daily by the physicians in the
epidemic of 1832-34,
we meet Dr. Daniel Drake again. He
persuaded the city council
of Cincinnati not to attempt to shut out
the disease by erecting
barriers against it. Then he set to work
to devise a substitute
plan of defense. The first step in this
plan was public education.
He proceeded to write a book of 180
pages entitled A Practical
Treatise on the History, Prevention,
and Treatment of Epidemic
Cholera, addressed both to the profession and to the people of
the Mississippi Valley in which he
presented the existing know-
4 Ibid., 30-1.
5 Jonathan Forman. "The First
Cholera Epidemic in Columbus, Ohio (1833),"
in Annals of Medical History, n.
s. VI (1934), 410-26.
320 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
ledge and theories pertaining to
cholera.6 It is in this book that
Drake cane very close to anticipating
the later discoveries as to
the origin of infectious diseases. He
did not accept the popular
miasmatic theory or its modifications,
the malarial theory, as the
cause of the disease. He believed the
animalcular theory the most
rational of all and by citations and his
own experience established
the existence of animalculae everywhere,
but especially in de-
caying organic matter.
Not content with his efforts in this
direction, Drake wrote
a broadside of one page which was issued
as an extra insert to
the Cincinnati Chronicle. It was issued Saturday afternoon,
October 13, 1832. This broadside was
probably the first such
attempt at popular health education in
Ohio. The contents of
this broadside are typical of the period
we have chosen to call
"confused speculation."
Drake later estimated that four per cent
of the population
of Cincinnati was destroyed in three
years, 1832-34. This meant
a total of 831 deaths.
In the second cholera epidemic in Ohio
which struck between
1848 and 1850, there were two events
that made a deep im-
pression upon the minds of the people
throughout the State.
The State Board of Agriculture created
by the General Assembly
in February 1846, planned a large state
fair to be held in Cin-
cinnati in 1849. The outbreak of cholera
caused its postpone-
ment until 1850 when the first Ohio
State Fair was held in Cin-
cinnati.7 But in July 1850,
another outbreak of cholera (result-
ing in the death of one of the Executive
Committee of the State
Board) led to the holding of the second
state fair at Franklinton
(Columbus) in September 1851.
The other event was curiously a reversal
of the course fol-
lowed in the transfer of the State Fair
from Cincinnati to Colum-
bus. The Ohio Constitutional Convention
met in the State House
in Columbus, May 6, 1850, to draft a new
state constitution for
6 Daniel Drake, A Practical Treatise on the History,
Prevention, and Treatment
of Epidemic Cholera . . . (Cincinnati, 1832).
7 Francis P. Weisenburger, The
Passing of the Frontier, 1825-1850, Carl Wittke,
ed., The History of the State of Ohio
(Columbus, 1941-44), III (1941), 71-3.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 321
Ohio. On July 9, 1850, the convention
adjourned because of the
cholera epidemic in the city. It reassembled in Cincinnati,
December 2, where it finished its work on
March 10, 1851.8
Both of these episodes had a tremendous
effect upon the
people throughout the State. Dr. Edwin
W. Mitchell in his dis-
cussion of cholera in Cincinnati9 estimated
that between May 1,
and August 30, 1850, there were 4,114 deaths from cholera out
of a total of 6,459 deaths from all
causes for the same period. The
population of the city at this time was
estimated at 100,000.
By 1850, many observers drew attention
to water as a means
of conveying the disease. By 1873, the
year of the last visita-
tion of cholera, contamination of the
water supplies was generally
recognized as a source of infection and
the belief in its bacterial
origin common among the advanced
thinkers of the day.
These few selections of the periodic
recurrent epidemics, it
is hoped, may convey an idea of the
constant fear, nay even
terror, which possessed the people of
Ohio from 1788 to 1873.
This fear was not allayed by the
confused explanations as to cause
offered by the medical profession. But it is clear now that the
leaders of the profession were not idle
in their constant search for
a better understanding of these
scourges. In addition to rugged
battles among themselves and fighting
against quacks and charla-
tans, they were busy establishing
medical journals, conventions,
colleges, and hospitals and constantly
striving to raise the educa-
tional standards of the profession.
Their etiological explanations
were those that were current
elsewhere--that the diseases arose
from miasms in the atmosphere. Their
therapeutic ideas were
heroic. When Prime Minister Churchill
coined his striking
phrase, "Blood, Sweat and
Tears," one who knew the history
of medicine in this period must have
gained the impression that
the Prime Minister was familiar with the
therapeutic practice of
that day--which was "bleed; purge;
puke; and sweat."
Throughout this period the dependence of
society in com-
8 Ibid., 207,
479; Eugene H. Ruseboom, The Civil War Era, 1850-1873, Carl
Wittke, ed., The History of the State
of Ohio (Columbus, 1941-44), IV (1944), 130.
9 Edwin W. Mitchell,
"Cholera in Cincinnati,"
in Ohio State Medical Journal,
XXXIII (1937),
69-70.
322 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
batting epidemics was upon isolation of the patient, quarantine
of
contacts, and the abatement of nuisances. The main idea was
to
clean up the environment to reduce to a minimum the poisoning
of
the air by miasms. Boards of
health were more or less
ephemeral
bodies hastily organized during a threat of an epidemic
and
as hastily disbanded when the epidemic had passed on. There
was
also discernable a gradual shift in emphasis from systems of
medicine
to schools of therapeutics. The rise and struggle for
supremacy
between the so-called allopathic (regular), homeo-
pathic,
and eclectic schools of treatment had a retarding effect
upon
medical development in Ohio.
Finally, during the latter
part
of this period, there was a continual controversy between
those
who believed in contagion as an explanation as to the cause
of
the epidemic diseases and those who denied any such idea.
Table
II
EPIDEMICS
IN OHIO, 1788-1873
Year Population Disease Period
1810 230,760 Influenza 1807
1820 581,295 Yellow
Fever 1821-23
1830 937,903 Influenza 1826
Cholera 1832-34
184 1,519,467 Typhoid 1840-42
1850 1,980,329 Cholera 1849
Cholera 1854
1860 2,339,511 Diphtheria 1856-59
1870 2,665,260 Cholera 1865-66
Small
Pox 1868
Cholera 1871-73
II.
Period from 1873 to 1900 -- Scientific Demonstration
The
establishment of the germ theory as an explanation of
the
causation of a large number of epidemic diseases brought to
a
close the long conflict between contagionists and anticontagion-
ists.
It made possible what we have chosen to call the period of
"scientific
demonstration." Improvements in
the microscope
made
it possible for the French chemist, Louis Pasteur, the
German
country physician, Dr. Robert Koch, and the English
surgeon, Dr. Joseph
Lister, to lay the foundations for attacks
EPIDEMICS IN
OHIO 323
upon communicable diseases and advances
in surgery, which have
gone on from 1865 to the present day.
But the birth of new ideas and the death
of old established
and cherished beliefs are ever fraught
with painful struggles.
Ohio's physicians as well as the people
at large were slow to
accept the new ideas. Throughout this
entire period the annals
of medical thought in Ohio are replete
with the continual con-
tention between acceptance or rejection
of the idea that pathogenic
microorganisms were the explanation of
many of the diseases
which afflicted the people.
Medicine moved away from being solely an
art into the realm
of science. The rise of bacteriology
created the laboratory where
scientific procedures could be
established for the detection of the
organisms in specific diseases. There
ensued a veritable furore of
investigations which discovered a long
list of causative organisms
and gradually established the various
avenues of infection--
personal contact, food and drink, and
biting insects. The science
of immunology sprang up as a collateral
branch of bacteriology.
The interval from 1873 to 1892 was the
most fruitful in the gross
benefits of medical science to mankind
of any like interval in
history.
While there was no cholera epidemic in
Ohio recorded dur-
ing this period, yet it was cholera
which led to a new approach
in control. Koch discovered the
comma-bacillus in 1884 as the
causal organism in cholera. From 1884 to 1892
cholera was
prevalent throughout Europe. The
epidemic culminated in the
great
Hamburg outbreak of 1892 with 17,000
cases and a half
as many deaths. New York was threatened
in 1892 and as a re-
sult a city laboratory was established
by Drs. Biggs and Prudden
in the Health Department. The laboratory
dictated the policies
of quarantine and sanitary matters; it
was arbiter on questions
of diagnosis.
That the new science was effective is
evident; eight badly in-
fected ships, which had lost 76
passengers came to the New York
quarantine and discharged their
passengers both sick and well; yet
with proper care only forty-four deaths
occurred at quarantine
324
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL
AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and from the ten cases that were found
in the city not a single
instance of secondary infection was
discovered.
In the meantime (in April 1886) the Ohio
General Assembly
had passed a bill to create a State
Board of Health.10 Efforts to
achieve this objective had been exerted
vainly at spasmodic in-
tervals for the preceding ten years. The
obstacles were the dif-
ferences between the allopathic and
homeopathic schools of medi-
cine, each fearful of losing supremacy,
as well as the state of
public opinion as reflected by the
legislators over the question
whether diseases were or were not caused
by the "so-called
germs." This act placed Ohio
thirty-second in the list of states
to establish a state board of health;
Massachusetts had been the
first state to set up such an authority
in 1869. The total appro-
priation for the new state activity in
Ohio was the huge sum of
$5,000!
Dr. Charles O. Probst became the first
real secretary of this
State Board of Health. He was its
guiding mentor for twenty-
five years. To read the annual reports
of the work of the State
Board of Health from 1886 to 1911 is to
read the record of hope
deferred, unflagging courage,
intelligent maneuvering, and a
splendid spirit of adventure. To the
present generation of Ohio-
ans skimming blithely over the highways
of the State and streets
of our cities there is no realization of
the vast debt they owe to
this pioneer public health administrator
of Ohio.
Let him tell us in his own words about
the threat of the
1892 cholera situation:
From an epidemic of cholera in Hamburg
and Altoona [Germany],
originated the legislation which has
pushed Ohio to the front in the pro-
tection of her streams, lakes and public
water supplies. It came about in
this way . . . a codification of the
health laws was made which was em-
bodied in a Bill that was introduced in
the House of Representatives. It
contained many new provisions, and made
a document of fifty or more
pages. Cholera from Hamburg appeared at
New York about this time,
and the whole country was alarmed. A
patrol guard was organized on all
railway lines going west through Ohio,
with inspection of all passengers,
night or day, with camp equipment for
the care of cases that might be
10 Ohio Laws,
LXXXII, 77.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 325
found. . . . Ohio was naturally greatly
concerned. Our Health Bill
was before the House. It was so long I
didn't believe any one would
read it, so, with the consent of the
member who introduced it, the fol-
lowing addition was made . . . "and
no city, village, corporation or
person shall introduce a public water
supply or system of sewerage or
change or extend any public water supply
or outlet of any system of sew-
erage now in use, unless the proposed
source of such water supply or out-
let for such sewerage system shall have
been submitted to and received
the approval of the state board of
health." The Bill, with this
amend-
ment, was passed March 14, 1893.11
This act gave to the State Board of
Health sufficient author-
ity to ensure that when an order was
issued to a local sub-division
for such change or improvement of a
water supply the tax limit
could be increased, within limitations,
without a vote of the people
to carry out the Board's order. Thus was
brought about the
effective control of cholera and typhoid
fever in Ohio.
Typhoid fever epidemics were usually of
a local character
and were constantly present in this
period. Cincinnati and Co-
lumbus appear to have had the sternest
battles with the disease.
Dr. Probst has left us a clear picture
of the forces at work in
Columbus for and against the necessary
steps to control typhoid.
He says:
Columbus had for years taken its water
supply from the Olentangy
river a little above the city, and for
years had had, at intervals, outbreaks
of typhoid fever. When Mr. Jacobs was
Director of Public Works, he
conceived the idea of getting a ground
water supply, already purified, he
used to say, by intercepting the ground
water by laying a system of large
iron perforated pipes along the river
shores. He installed very consider-
able lengths of this. As this was an
"additional supply," under the Bense
act, it had to be approved by the State
Board of Health. An unprecedented
epidemic of typhoid fever occurred about
this time and gave a favorable op-
portunity to make a thorough
investigation of the Columbus water supply
question with an eye to its satisfactory
improvement. The Board author-
ized me to employ Mr. Allen Hazen of New
York . . . and after a de-
tailed study of the situation he
recommended an impounding dam in the
Scioto river with a softening and
purification plant. I think Mr. [Julian]
Griggs had previously suggested this, but
of this I am not certain . . . .
11 Charles O. Probst, Recollections and
Reminiscences of Public Health Service
and Public Health Workers, Columbus, Ohio (mimeographed for private circulation,
Columbus, 1912), 5.
326 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL
AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Mr. Robert Jeffries, Mayor, and Mr.
James [M.] Butler, City Solici-
tor, came to my office to urge approval
of the dam alone as funds for puri-
fication were not available. Finally, we
reached a "gentleman's agree-
ment" which was later accepted by
the Board. They promised to have
prepared plans for purification works
without delay and to submit the
question of sufficient funds to install
the plant to a vote of the people. They
agreed further to use all of their
influence in support of it. They fully
carried out their promise.
Some time before the vote was to be
taken there appeared in the Ohio
State Journal a long article urging the
people to vote against this un-
necessary expense, because no system of
water purification could remove the
germs of typhoid fever or other disease
germs. This article was signed by
Dr. Starling Loving, the foremost
physician in Columbus and the Dean of
Starling Medical College, Dr. D. N.
Kinsman . . . Dr. J. F. Baldwin, Dr.
[E. B.] Fullerton, Dr. N. R. Coleman,
Dr. J. M. Dunham and Dr. Will
[D.] Hamilton; the latter with a
reservation. These were the leading med-
ical men of the city, and they did not
realize that (they were all honest
men) they were proposing to lead the
people against the most important
life saving measure Columbus ever had
before it. And this illustrates how
poorly informed about sanitary matters
were the physicians of that day,
especially the older ones who had had no
sanitary instruction.
There was but one course left -- to
educate the people. Accordingly, a
lecture bureau, you might call it, was
organized and several of us arranged
for and spoke before public gatherings
urging the people to support the
bond issue, explaining the process of
water filtration, and proving what it
had done in other places. The bond issue
was carried, and typhoid fever
has almost disappeared from Columbus.12
Out of this controversy there grew not
only the splendid
water purification plant but the sewage
treatment works and the
garbage disposal plant, all of which
have given Columbus a
sanitary control over its environment so
effective that epidemics
of cholera, typhoid fever, and
indirectly, other communicable
diseases have been reduced to a minimum
or entirely eliminated.
What happened in Columbus was also occurring elsewhere
throughout Ohio and the nation. It was a
transition period from
the old to the new. The citation of the
episode merely gives a
local flavor to a nation-wide
phenomenon.
Dr. Probst had other problems crowding
for attention. In
the first annual report of the State
Board of Health he pointed
12 Ibid., 21-3.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 327
out, among other things, the absolute
necessity for a compulsory
system of local organization of boards
of health throughout the
State; the dire need for an adequate
state system of vital statistics;
the obligation of the State to assist
local communities in the con-
trol of epidemic diseases; and the
indispensable requirement for
the preparation and distribution of educational
literature dealing
with the most pressing of the epidemic
diseases.
The slow development of a state system
of vital statistics in
Ohio is presented here as an
illustration of the character of the
struggles that confronted Dr. Probst in
this period. It has been
an axiom of public health that the
collection, tabulation, analysis,
and interpretation of vital statistics
is the cornerstone of success-
ful control of health conditions. Yet,
it almost passes present-
day belief that the State of Ohio took
so long to provide an
adequate system of registration.13
The act creating the State Board of
Health provided that the
Board should have supervision of the
state system of registration
of births and deaths; that the secretary
of the Board should be
superintendent of such registration; but
that the clerical work and
safekeeping of the records should be
provided by the Secretary of
State. Mr. James E. Bauman, Assistant
Director of the Depart-
ment of Health of Ohio, put this early
situation very well when
he wrote:
In commenting on the subject in his
first annual report, Dr. Probst
called attention to the gross
inefficiency and inaccuracy of the system in
use. In only one city (Cincinnati) did
the law require reports by physicians
to the Board of Health. The information
that came to the Secretary of
State was that collected by the
assessors on their annual visit on taxation
matters. The returns for 1885 showed a
death rate [for the State] of
about 10 to 1000, while the rate for
Cincinnati that year was 18.37 per
thousand, which would indicate that not
more than one-half the deaths
were recorded in the state, and accuracy
as to the cause of death could not
have reached a high percentage.
. . . In each of his annual reports and
in papers he prepared for
various meetings, the matter was
discussed.14
13 State of Ohio, Department of Health, Thirty-First
Report (43rd Year), Part I,
Report of July 1, 1915 to December
31, 1928 (Columbus, c1931), 135-7.
14 James E. Bauman, "Doctor Probst
and Public Health in Ohio," in Robert
G. Paterson, ed., Charles Oliver
Probst--A Pioneer Public Health Administrator in
Ohio (Columbus, 1934), 39-40.
328 OHIO
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The epidemic diseases with which the
State Board of Health
had to contend during this period were
influenza, smallpox,
typhoid fever, and diphtheria. At first,
investigations of out-
breaks of these diseases were conducted
by Dr. Probst and
members of the Board. Gradually
dependence was placed upon
various physicians throughout the State
who were employed on a
day-by-day basis. Dr. H. M. Platter of
Columbus was one of
these early diagnosticians. There was a
growing recognition of
the need for a laboratory where chemical
and bacteriological
examinations could be made. Again
dependence was upon an
opportunistic basis. Curtis C. Howard,
Professor of Chemistry
at Starling Medical College, was called
in and for several years
did all of the chemical work, Dr. J. H.
J. Upham was employed
to do the bacteriological work. He had
just come to Columbus
from Johns Hopkins Medical School where
he had studied under
Dr. William H. Welch who brought the
bacteriological laboratory
to this country from Germany.
This work grew in volume and in value to
such an extent that
the General Assembly passed an act on
April 25, 1898, which
established the chemical and
bacteriological laboratory in the State
Board of Health. The appropriation was
just sufficient to employ
a bacteriologist and equip two office
rooms as a laboratory. Dr.
Elmer G. Horton served as bacteriologist
from 1898 to 1907.
The first line of work was the examination
of water and sewage
in an effort to give the public more
adequate protection against
water-borne diseases. However, it was
only a short time until
physicians began to request examinations
for the diagnosis of
such diseases as diphtheria,
tuberculosis, and typhoid fever.
There were two other developments during
this period to
which attention should be called as
having a direct bearing upon
the control of epidemics in Ohio. The
first deals with the laws
or lack of them regulating the practice
of medicine in Ohio. Dr.
Platter has presented this situation
quite clearly in "The Histor-
ian's Note-Book" in the April 1936
issue of the Ohio State
Medical Journal. He says:
From 1833 until 1868 there was no law regulating
the practice of
medicine in Ohio.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 329
From
October 1, 1868, to February 27, 1896, one might practice
medicine legally upon submission of any
one of the following credentials:
First--A certificate from a state or
county medical society.
Second--A diploma from a school of
medicine either in the United
States or a foreign country.
Third--From 1880 to 1885, a diploma from a medical school issued
after attendance at two full courses of
at least 12 weeks each, and from
1885 to 1896 a diploma of graduation
from a reputable school of medicine.
During the entire period from 1868 to
1896 the continuous practice
of medicine over a period of 10 years
entitled a person to practice medicine
in Ohio.
Many times the State Medical Association
endorsed the passage of
an act to regulate practice by the state
and on February 27, 1896, the
present Medical Practice Act became
effective.
By its provisions the Governor was
authorized to appoint a board of
seven members, representative of the
schools of medicine in Ohio at that
time. No school of medicine was
permitted to hold a majority membership
on the board. As first created it was
composed of three regulars, two
homeopaths, one eclectic and one
physio-medical practitioner....
One hundred and forty medical schools
were rated as in good stand-
ing by the original board. Approximately
7,000 physicians received certi-
ficates to practice upon presentation of
their credentials and 700 more gained
a certificate by proof of 10 years
continued practice in the state ....
At present the number of men engaged in
the practice of medicine
in Ohio does not quite reach 9,000. Is
it not possible that many of the
duties and obligations imposed upon
physicians then are now being dis-
charged by other agencies? And is it not
possible that we may suffer
further encroachment into the field of
medical practice? Cultists we had
then as now; no period in medical
history has been free from them.15
The act of 1896 was a great step forward
in establishing minimum
qualifications for the practice of
medicine in Ohio. It was and
is basic to any control of epidemics by
the State.
The other development has to do with the
hospitals of the
State.
Throughout this period hospitals were viewed with
suspicion by the general public. They
were a last resort in any
kind of illness. There was a widespread
belief that if one went
in the front door of such an institution
one was sure to go out the
15 Herbert M. Platter, "The Present Ohio Board of Medical
Registration and
Licensure," in Ohio State
Medical Journal, XXXII (1936), 347-9.
330 OHIO
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
back
door into the hands of the undertaker. Even with the in-
troduction
of cellular pathology, ether anaesthesia, and anti-
septic
surgery in the earlier period, this situation prevailed until
the end
of the era under discussion. Between 1890 and 1900 the
addition
of the laboratory to the more progressive institutions be-
gan to
change their character. Suspicion and fear began to give
way to
a feeling of trust and confidence. Epidemic diseases
which
were segregated in the old "pest houses" now were provided
with
isolation hospitals.
Table
III
EPIDEMICS
IN OHIO, 1873-1900
Year Population Disease Period
1880 3,198,062 Influenza 1879-80
Small-pox 1882-83
1890 3,672,316 Influenza 1889-91
1900 4,157,545 Diphtheria 1896
Small-pox 1898
III. Period
from 1900 to 1945--Social Organization
The
form of present-day organizations and institutions upon
which
society depends for protection against epidemic diseases
began
to be foreshadowed in the final decade of the previous
period.
In this third period the tempo of social organization in-
creased
rapidly with respect to existing organizations and institu-
tions
and by adventures into new avenues of approach to old
problems. The public generally, and the medical
profession
particularly,
gained increasing confidence in the validity of the
methods
employed. The tests were a decrease in the mortality
rates
as well as in the morbidity rates. There are presented here
a few
of the influences which have developed in this period merely
to
indicate the trends.
Tuberculosis
Tuberculosis
had been, and still is, one of the outstanding
problems
for the medical profession and for society as well. In
1900 it was far and away the leading cause of death. Koch
dis-
covered
the tubercle bacillus in 1882, but the application of that
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 331
discovery did not take place on an
effective basis until the period
under discussion. Again it was Dr.
Probst who became the leader
in Ohio against this menace. He followed
the pattern set in
Pennsylvania by Dr. Lawrence F. Flick in 1892.
In 1901 Dr.
Probst organized a state-wide voluntary
association of medical
and lay workers to employ popular
education as a means of de-
feating the "tubercle
bacillus." The Ohio Society for the Pre-
vention of Tuberculosis became the
spearhead of the movement
to control this endemic and communicable
disease.16 This use of
popular health education as a method of
attack upon a specific
disease was unique in the world. It has set the pattern for the
host of similar organizations which have
been organized since
against specific diseases or menaces to
the health of our people.
Vital Statistics
In 1908 Dr. Probst prepared the final
draft of what is now
our vital statistics law. The bill
became a law without much op-
position since the Secretary of State,
Carmi Thompson, was in
accord with the idea. The Bureau of
Vital Statistics was estab-
lished as a part of the Secretary of
State's Department until 1921,
when it was transferred to the
Department of Health. Ohio was
admitted into the United States Death
Registration area in 1911
and into the Birth Registration area in
1917. In order to become a
part of the registration area, the state
must collect records of more
than 90 per cent of its births and
deaths. So has ended the long
struggle to place this cornerstone in
the system to control epidemic
diseases in Ohio.
Vitality
Perhaps one of the most important public
health reports
issued in this country from the point of
view of its influence
upon public opinion was that made by
Professor Irving Fisher
in 1909. The document was entitled "Report on National
Vitality,
Its Wastes and Conservation." It
was prepared for the National
Conservation Commission created by
President Theodore Roose-
16 Ohio Society for the Prevention of
Tuberculosis, 1901-20; Ohio Public
Health Association, 1920-46; Ohio
Tuberculosis and Health Association, 1946--.
332 OHIO
ARCHAEOLOGICALAND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
velt. The burden of the prophetic argument, in
brief, was as
follows:
There is no need, however, of waiting a century for this
increase
[in the average
duration of life]. It could be obtained within a genera-
tion. Three-fourths of
tuberculosis, from which 150,000, Americans die an-
nually, could be
avoided.... From these data, it is found that fifteen
years at least could
be at once added to the average human lifetime by
applying the science
of preventing disease. More than half of this ad-
ditional life would
come from the prevention of tuberculosis, typhoid, and
five other diseases,
the prevention of which could be accomplished by purer
air, water, and
milk.17
That Professor Fisher,
at the time thought to be radical, was con-
servative in his
estimate has been demonstrated by the actual re-
sults achieved during
the period under review.
Contrasts 1910-1886
On the occasion of the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the crea-
tion of the State
Board of Health in 1910, Dr. Probst embraced
the opportunity to
contrast the health conditions in that year
against those
obtaining in 1886. He wrote:
Twenty-five years ago
the people generally paid but little attention
to health
questions. They were afraid of
smallpox, yellow fever and
cholera, and to a less
extent of diphtheria and scarlet fever, and asked
protection from such
diseases when quarantine measures did not interfere
too much with
business. Sewer gas and things and places that created bad
odors, were more
feared than disease germs.
The law authorized
council to appoint boards of health with authority
to enforce quarantine
measures for the prevention of dangerous diseases
and to abate
nuisances, but in only a few cities and villages, about 45 or
50, had this been
done. No one had authority to act in the township except
in smallpox the
trustees had certain powers.
Consumption was almost
universally regarded as an inherited disease,
and little or no
effort was made for its prevention. Even diphtheria was
still considered as a
non-communicable disease by many members of the
medical profession,
and "membranous croup" was quite generally considered
as a distinct
affection requiring no preventive measures.
The people in a
general way knew that impure water was a cause
17 Irving
Fisher, Bulletin 30 of the Committee of One Hundred on National
Health. Being A
Report on National Vitality, Its Wastes and Conservation (Washing-
ton, D. C.,
1909), 1.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 333
of disease, but took scant heed of the
necessity for protecting the sources
from which it came. No community had
undertaken to purify the water it
drank, nor the sewage which it turned
into the stream from which its
water supply was taken. Infected or
dirty milk as a cause of disease, and
especially its relation to infant
mortality, was scarcely spoken of outside
of medical circles. School hygiene and
medical inspection of schools had no
public support and few advocates.
There was practically no conception,
except among the few interested
in sanitary science, of the intimate
relation of sociological and industrial
conditions to health problems. Neither
the State nor the municipality felt
any special responsibility for the
health of its citizens; and the conception
that the public health is a valuable
asset and like other property should be
protected for purely economic reasons,
if for no other, was entertained by
few, and had had no public expression.
At the end of this quarter of a century
we find great changes. Health
officials with large powers and charged
with weighty duties, are a neces-
sary part of the government of every
city, village and township.
Antitoxin for the cure and prevention of
diphtheria, unknown twenty-
five years ago, is now, through the
agency of the State Board of Health,
within easy reach of every physician in
the State, and is supplied free to
the poor and needy.
Tuberculosis is being fought everywhere.
A State Sanatorium has
been provided for the cure of its
victims, and many county and district
hospitals have already been established,
with others under way, for the
care of advanced cases.
A state society (organized in the office
of the State Board of Health)
and many local tuberculosis societies
are engaged in combating this disease.
Ohio has become a leader in the
protection of its water supplies, and
its fame in this direction has spread to
most parts of the world. The
State, through its State Board of
Health, has entered upon a policy which
will prevent further injurious
contamination of its streams and lakes
and must eventually free them from all
sources of defilement.
The purity of milk supplies, once
unquestioned, is receiving more
and more official and public attention.
Great gains have been made in
school hygiene and school sanitation.
Medical inspection of schools, now
authorized everywhere, has been
undertaken in most of our larger cities.
The most hopeful sign of advancement is
the change in opinion as re-
gards health matters. Indifference, and
even, to some extent, hostility has
been replaced by keen interest and a
desire for help.
Twenty-five years ago a visit by a
representative of the State Board
of Health was often looked upon as an
unwarranted interference and a
334 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
reproach to the community where this was
necessary. Today the difficult
is adequately meeting the many demands
for such assistance.
Public education in health matters has
been immeasurably extended.
Hygiene is taught in all schools; the
press and lay magazines are devot-
ing
more and more space to health subjects.
It is only by thus contrasting
conditions as they were in 1886 with
what may be seen today that a fair
estimate can be made of our growth in
power and service in protecting the
public health.
Much of what has been done must be
regarded as simply the founda-
tion, soon to be buried, upon which will
rest the magnificent superstructure
which should, and we trust will, be
erected. The future should see the
sovereign state chiefly concerned
about the health of its subjects.
The next quarter of a century should
bring about immense improve-
ments in the public health.18
Medical Education
In 1910
Dr. Abraham Flexner issued a report on
medical
education in the United States and
Canada based upon a survey of
the medical schools as they were
operated. Flexner pointed out
that among a total of 155 medical
schools in these two countries--
a larger number than existed in the rest
of the world--only a
small fraction provided proper medical
training. Less than a
third were integral parts of
universities.19 This report had a
tremendous effect upon medical
education, and Ohio did not
escape its impact.
Out of the 140 medical schools
recognized by the Ohio State
Medical Board in 1896 there were 26 in
Ohio whose diplomas
were recognized. Today there are but three medical schools
in
the State, each an integral part of a
university.
United States Public Health Service
No account of the efforts put forth by
Ohio to control
epidemic diseases would be complete
without taking into account
the development of the United States
Public Health Service.
18 Twenty-Fifth
Annual Report of the State Board of Health of the State of
Ohio for the Year Ending
December 31, 1910 (Columbus, 1911),
5-7.
19 Abraham Flexner, Medical Education in the
United States and Canada. A
Report to the Carnegie Foundation for
the Advancement of Teaching. Bulletin No. 4
(New York, 1910), passim.
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 335
Until 1912 the earlier Marine Hospital
Service (1798), later
the Public Health and Marine Hospital
Service (1902), was ex-
clusively a medical relief and
quarantine agency. In that year
the beginning was made for providing on
the federal level a public
health organization which has since
grown into an effective safe-
guard against epidemic diseases being
introduced from outside
the United States as well as exercising
control over interstate
communication of epidemic diseases.20
State Department of Health
The laws of Ohio relating to the
organization of the State
Board of Health received a thorough
overhauling at the hands
of the General Assembly in 1917. There
emerged essentially the
present form of organization which is
known as the Department
of Health of Ohio.21
Influenza Epidemic
In 1918-19 there occurred in Ohio and throughout the world
the pandemic of influenza. This epidemic
nearly reproduced the
same degree of fear and social disorganization
that had been
produced by the previous cholera
epidemics. A high mortality
rate and an enormous amount of illness
forced upon every one ??
realization of the thin dividing line
between the years of com-
parative good health and the sudden onset
of a devastating
epidemic.22 As one outcome of
that epidemic, the General As-
sembly in 1919-20 completely revamped the ancient system of
local health organization in Ohio. A reduction from 2,150 local
health units to some 200 was effected.23
There is discernible in this period a
gradual shift from
etiology to therapeutics. The exploration of the gross patho-
genic microorganisms gradually exhausted
itself under the pat-
tern laid down by Pasteur and Koch. We
are today face to face
with the virus diseases which have not
yielded thus far their
20 Cf. H. S. Mustard, Government
in Public Health Commonwealth Fund
(New York, 1945).
21 Ohio Laws, CVII,
522-5.
22 Forrest
E. Lindner and Robert D. Grove, Vital
Statistics Bates in the United
States, 1900-1940 (Washington, D. C., 1942), passim.
23 Ohio Laws, CVIII,
Part 2, 1085-93.
336 OHIO
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
full
secrets. Astonishing discoveries in the
field of chemo-
therapy
are at the moment holding the center of attention. The
speed
with which the sulfa compounds, DDT, penicillin, and
streptomycin
have become common in popular discussion is al-
most
breath-taking. The next shift may be in the field of physics
as we
speculate concerning the application of atomic energy to
the
realm of medicine.
Table
IV
EPIDEMICS
IN OHIO, 1900-1945
Year Population Disease Period
1902 4,321,527 Small-pox 1901-3
1905 4,458,354 Small-pox 1905-13
1919 5,683,124 Influenza 1918-19
1921 5,921,257 Diphtheria 1921
1923 6,182,537 Influenza 1921-23
1926 6,503,581 Measles 1926
IV.
Future Outlook
As we
look back over the long trail that epidemic diseases
have
blazed in Ohio there are certain broad trends which seem
to
mark the reasons for the decline of such diseases. There has
been
an amazing growth in scientific knowledge in the areas
of
etiology and therapeutics. There has been an equally astonish-
ing
improvement in medical education, in hospitals, and public
health.
There has also gone along with these improvements an
unprecedented
diffusion among all the people of better standards
of
daily living.
There
has never been in the history of the world such a
vast
migration of human beings from the temperate zone to the
torrid
zone and even to the arctic zone as we have witnessed
within
the past seven years. Nor has there been less threat from
epidemics
to the lives and health of our people.
If ever we
needed
a demonstration of the degree of our control over such
diseases,
we have just lived through one never equalled in the
world
before.
But
to say this is not without recognizing that there are
many
unsolved problems before us. The discovery of a specific
EPIDEMICS IN OHIO 337
for tuberculosis or a complete
understanding of the virus diseases
or the cause of cancer may be right
around the corner.
If we can project ourselves into the
future on the basis
of our present knowledge and past
experience in the control of
epidemic diseases it seems. clear we
shall follow somewhat along
the following lines:
I.
Organization of research coordinated closely on a
national basis.
II.
Extension of conditions for the establishment of
higher standards of living for all our
people.
III. Synthesis
of our present separate entities of medical
school, laboratory, hospital, and public
health organiza-
tion within a university to comprehend a
truly theore-
tical and applied biological science.
IV.
Integration of our local, state, and federal public
health services.
V.
Improvement in technics and content of health educa-
tion both on an individual and mass
basis.
As Pasteur himself said at the evening
of his long and use-
ful life, "Much has been done; but
there is still a great deal
to do." And the people of Ohio must
needs join in the doing.
A CLEVELAND DRUG STORE OF 1835
by HOWARD
DITTRICK, MD.
Editorial Director, the Cleveland
Clinic, Cleveland
This presentation outlines many
activities of an early Cleve-
land druggist with some mention of
contemporary patrons and
customs. The information is based upon a
manuscript volume
which was presented recently to the
Howard Dittrick Museum of
Historical Medicine in the Cleveland
Medical Library. Written
in long hand, the book deals with drugs,
medicine, and a number
of things, with brief reference to
persons who have previously
owned the book.
The title page reads "E. F.
Punderson, Receipt Book, Cleve-
land, January 7, 1835." The book is
6 x 4 inches in size, the back
is broken, and one cover has
disappeared. The 220 pages are
much yellowed with age, but the ink
remains distinct and the
writing clear and legible. Written after
the manner of some
oriental manuscripts in which one book
is written from before
backward and the other from behind
forward, the first part deals
with medicine and prescriptions and the
other with veterinary
medicine, husbandry, and home economics.
The information contained in the
manuscript was assembled
during an era when difficult and
uncertain transportation of nec-
essary medicines led to the establishment
of drug stores in the
more populated centers along waterways
and overland trails. Often
these drug depots were found in the
general store or in the post
office. Here the doctor came on
horseback to replenish his saddle-
bags with crude drugs, a few liquids,
and some powders. Not
infrequently the doctor dispensed
remedies from an assortment
of as many as one hundred and fifty
preparations. When time
and distance permitted, he instructed
his patients to procure their
medication from the nearest drug shop.
Dr. David Long, the first physician in
Cleveland (1810), is
said to have opened the first drug store
of the settlement adjacent
338
CLEVELAND DRUG STORE 339
to his home on Superior Street. Two
other drug stores were
added on the same street in 1831, the
Aaron Tufts Stickland
(later the Gaylord store), and the
Handerson and Punderson
stores.
Lewis
Handerson, senior partner in the latter store, was born
in 1806 in Columbia County, New York.
Upon completing his
training he sold drugs in New York City. In 1831,
he and the
son of one of his former preceptors in
Hudson opened the Han-
derson and Punderson drug store in
Cleveland. They conducted
a progressive store, for in 1833 they
advertised stethoscopes for
sale.
Handerson married Punderson's sister and, having no
children, he adopted two orphaned
children of his brother,
Thomas. One of these children was Dr.
Henry E. Handerson
(1837-1918), who fell heir to the
manuscript under consideration
upon the death of Punderson. Mrs. Henry E. Handerson pre-
sented it to the Dittrick Museum.
A word about this Henry E. Handerson.
Upon graduation
from Hobart College he wrote in Greek a
thesis on Socrates which
I had the opportunity to examine. The
meticulous care and neat-
ness displayed reminded me of the
manuscript of Benvenuto
Cellini's autobiography in the Laurentian Library in Florence.
After graduation Handerson spent two
years studying medicine
under a private tutor in Louisiana. At
the outbreak of hostilities
in 1861 he enlisted in the Louisiana
Volunteers and was made a
captain two years later. He was captured
at the Battle of the
Wilderness in 1864 and remained a
prisoner until June 1865. He
resumed medical study and graduated from
the College of Physi-
cians and Surgeons of New York in 1867
and practiced there
until he came to Cleveland in 1885. A successful
practitioner
and earnest scholar, he left a deep
impression upon cultural medi-
cine in Cleveland. His translation of J.
H. Baas' Outlines of the
History of Medicine, with his own flavorful footnotes, remains a
classic in its field. A chapter on
medicine was written by him
for S. P. Orth's History of Cleveland
(1910). Another work
Gilbertus Anglicus, was published after he had lost his sight.
Such, then, is the family history of
this book.
340
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
Today through innumerable channels we
are bombarded with
varied instructions for everyday living,
all of which we accept as
; matter of course. In pioneer days those living in isolated com-
munities had to pool such useful
information. The general store,
the tavern, or the drug store was a
clearing house for such data
to meet the needs of the settlers. Folk
medicine, founded upon
the test of trial and error, thrived and
often was sufficient unto
the day.
Books were scarce and when purchased
they had to be trans-
ported to the Western Reserve by boat
and by horseback from
Pittsburgh or even from Philadelphia. The druggist supple-
mented his knowledge of drugs by keeping
a record of recipes
and practical suggestions for ready
reference. This manuscript
was such a record. The entries began on
January 7, 1835, and
the last date mentioned is December
1857, about six years after
Handerson retired.
Like the cookbook of an old housewife,
it is badly worn with
use and is interleaved with clippings,
in this case chiefly patent
medicine testimonials. Among them is
noted a "Pain Extractor"
which promised to cure as by magic,
"burns, chronic diarrhea,
inflammatory rheumatism, salt rheum
(eczema), inveterate sores,
swelled and broken breast, and spavin
lumps in horses. . . . A lady
in Syracuse, who had lost two fingers by
felons, was attacked by
another; she applied the Extractor and
repelled the enemy. Mr.
Swartz, Lydius Street, Albany, chopped
his four fingers nearly
off. His brother cut an enormous gash
above his knee. His
child was horribly burnt, and his horse
had a dangerous cut. In
every case the Extractor was applied and
cured all as by magic."
Many of the drugs employed in the
various formulas re-
corded in the book are still employed
more or less frequently.
Were it not that so many preparations
are now compounded by
manufacturing concerns and supplied to
the trade under a pat-
ented name, we would be familiar
with most of the individual
drugs in Punderson's prescriptions.
In addition to counter prescribing and
compounding prescrip-
tions, the druggist of 1835 was his own
specialty manufacturer.
CLEVELAND DRUG STORE 341
He made court plaster (both black and
flesh-colored), corn plaster,
wart remover, adhesive plaster, perfume,
tooth paste, shaving
liquid, shaving cream, hair remover,
hair tonic, and many hair
dyes, one of which contained hartshorn,
nitrate of silver, and
rain water. He was also prepared to
furnish the customer with
any kind of animal oil desired. Buffalo
oil, for example, was
made of lard oil, perfumed with equal
parts of oil of lavender
and oil of lemon. Although it is not
mentioned the accommo-
dating druggist doubtless could extract
from the same jar those
popular old medicinal fats, goose
grease, dog grease, and bear
grease.
Care of livestock frequently demanded
the druggist's atten-
tion, especially since there were few
veterinarians at the time.
John Baird appears as the sole
veterinary surgeon in the Cleveland
Directory for 1837. I remember as a boy being warned against
giving a horse cold water when he was
still hot after a workout,
lest he be foundered. In the Punderson
manuscript directions
were laid down for treating the stiff
joints of the foundered
horse. The formula and method of
compounding drenches, em
brocations, washes, and blisters for
horses were given in detail.
Early incision was not the treatment of
choice in abscesses of
horses; a poultice of bread and onions
was applied. Squills were
given for heaves; a preparation of
corrosive sublimate, oil of
origanum, and camphor was used locally
for spavin. Numerous
prescriptions were noted for introducing
medicines in the form
of a ball, with a flavoring agent such
as licorice and mucilage as
a base to hold the ingredients together.
Physics, tonics, and cor-
dials for horses were described, and
even the favorite "condition
powders" which contained resin,
nitre, and levigated mercury.
For cattle, remedies were given in a
drench instead of a ball. For
sheep the dose was one-quarter that for
the horse. There were
also included procedures to make hens
lay and remedies to cure
the roup.
The drug store was also the pet shop of
those early days, but
this feature was limited largely to the
care of birds. Full in-
structions were outlined by Punderson
for the feeding and care
of song birds. To prepare a German
paste, "take the crust of
342
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
bread and moisten it in clean water. Put
in a stone mortar and
having added some carrot finely grated
and a few spoonsful of
fine barley or wheat meal, grind the
whole well together with a
pestle. This paste should be made fresh
every two days at least.
This paste for nightingales, thrushes,
blackbirds, robins and such
birds that feed on insects and seeds
both." Observation had
proved to those early settlers that
carotene, although not recog-
nized under that name, was an essential
element in the food of
birds.
"The gold finch," Punderson
wrote, "is a healthy bird and
seldom out of order. Too much hemp seed
will cause epilepsy,"
he reported, "in which case
instantly abandon it and feed him
entirely on thistle seed or lettuce
seed." If the bird is scoured,
Punderson instructed, crumble dry chalk
in his seed. Bull
finches and siskins are other varieties
of birds for which special
care was mentioned. A special diet was
recommended for can-
aries while pairing.
Punderson did not state whether
nightingales were resident
in Cleveland or whether they were
imported for aviaries. They
were, however, sufficiently numerous in
the settlement to war-
rant an outline for their diet. "For nightingales," Punderson
explained, "the best food in summer
is ant eggs, to which add
daily 2 or 3 meal worms. To secure a
plentiful supply, nearly
fill a quart earthen jar with bran or
oatmeal, add some old pieces
of leather, throw in a gill of meal
worms, cover it up with a piece
of wet cloth (woolen). In 3 months they will change into
beetles which will lay eggs: these will
be converted into maggots,
and give a supply of food for some time.
In autumn [feed them]
very ripe elderberries dried and mixed
with ant eggs." Punder-
son ended these notes, "So much for
the aviary."
This druggist was also an authority on
gardening. His
handbook contained instructions for the
care of strawberry plants
and the so:l in which they grew. For
grafting trees he used a
wax made of tallow, beeswax, and rosin.
He advised planting
tansy around the roots of the peach tree
to prevent infestation
with the peach worm. Could it be that
this represents the influ-
CLEVELAND DRUG STORE 343
ence of horticulturalist Jared P.
Kirtland, who moved to the out-
skirts of Cleveland in 1837?
If the ratio of reference items is
significant, it would appear
that the druggist was consulted more
frequently for problems of
the household than for those of the
sickroom, and since the house-
wife found him so accommodating and
dependable, the man of
the house also sought him in
consultation. Thus this druggist
prepared red, blue, and indelible inks,
sealing wax, varnish, paint,
wood stains for oak, mahogany, or black
walnut, putty remover,
wagon soap, and oil blacking. Beef gall
mixed with rain water
was advised for cleaning carpets. Full directions were given
for transforming a sheep's skin into a
serviceable doormat. If
the patron wished to make iron look like
copper, whiten iron,
color leather, or polish metals, the
druggist would make up a
serviceable product. A mixture of milk,
sugar, and pepper was
his favorite fly killer, phosphorus for
killing rats, and corrosive
sublimate, sal ammoniac, and whiskey for
killing bedbugs. He
could tell the housewife how to make
candles burn more clearly
and without running. Recipes for making
such dyes as madder
red, scarlet red, emerald green, and
permanent blue, as well as a
bleach or bluing for the laundry, were
also filed in this book. He
could even make up a brilliant whitewash
"such as was used on
the east end of the President's house in
Washington."
He had a valuable collection of recipes
to tempt the epicure.
One seems interesting: "To make
peach brandy, take 2 quarts
brandy, 5 pounds sugar, 16 pounds
peaches, water sufficient to
dissolve the sugar; in which you boil
the peaches till soft and
when cold add the brandy." Other
recipes were given for marking
claret, currant wine, gin, cider, and
champagne. Here also were
included methods to prepare cocoa,
preserve eggs, cook omelets,
pickle fish, dry peaches, figs, or
plums, and stew, pickle, or pre-
serve tomatoes. In 1840 there was an
entry, copied from Samuel
Johnson's Dictionary, for making
"froisels," i.e., fried bacon
enclosed in a pancake.
Prominent citizens and regular customers
rated special pre-
scriptions. Thus there was listed a
special ointment for Hannah
344
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Barnard, made of Burgundy, pitch, wax,
and olive oil. Some
members of the clergy held decided
opinions about certain forms
of medication, and occasionally were
given to prescribing. Hence
a special pill was made up for
"Rev. L. Windsor." For some
pioneer doctors special prescriptions
were compounded. Dr. G.
Wheeler ordered an ophthalmic ointment
made up under his
name. Dr. Charles A. Terry's toothache
remedy was a mixture
of cloves, cajeput, laudanum, camphor,
and ether, a combination
which should relieve any aching tooth.
Several formulas were
attributed to other doctors.
For Dr. Robert Johnstone, an Edinburgh
graduate of great
promise, who died of "ship
fever" at an early age, this pharmacist
compounded "favourite pills"
of blue mass, colocynth, and
ipecac. Dr. Brooks had a cough syrup of
squills, hyoscyamine,
blood root, lobelia, morphine sulphate,
and syrup of tolu. Dr.
Royal Dow also had his own cough remedy.
Other outstanding
physicians mentioned include Dr. George
Mendenhall, Dr. E. W.
Cowles, and Dr. John Delamater.
Mendenhall, a graduate of the
University of Philadelphia, practised
from 1835 to 1843 in Cleve-
land, but had to move to Cincinnati
because of a respiratory
disease. He prescribed Windham pills,
the formula of which
was obtained from the Patent Office in
Washington.
Cowles began practice in Austinburg in
1811, practised for a
time in Mantua, moved to Cleveland in
1832, to Detroit and Ann
Arbor in 1834, and returned to Cleveland
in 1838, where later he
became a member of the Board of Health.
Cowles had a private
formula for "bilious pills,"
consisting of calomel, aloes, gamboge,
and tartar emetic. Delamater, a member
of the first faculty at
Cleveland Medical College, came to
Cleveland in 1843. The
prescription prepared for him contained
hydriodate of potassium,
iodine, and rain water. In the light of
research regarding the
relation of thyroxin to diseases of the
thyroid gland his prescrip-
tion must have benefited many people in
this goiter belt.
This little recipe book reveals side
lights which help in the
appreciation of pioneer conditions a
century ago. Early Cleve-
landers were largely dependent upon one
another for the neces-
CLEVELAND DRUG STORE 345
sities of living both in health and
disease. When practically
everything had to be made locally, it
was essential to know a
number of things. Evidently when
confronted with the un-
known, the settlers simply asked the
druggist.
DR. JOHN LOCKE, EARLY OHIO SCIENTIST
(1792-1856)
by ADOLPH E. WALLER
Associate Professor
and Curator of the Botanic Garden.
Ohio State University
The nineteenth century in the United
States suddenly swung
into its expanding programs of research
and education. No one
was prepared for the impact of the
increasing realization of the
power over nature which man now
possessed. The illusion of
the perfectibility of all men through
knowledge stretched un-
dimmed. The inherent weaknesses of man
and the snail's pace
of education were not yet perceived.
Gigantic discovery was so
close at hand that no one troubled to
consider disappointments as
more than temporary obstacles. A little
proficiency in mathe-
matics, languages, and the law marked
the educated man. Scien-
tific training was unknown. Science
laboratories were just start-
ing and the skills and techniques they
were to impart were born
on the spot.
The thesis that the medical colleges of
the time were the
sources of our trained scholars in the
natural sciences has been
stated in previous papers in this
series. Three months at "Cam-
bridge College" prepared Dr. Samuel
P. Hildreth for his degree
in medicine, after an apprenticeship
with practicing physicians.
Many others were likewise briefly
exposed to formalized study.
Dr. John Locke was more fortunate. His
formal training lasted
about three years.
Philadelphia and Cincinnati were early
in asserting leader-
ship in the quality of medical training
offered. Many of the
students trained in medicine were not as
interested in its practice
as in following the leads offered by
their training in sciences. Our
outstanding botanists and geologists of
the 1830's were thus
educated. Dr. Locke's story follows a
similar pattern with the
difference that he added physics to his
earlier inclinations toward
botany and geology. Perhaps it was from
his keen observation of
346
DR.
JOHN LOCKE 347
the
applications of botany to both medicine and agriculture. John
Locke's
father also contributed to his son's interest in the sciences.
Samuel
Barron and Hannah Russel Locke, John's parents,
had
lived at Lempster, New Hampshire, and Fryeburg, Maine,
before
going to settle near Bethel, Maine, on the Androscoggin
River.
John was then four years old. It was a choice location
for
the skilled artisan, Samuel Locke. There was a large tract
of
land to be purchased there. There was water power to operate
his
own saw- and grist-mills. There he built a shop which made
him
the outstanding millwright of the region. A number of
people
settled nearby and were given work in the mills and shop.
The
settlement came to be called Locke's Mills.
Here
young John grew up and received his early schooling
which
was supplemented by the varied assortment of books that
his
father's library offered. As the
community prospered a
Methodist
Meeting
House and other establishments were added.
For
all of his skill as a machine builder in a young country hungry
for
machines the senior Locke found time to teach handicrafts,
mathematics,
and some languages to his son. He was also able
to
send him to Bridgeport, Connecticut, to attend an academy
where
he obtained the usual classical courses of study. John
roamed
the area collecting plants and hunting. It was a sad mo-
ment
of realization for the father when young Locke decided he
was
not longer content to stay in Bethel to do what his father
had
successfully accomplished. John was eager to study medi-
cine
and began at Bethel in 1815 and shortly afterward with
Dr.
Twitchell at Keene. New Hampshire.
A fragment of a
diary
shows the determination of a rebellions young citizen forced
by
his own decree away from his father's abundance:
July 15, 1815. Left
Bethel,
arrived at Keen, Aug.15
Oct.
20, left Keen for New
Haven tarried in northfield.
Oct.
25, Northfield to West
Springfield Expenses $0.85
Oct.
27, Thence to Weathersfield do $0.72
Oct.
28, From Weathersfield to New Haven
" $0.90
$2.47
DR. JOHN LOCKE 349
The journey was performed on horseback
and it will be thought sur-
prising that no more expense was
involved. Economy was the object as
I had, I thought, hardly money enough to
bear my expenses at college.
I ate milk, with sometimes a piece of
apple pie with it only twice a day.
Oct. 29 went to church in the chapel.
Oct. 30 attended Professor Silliman's
lecture on chemistry.
A search made for a youthful portrait of
John Locke has
not been successful. A portrait of him
as a man about 50 years
of age shows a large, somewhat spare
figure with a thin face and
prominent cheek bones. He is said to
have had clear blue eyes of
an unusually sparkling quality. It is
doubtful if the active stu-
dent at Yale could have maintained his
Spartan diet for long. He
became Dr. Silliman's assistant. With
that great man's recogni-
tion there was undoubtedly some means of
subsistence provided.
Besides, there may have been money from
home.
Conversations with Silliman offered
mental pabulum of a
stronger sort. John was fired to emulate
his chief in travels in
Europe and other places. He began by a
visit, in the summer of
1816, to Dr. Nathan Smith, the eminent
founder of Dartmouth's
Medical School.
At Hanover he met also young Dr. Solon
Smith who was
struggling toward an education and
toward increasing knowledge
in a field of special interest to John.
They had to become ac-
quainted first in order to feel free to
exchange ideas which were,
perhaps, a little strange and not too
welcome to some of their
elders and preceptors. They both wanted
to know how to identify
plants. This was the common bond. Solon
Smith owned a book
they would both try to study. It was Dr.
Jacob Bigelow's Plants
of the Vicinity of Boston, a new book, the first edition having
been published in 1814. Presently it was
to become the favorite
New England version of the artificial
system for naming plants,
better known as the Linnean system. The
system following nat-
ural orders and families was still
regarded as revolutionary. It
was some years before the North American
flora would be so
classified by Torrey or Gray. Jacob
Bigelow's book was there-
fore well known and twice was revised
and enlarged. The third
edition appeared in 1840, still
demonstrating its usefulness to
350 OHIO ARCHNEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
amateur botanists. Dr. Bigelow's
scientific reputation rested on
his lectures at Harvard and on his
contributions to the United
States Pharmacopoeia. His Plants of
Boston was known as the
most popular manual of its day.
What could not be accomplished by Solon
Smith alone,
namely, rouse an interest among
Dartmouth students in plant
studies, Locke and Smith together were
able to do. Soon they
had a number of the students tramping
the hills around Hanover
in search of specimens. To the delight
of Dartmouth's medical
college faculty, particularly to Nathan
Smith, these became regu-
larly organized field trips.
Back in New Haven the best parts of the
next two years
were busy ones for Locke who continued
to assist Dr. Silliman
in chemistry and at the same time
continued his plant studies
with the help of Dr. Eli Ives. He
lectured in Portland, Boston,
and Salem, and at Dartmouth and Yale.
Probably with the en-
thusiastic backing of Dr. Nathan Smith
he was offered a curator-
ship of the Cambridge Botanical Gardens
by Dr. Jacob Bigelow.
It seems, however, he was able to remain
there only a short time,
though not for lack of botanical
qualifications. He was too out-
spoken on religious subjects for the
peace of mind of some of the
members of the Cambridge group. It is
recorded, however, that
he had been most pleasantly welcomed by
Harvard's president,
John Thornton Kirkland, who found Locke
sufficiently engaging
to pay him the compliment of offering to
study botany with him.
Though not yet equipped with his medical
degree he was
ready to combine medicine and botany on
an expedition. The
United States Frigate Macedonian was
to sail under special orders
to explore the Columbia River. It was to
leave Boston Harbor
on September 20, 1818. What an
opportunity for Locke, prob-
ably still smarting a little from having
lost his curatorship! He
was warned that he would be badgered as
a landlubber, a down-
east country boy, and a noncombatant.
Perhaps most of all the
rugged seamen would resent the presence
of a young intellectual.
If tempers really broke he would have to
stand in an "affair of
honor" of large or small
consequence.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 350
When Locke appeared on board the Macedonian
he was ac-
companied by a long mahogany box
somewhat resembling a sur-
geon's amputating case. This he
contrived to drop on the deck
in such an awkward manner that the lid flew
open exposing a
beautiful and complete outfit of dueling
pistols. He was invited
to join when pistol practice for the
officers was announced. His
skill in hitting any spot selected upon
the targets convinced the
crew that the surgeon's mate was a man
who knew how to handle
small arms. He was no longer a stranger
of uncertain position
on shipboard.
Sailing orders for the Macedonian brought
her off the Caro-
lina coast in time to meet a West Indian
hurricane of great vio-
lence. She was dismasted and so beaten
by the waves as to be
almost destroyed. After the storm she
limped slowly back to
Norfolk. Upon deliberation, the Navy
abandoned the Columbia
River operation. Locke applied for his
discharge and made his
way back to New Haven as quickly as he
could. life on the sea
was a gamble. Others might take it if
they chose. For him there
was other work.
He set in at once to complete his
requirements for a medical
degree at Yale and in 1819 was graduated
with the sixth class.
Dr. Eli Iyes taught Materia Medica and
Botany, the usual ar-
rangement made in the medical curricula
of that period. He had
a reputation for scholarship and had
published a brief list of the
plants of New Haven as early as 1811.
This was later extended
with the help of his students to more
than a thousand plants. Also
at his own expense he had set out a
botanical garden near the
college.1 Locke must have spent a great
deal of his time in study-
ing the collections and he resolved to
prepare a manual for
students which would quickly familiarize
the beginner with the
meanings of terms used in
classification.
To prepare the illustrations for this,
Locke learned the art
of engraving. His father's careful
instructions in the use of
tools served him well, and his own
skills and desires as a crafts-
1 Andrew D. Rodgers, "Noble
Fellow" -- William Starling Sullivant (New York,
1940), 81,
146 EXPLANATION OF
PLATES.
PLATE 15. A.
CLASSES--See
Frontispiece.
This plate contains a figure of a flower in each of
the 24
Classes. With the exception of 1, 9, and 23,
they are either native or commonly
cultivated.
Fig. 1. Monandria, 1 stamen;
Mare's-tail, Hippuris
culgaris. Native of Britain.
This is an example also of the order Monogynia, having 1 pistil.
2. Diandria, 2 stamens; Speedwell, Veronica.
3. Triandria, 3
stamens; Common Timothy-
grass or Herds-grass, Phleum Pratense,
much magnified.
a. The entire Floret, having three
stamens and two
feathered styles projecting from the two
compressed
glumes which enclose them at the base.
b. The Pistil shown separate, consisting of the germen
and two feathered styles.
This is an example also of the order Digynia,
having 2 styles.
4. Tetrandria, 4 stamens; Cornel, Cornus
pani-
culata, somewhat magnified.
5. Pentandria, 5 stamens; Common Elder,
Sam-
bucus niger, magnified.
It is an exemple also of the order Tryginia,
having three sessile
stigmas.
6. Hexandria, 6 stamens; Barberry, Berberis
culgaris.
7. Heptandria, 7 stamens; Chickweed
winter-
green, Trientalis Europeus.
8. Octandria, 8 stamens; Dwarf tree
primrose,
(E1nothera punnila.
9. Enneandria, 9 stamens; Flowering Rush,
Butomus umbellatus. Native of Britain.
This is also an example of the order Hexagynia,
having 6 pistils.
10. Decandria, 10 stamens; Broad-leaved
Lau-
rel or Lamb-kill, Kalmia latifolia.
11. Dodecandria, 12 to 19 stamens;
Houseleek,
Sempervivum tectorum.
FACSIMILE OF EXPLANATORY PAGE FOR
ILLUSTRATIONS
354 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
man enabled him to complete his
task. It was a teaching aid
not paralleled in the United States. The
Linnean system of
classification was illustrated with
examples of North American
species. These would be readily
obtainable for class use. The
descriptive writing of Jacob Bigelow's
book was supplemented
by figures
of the plants which beginners could not fail to grasp.
The dedication of Locke's Outlines of
Botany was to "Jacob
Bigelow, Rumford Professor of Materia
Medica, Harvard." In
his preface he separates elementary from
practical work and
characterizes his work as showing the
same difference that a dic-
tionary or grammar woull bear toward
works of history or
poetry.
His raison d'ctre gives the following recommendation to
plant study: (1) medicine, the arts, and
agriculture depend upon
it; (2)
it is a rich source of pleasure; (3) it
affords discipline
by means of which methodizing a subject
and analyzing it may
be learned; (4) it offers spiritual
inspiration. "The study of
nature is the elder scripture written by
the hand of the Creator."
Instructors of botany today will take
heart in the following item
from his preface: "From what little
experience I have had in
instructing I cannot recommend to
teachers to oblige their pupils
to commit any of the following pages
formally to memory, in do-
ing which they are by no means certain
to get the ideas."
Published in Boston in 1819, this work
must have come to
Dr. Bigelow's notice and won the
approval of President Kirkland.
When Dr. Bigelow brought out his second
edition of the Plants
of Boston (1824), he might well have used Locke's illustrations.
An excellent teaching, manual redounding to the credit of both
Locke and himself would have been the
result. By this time
Locke was in Ohio where other interests
were crowding into his
busy life. Bigelow's second edition was
too late for him. An
associate of Locke said of him that:
Scarcely four years had elapsed since he
left the valley of the
Androscoggin a plain country boy, and
yet, within that time he had
secured the favor of distinguished men,
had received the appointment of
Assistant Surgeon in the Navy, had
become a Doctor of Medicine, an
author of a popular scientific work, a
teacher and lecturer in colleges, not
DR. JOHN LOCKE 355
only to pupils but to professors. All
this was accomplished without one
dollar of patronage or support except
that created by his own exertions.2
He was not to find a remunerative
medical practice however.
Things might have been different had he
remained aboard ship
or had he read medicine under a
physician. Medical colleges
offered no instruction in dealing with
patients, and the hard life
and meagre living of a country doctor
offered little to attract him.
He accepted the position of assistant to
Colonel Dunham who was
the proprietor and head of an academy
for girls at Windsor,
Vermont. Here his gifts as a teacher
could again shine forth.
When Colonel Dunham developed the plan for establishing a
similar school in Lexington, Kentucky,
Locke agreed to go there
for that purpose. He felt that New
England was dominated by
religious intolerance and he preferred
to live in another part of
the country.
A boyhood memory was a probable factor
in this decision.
His father had built a Methodist Meeting
House at Locke's Mills
giving both land and materials for
construction. By an old
Massachusetts law, which applied in
Maine as part of Massachu-
setts, a tax for the support of the
prevailing sect was levied on
members of other sects unless exempted
by payments to the sup-
port of their own denomination. Locke,
Senior, refused to qual-
ify under the exemption clause and also
refused to pay the asses-
sed cash tax because of his donations.
He regarded the law as
invasion of religious liberty. John
witnessed the officers of the
law driving away cattle from his
father's farm, having seized
them in lieu of tax money. This
injustice so strongly impressed
itself upon John that he determined he
would some day live in a
place where there was less upholding of
the letter of religious
administration and greater tolerance for
human rights.
Since Colonel Dunham's plans had
altered, Locke came to
Kentucky alone and founded the Lexington Academy in 1821.
Little is known about the Kentucky
school. He may have made
some important acquaintances in
Lexington. It probably served
2 M. B. Wright, An Address
on the
life and Character
of the Late Professor
John, Locke (Cincinnati,
n. d.), 14.
356
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
as a means of establishing Locke as an
educator in that section
of the country. It likewise was the means of bringing
him one
step nearer establishing his residence
in Cincinnati which was to
become his permanent residence.
One authority wrote:
He began his work in Lexington, Ky., in
1821 and soon evinced his
superior talents as a teacher. In 1822
Locke had occasion to visit Cincinnati,
making the trip from Lexington on
horseback. "As he emerged from the
woods of Kentucky, and rose over the
hill south of Newport, the valley
surrounding the now Queen City opened to
his admiring view. On approach-
ing the city the rattling of drays, the
clink of hammers, the smoke of
factories, the rush of steamboats, the
firing of signals of arrivals and
departures, acted upon his mind with all
the force of enchantment. He fell
in love with the Queen City and decided
to make his home here." Ethan
Stone, that remarkable pioneer and
philanthropist, took an interest in the
young stranger and aided him in
establishing a non-sectarian school for
young ladies (Dr. Locke's School) which
enjoyed a great reputation for
many years and was patronized by the best
people. The school was located
on the east side of Walnut Street,
between Third and Fourth Streets.3
Other friends soon included the
ministers of several denom-
inations of churches in Cincinnati. Dr.
Joshua L. Wilson and Dr.
Ruter, whose daughter became a pupil of
Locke's school. There
was no concealment or evasion in respect
to moral or religious
instruction in Locke's academy. None was offered, teaching be-
ing construed as secular. Yet he was
firm in making opportunities
to "impress on the minds of these
pupils the great principles of
religion, the existence and attributes
of Diety, the expedience
and necessity of cultivating social
virtues. Open your school
then that it may be patronized by all
denominations," said Dr.
Ruter, "and great good will
result."
In a History of Cincinnati and
Hamilton Country is the fol-
lowing statement concerning Locke's
school:
In 1823, Dr. John Locke, a man of
science and of some progressive
views in education, organized in
Cincinnati a private school for girls,
under the name of Locke's Female
Academy. In this school, as in others
established about the same time in the
Ohio Valley, some of the methods
of Pestalozzi were followed. It is
interesting and suggestive to reflect
3 Otto Juettner Daniel Drake and His Followers (Cincinnati, 1909), 156.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 357
that just at the time when the old Swiss
reformer was nearing the close
of his life, dejected from the apparent failure of his toils,
enthusiastic
teachers on the banks of the Ohio river
were putting his wise advice into
practice.4
A
family weekly magazine published at the time praised the
school thus: "It was truly
gratifying to witness the rapid im-
provements of the pupils generally, in
all the branches of science
taught in this institution, and more
particularly in those of Natural
and Moral Philosophy and Botany."5
During the twelve years
of Locke's proprietorship somewhere near
four hundred pupils
received an education in the school.
Mentioned for high attain-
ment in the early days of the school
were Amanda Drake, Mary
Longworth, Sarah and Jane Loring,
Frances Wilson, Jane Keyes,
Eliza Longworth, Selima Morris,
Charlotte and Mary Rogers,
Elizabeth Hamilton, and Julia Burnet.
Mrs. Trollope who usually displayed
unlimited irritation in
her criticism of Cincinnati and its inhabitants gave some space to
the school following her attendance at
one of the commencements.
She described Dr. Locke as a
gentleman who appears to have liberal
and enlarged opinions on the
subject of female education . . . [and]
perceived, with some surprise, that
the higher branches of science were
among the studies of the pretty crea-
tures I saw assembled there. ... 'A
quarter's' mathematics, or 'two quar-
ters' political economy, moral
philosophy, algebra and quadratic equations,
would seldom, I should think, enable the
teacher and the scholar, by their
joint efforts, to lay in such a stock of
these sciences as would stand the
wear and tear of half a score of
children and one help.6
However, Mrs. Trollope's judgment has
been seriously
questioned. liven her own son, Anthony, wrote of her that "no
observer was certainly ever less
qualified to judge of the pros-
pects or even of the happiness of a
young people."7
Contemporary writers in Cincinnati
agreed that Mrs. Trol-
lope and her English friend, Miss
Frances Wright, stirred a great
deal of discussion because of their
unconventional attitudes.8 In
4 History of Cincinnati and Hamilton County,
Ohio, Their Past and Present
(Cincinnati, 1894), 100.
5 Cincinnati Literary Gazette, July 31, 1824.
6 Frances Trollope, Domestic Manners
of the Americans (London, 1832), 114-5.
7 Anthony Trollope, Autobiography (New
York, 1905), 156.
8 John P. Foote, The Schools of Cincinnati
and Its Vicinity (Cincinnati, 1855),
64-5.
358 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL
AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
spite of bitter opposition they probably
caused people to think
about some of the current problems of
education and they may
have led the way to reform. Locke's
school is noteworthy be-
cause it was turned definitely toward
the concepts of modern
education. During its fourteen years, it
would have established
Dr. Locke's reputation if he had never
engaged in any other
occupation. He became famous for simple
lucid exposition. His
method of asking questions designed to
inculcate thinking habits
made the school known throughout the
nation.
His methods were based on the principles
of Pestalozzi.
During his brief association with
educational methods while at
Windsor, Vermont, and his attempt to
work alone while at Lex-
ington, he must have had an opportunity
to try several methods.
There is also the possibility that he
met Dr. Joseph Buchanan
while in Lexington, acquiring from this
original, though some-
what frustrated genius, the firm
conviction that mathematics and
science should become a part of a
liberal education. If Locke's
school was not the first in the United
States to try the Pestaloz-
zian method, it was certainty the first
of such schools in the Ohio
Valley.
When Dr. Daniel Drake later turned to educational
problems he failed to acknowledge
Locke's plan probably because
Locke had left his school and was a
professor in the Ohio College
of Medicine, a rival of Drake's
Cincinnati College.
Dr. Locke also began lectures in the
Mechanics' Institute. He
is credited with being one of the early
workers or founders of.
that valuable source of instruction. He
began the lectures in his
own home and, when that became too
crowded, gave them in a
building on Walnut Street occupied by a
Baptist congregation.
Later, after Mrs. Trollope's financial
debacle the Institute occu-
pied her bazaar.
In 1825, John Locke was married into one
of Cincinnati's
distinguished families. Mary Morris, of
Newark, New Jersey,
and niece of Nicholas Longworth, became
his bride. In the course
of time six sons and four daughters were
born.9 More
and more
9 George M. Roe, Cincinnati:
The Queen City of the
West (Cincinnati, 1895),
360.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 359
John Locke was devoting time to his own
investigations in elec-
tricity and less to the preparatory
school. He was ready in I835
to accept an appointment as Professor of
Chemistry in the Medi-
cal College of Ohio. He also was
becoming interested in geolog-
ical studies.
Probably his first interest in
geological questions had come
from being asked to make chemical
analyses of various minerals
submitted to him. The other possibility
is that he had privately
begun some surveys of his own, the
direct result of his student
days when he had served as assistant to
Professor Silliman. His
lectures at the Mechanics' Institute
would have promoted an at-
tempt to keep abreast of new
publications. He may also have met
Dr. Samuel P. Hildreth at some of the
medical meetings begin-
ning to be held at that time. Dr.
Hildreth had been writing on
the geology of Ohio and publishing,
among other places, in Silli-
man's Journal as the American
Journal of Science and Arts was
popularly known. Dr. Hildreth had also
served as chairman of
the governor's committee to report on
the best method of obtaining
a complete geological survey of Ohio.10
Dr. Locke contributed to the Second
Annual Report of the
Geological Survey, along with Charles Whittlesey, J. W. Foster,
Caleb Briggs, and Dr. J. P. Kirtland,
with W. W. Mather as Chief
Geologist. Dr. Locke's report was the
last one received as he
was lecturing and traveling in England
during I837. His open-
ing sentence shows his eminently
practical point of view and his
desire as an educator to reach his
public. "As the geological re-
ports are intended, in part at least,
for the distribution of useful
information among the people, it will be
necessary to introduce
occasionally, though briefly as
possible, such elementary explana-
tions as will enable them to understand
the subject discussed."11
He was assigned the southwestern quarter
of the State. He be-
gan with the chemical analysis of the
limestones which had been
included in the first report of the
committee as well. The lime-
stones were not fully classified as they
are at present, of course,
10 Report of the Special Committee .
. . on the Best Method of Obtaining a
Complete Geological Survey of the
State of Ohio (Columbus, 1836), 15.
11 Ohio Geological Survey, Second
Annual Report on the Geological Survey of
the State of Ohio (Columbus,
1838), 203.
360
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
and he simply states them by color as
"blue limestone" or as "cliff
limestone." The latter derived its name originally
from early
reports of surveys made in Scotland. It
was the general name
for limestones forming cliffs. Locke
wrote:
In accordance with this nomenclature a
creek which falls into the
Ohio below Madison (Ia.) [Indiana] and
makes in its course some magnifi-
cent leaps cover the cliff limestone has
received the name of "Clifty Creek"
and the cascade that of "Clifty
falls," the / being added agreeably to a
common provincialism of the west which
makes a skiff, a "skift," a cliff, a
"clift," etc. Clifton, a town north of Xenia, is just at the
commencement
of the same stone, and has borrowed its
name from it.12
He surveyed and drew with great skill a
diagrammatic section
of the valley and channel of the Ohio
River at Cincinnati from
Keys Hill in Ohio to Botany Hill in
Kentucky and records the
high water of the Ohio in I832, sixty-two feet
above its low water
level of I838.13
Of the importance of studying the dip of
geological forma-
tions he has this to say:
The strata are nearly horizontal, and
having a slight and irregular
undulation, the dip is with difficulty
ascertained, while one confines his
attention to the layers of the same
formation, for example, to the blue
limestone about Cincinnati. The inclinations resulting from undulation,
are seldom more than one foot in 45;
unless water be contiguous to mark
the level, the strata appear to the eye
to be quite horizontal. I have exam-
ined the inclination of the strata of
blue limestone about Cincinnati very
particularly with the leveling
instrument, and have sometimes found a uni-
form and consistent dip for half a mile;
in another locality the dip would
be in an opposite direction. The strata
in the bed of the Ohio at its lowest
stage in Sept. 1838, showed, by
comparison with the surface of the water,
that these local undulations were
extremely irregular, presenting inclin-
ations which vary in all possible
directions, in planes continued uniform
not generally more than one fourth of a
mile. A single stratum cannot in
general be identified far enough to
determine on the whole, whether it has,
independent of local undulations, an
absolute dip. However, when we
examine the several formations,
previously named, on a large scale, the
dip becomes very evident; and as one
formation sinks gradually below
the surface, and another superior one
presents itself, gives rise to those
important changes in the face and
productions of the country, which we
should hardly attribute to a slope so
moderate as one inch in a rod. By a
12 Ibid., 211.
13 Ibid., plate facing p. 211.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 36I
correspondence held between Dr. Owen,
the Geologist of Indiana and my-
self it has been ascertained that the
strata slope downward each way from
a line not far from that between Ohio
and Indiana pitching eastwardly
in Ohio and westwardly in Indiana in
such a manner that the cliff lime-
stone, which shows itself not many miles
east and west of Richmond, in
Indiana, descends and comes to the bed
of the Ohio river, at the east side
of Adams Co., in Ohio, and at the falls
of the Ohio, at Louisville.
It follows as a'consequence of this
arrangement that the out-cropping
edges of the strata present themselves
at the surface in the same order in
the two States, but proceeding in
opposite directions. For example, on
ascending the Ohio eastwardly, we meet with blue limestone, cliff
lime-
stone, slate, fine sandstone,
conglomerate, and coal. On descending the
Ohio westwardly, we meet with the same
things, in the same order, viz;
blue limestone, cliff limestone, slate,
&c.14
This quotation is given in full as a
splendid example of his
simple explanations and descriptions.
Here Locke is the student
in the field beckoning the stay-at-home
to venture out of doors
and try first hand an interpretation of
nature. This is also the
first description of the great limestone
arch, "the Cincinnati anti-
cline," as it came to be called in
the textbooks. Locke had given
up his
private school but he was still the educator addressing a
larger unseen audience as well as the
special group for whom his
remarks Were prepared.
He was also eager to present the value
of the study of geol-
ogy to the average citizen. On the map
he prepared of Adams
County he placed a section connecting
with Scioto County on the
east. He showed by this means that the
coals of Scioto County,
because of their dip toward the east and
their rise westward,
would be in the air I,160 feet above
the level of western Adams
County. At a glance anyone would know
that searching for coal
in Adams County would be useless. It is
believed this is the first
time a geological report carried so much
useful information in
such a simple, graphic way. Part of its
purpose was to demon-
strate the practical side of the survey
to the State legislative
assembly. However, it was not until
thirty years later under
John S. Newberry that the work was
resumed.
For some years, Dr. Locke had been
investigating terrestrial
14 Ibid., 206.
362
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
magnetism and the deviation from true
north noted in the hand of
the compass. While he had been in
England in 1837, Locke had
met some of the British investigators of
this problem. He was
able to add data for comparison with the
European published
results. He continued these
investigations for a number of years
and soon was a recognized leader in this
field. Possessed of an
inquiring mind and a passion for
designing or improving pieces
of equipment he produced a
"microscopic" compass and the
famous Locke level still used by civil
engineers. Both of these
were employed first by him in his own
survey work and then
offered for use to others.
Locke's connection with the Geological
Survey produced a
number of results of permanent value to
the State. It was
through his researches on the variation
of the magnetic needle
that the corrections in the separate
tracts of land in the survey of
the State of Ohio could be made. The
Virginia Military Lands
were parceled out to the owners of
claims without any regularity
or system. Locke helped to establish
order in this confusion by
his knowledge of the behavior of the
magnetic compass. He was
also able to locate iron deposits with a
special instrument he devel-
oped, and made a journey into
southeastern Ohio with other
members of the Survey for that
purpose. It was clear to the
members of the Geological Survey that
much of the school land
originally appropriated to the State had
been sold too quickly.
Without a geological appraisal the land
had been sold on the basis
of its potential agricultural value
only. The intelligent work of
men like Hildreth and Locke
unfortunately could not prevail in
the moulding of public opinion. Instead
of squandering most of
its land grant Ohio might have profited
as was later possible in
some of the other states, notably
Minnesota.
Locke was to have prepared detailed
surveys of both Butler
and Adams counties. He completed Adams
before the work was
abandoned. The survey of Adams County
was thus appraised
years later by Evans and Stivers:
There has never been but one geological
survey of Adams County,
and that was made by Prof. John Locke,
Assistant State Geologist, in
Dr. JOHN LOCKE
1838. There is a more recent report but
it does not at all cover the county.
Prof. Locke's report is so comprehensive
and withal so plain that anyone
by reading it may acquire much valuable
knowledge of the geological for-
mations of Adams County. It is however
necessary to note some changes
in classification and nomenclature in
accordance with present usage.15
On April 25, 1838, the disaster to the
river steamer Moselle
occurred. It was the worst accident of
its kind. The boilers had
exploded and the ship was burned. Since
a number of lives were
lost, the citizens of Cincinnati called
upon Dr. Locke to head a
committee of investigation. With his
usual thoroughness Locke
examined the possible causes of the
explosion. He centered
blame upon the ship builders and owners,
accusing them of
neglect in taking precautions to guard
the lives of crews and pas-
sengers. His report was widely read.
The discussion of his
report became an important factor in
establishing modern laws
to protect all who use steamboat
navigation.
Dr. Locke may have accepted the chair of
chemistry in the
Medical College of Ohio in 1835, though
his actual teaching seems
to have begun in 1837. Locke went abroad
between 1835 and
1837, for the purpose of purchasing new
apparatus for the
courses he intended to teach. His
connection with the college is
clearer after 1837, when the faculty was
reorganized and the
rivalry with the Cincinnati College was
declining.
He entered this period of teaching fully
aware of the storms
that had centered around the medical
faculties or one might also
say around the personality of Daniel
Drake. By the time Locke
joined the faculty of the Medical
College of Ohio, originally
founded by Drake, Drake had also founded
two other medical
faculties in Cincinnati, the Medical
Department of Miami Uni-
versity which lasted only a year and
from which Drake resigned
when it was included in the Ohio
College, and the Medical De-
partment of the Cincinnati College which
lasted from 1831 until
1839. Meanwhile Drake had taught at
Transylyania University
and at Jefferson College in
Philadelphia. Drake's brilliant, tur-
15 Nelson W. Evans and Emmons B.
Stivers, A History of Adams County, Ohio
. . . (West Union, Ohio, 1900), 10.
364 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
bulent career, full of zeal and
ambitions to be the foremost medi-
cal teacher in Cincinnati, touched the
lives of all the prominent
medical, scientific, and public spirited
citizens of the town. Locke
should have been forewarned by the
frequent upsets in the medi-
cal faculties. This did not prove to be
the fact.
When the political intrigues which had
been fomented in the
Ohio College resulted in Locke's
dismissal in 1849-50, he was
stunned. Although he was reinstated and
served two more years
he no longer retained the enthusiasm for
the college that carried
him through the creative years he had
spent there. It was during
this period of about fourteen years that
Locke proved to be one
of the most remarkable figures in the
advancement of science in
his time. It is the aim of the following
paragraphs to show this
phase of Locke's life.
locke had carried with him to England
his observations of
the deviations of the magnetic compass
and thus was able to make
comparisons with the results obtained in
England. Col. Sabine,
of Woolwich, wrote to Locke, November 20, 1843:
"Permit me
to express hope for early publication of
your observations com-
paring Cincinnati, Toronto . . . on
terrestrial magnetism. If
there should prove a difficulty causing
a serious delay in the pub-
lication of your discoveries in the
United States, I cannot doubt
that either the Royal Society or the
British association would be
very proud to receive them and print
them."16 There was sound
practicality in this request. The
accuracy of surveying and navi-
gation were still too dependent upon the
erratic compass.
He invented a thermoscopic galvanometer
of great sensitivity
and demonstrated it to members of the
British Association. Prob-
ably at this time he met Professor
Wheatstone and Sir David
Brewster who were interested in his
experiments on optics which
they were likewise investigating. G. M.
Roe adds another factual
nugget:
In connection with this trip of Dr.
Locke to Europe may be men-
tioned a circumstance illustrative of
the uncertainties regarding municipal
action. The city of Cincinnati then used
an incorrect linear measure and
requested Dr. Locke to secure a standard.
He did so, having two made
16 Wright, Address on . . .
John Locke.40.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 365
and compared with the English standard
by William Simms, who made
the originals for the British
Government. One of these is 413 millionth
of an inch too long, the other 150
millionth of an inch too short. (Stand-
ards can not be made exact but
practically are so by having a known
error.) The city authorities failed to
reimburse Dr. Locke, and the meas-
ures . . . still remain in the hands of
his heirs. The measures are now of
great interest as the original English standards
are under seal, and can only
be opened by an act of Parliament.17
The acquaintances he made abroad
probably caused him to
think about the advantages of systematic
gatherings of scientists.
He began to attend meetings of the newly
organized Association
of American Geologists. He did not
attend the founding meeting
held at the Franklin Institute in April
1840. He
may have been
at that time with David Dale Owen on the
Indiana Geological
Survey, the report of which was
published that year. However,
W. W. Mather was present. Mather had
known Locke for his
work on the Ohio survey and may have
seen to it that Locke came
to the second meeting of the
Association, and thus tied him in
with the group that included Edward
Hitchcock, L. C. Beck,
Douglass Houghton, J. N. Nicollet, A. D.
Bache, and others.
When the second meeting was held
beginning April 5, 1841,
at the Academy of Natural Sciences in
Philadelphia, Locke was
appointed one of the committee to plan
the conduct of business.
From the previous year a committee to
discuss mineral manures
had been held over. Locke took part in
that discussion. W. W.
Mather asked to postpone his paper on
the "Drift" and Locke
read a paper on the "Geology of
Some Parts of the U. S. West
of the Allegany Mountains." In this
he offered some compari-
sons between the position and age of
European formations and
those he had studied in Ohio and
Indiana. This brought forth
some discussion and objections that were
quite natural since "cliff
limestone" and "blue
limestone," the currently employed terms,
were inadequate for comparative studies.
In a later session he described a new
species of trilobite
found at Cincinnati and named by him Isotelus
maximus. He
demonstrated by casts one specimen 93/4 inches long and frag-
17 Roc, Cincinnati, 360.
366 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
ments of another 19 1/2 inches long. The
latter was the largest
trilobite known. In another paper he
discussed the "diluvial
scratches" that he had observed in
limestone. He called attention
to variations in the widths of the lines
or grooves, up to 1/2 inch
broad. Some were "1/8 inch deep,
scaled rough in the bottom as
if they had been ploughed by an iron
chisel properly set and car-
ried forward with an irresistible
force." From their exact
straightness and parallelism Locke drew
the inference, now accep-
ted as factual, that the lines had been
formed "by a body of im-
mense weight, moving with a momentum
scarcely affected by the
resistance offered by the cutting of the
grooves." He pointed out
that one set of grooves might be crossed
at an angle by another,
but that the parallelism of each set
remained.18
All of this data on striae must have set
the geologists think-
ing that perhaps diluvial was not the
way to describe these
scratches. Not many of the members present had been West.
There was Nicollet who had explored in
Missouri. He, Douglass
Houghton, Bela Hubbard, Mather, D. D.
Owen, Locke, H. D.
Rogers, also of the Medical College of
Ohio, and possibly some
others were opening up the explorations
of the continent. The
great continental ice theory was not to
be announced by Agassiz
for some years. The announcement of the
parallel nature of the
grooves must have made that second
session of the geologists
pretty much Locke's session.
At the second meeting, also held in
Philadelphia, the presi-
dent, Rev. Professor Edward Hitchcock,
referred to Locke's ob-
servations. There is not available a
first hand report of all that
Locke had included in his paper.
Hitchcock's address depends
in part on remarks that must have been
made by Locke. Hitch-
cock brings out the point that the
grooves even cross sharp ridges
without alteration of direction. It was difficult after that ses-
sion to attribute all the facts about
drift to a deluge. The stage
was being set during these meetings for
the modern discussions
of glacial geology that were to follow
in the next few years.
The place of leadership that Locke was
filling in the early
18 American Journal of Science, XLI
(1841), 158ff.
DR.
JOHN LOCKE
367
years of the Association of American
Geologists continued dur-
ing the following meetings. At Boston in
1842, Dr. Samuel
Morton did not arrive on time and Locke
was asked to take the
chair.
A constitution was adopted, the name being altered to
Association of American Geologists and
Naturalists. Its cos-
mopolitan aspect was attested by the
presence of Charles Lyell.
As in the previous year, Locke presented
papers on a diversity
of topics. His paper on "Ancient
Earthworks in Ohio" led to
the formation of a committee to examine
and report on the
western mounds. Locke, J. N. Nicollet, John H. Blake, Dr.
George Engelman, of course Hildreth,
Prof. Troost, and Dr. B.
B. Brown were named. A search for any
work by this com-
mittee fails to turn up a report,
however.
Locke also presented a paper on a new
instrument he had in-
vented, a reflecting level and
goniometer. He also described a
reflecting compass. His skill in
designing instruments suited to
his problems was second only to his
ingenuity in measuring and
observing facts others neglected. He was
a teacher because he
was ready to deal with the situation at
hand. He returned to
plant studies with a paper on a
prostrate forest under the Ohio
diluvium. Not presented at the meeting
was a published report
on observations made at Baltimore on the
dipping compass. To
test his observations his friends, Major
Graham, Nicollet, and
Bache, made similar use of his
instruments. He also published
a drawing of the large trilobite,
changing the name to Isotelus
megistor.19
Locke published a report on mineral
lands ordered to be
surveyed by Congress in 1839. This had
carried him to the lead
regions in Wisconsin and in Missouri.
His observations on the
subject of terrestrial magnetism carried
him to the north side of
Lake Superior.20 He also became interested in
transportation
problems at Sault Sainte Marie and was
asked by the War De-
partment to prepare a report on the
subject of a ship canal around
the rapids. He observed the granite
boulders along the lake shores
10 Ibid., XLII (1842),
235, 366.
20 U. S. Congress, 26
Cong., 1 sess., Executive Document No. 239, pp. 53,
116-39.
368 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL
AND HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
with strong doubts as to their
usefulness in canal construction.
He stated that the want of materials for such a work need
not be any impediment as the limestone
of Drummond's Island
could be easily transported to the
Sault. He made an observation
contrary to a recommendation which had
been made to the War
Department with regard to the depth of
the canal. He doubted
whether vessels drawing more than six
feet of water could at all
times navigate St. Mary's River on
account of two bars, one of
rock at the Nebish Rapids and the other
of mud in Lake Huron.
Therefore it would hardly be necessary
to make the proposed
canal twelve feet deep as had been
suggested. Since Locke's time
more than a century of thoughtful
experimentation has attempted
to adjust the ore and grain cargoes, the
ships themselves, and the
docking facilities to the fundamental
geological problems his alert
eyes reported in his "hasty"
observations.
Then the Doctor, the almost forgotten
person in the several
John Lockes of whom the reader must by
this time be aware,
came forward to express himself.
There remains another consideration
which although not immediately
connected with wealth is still important
in furnishing that without which
wealth cannot be enjoyed. We venture to
urge the opening of Lake
Superior to steam navigation in order to
facilitate the access of thousands
of invalids to a region so picturesque,
so novel, and so invigorating as can
scarcely be equalled on the globe.
He mentioned the weariness of life
created by the "Mias-
mata of the Mississippi and the calm dry
heat of a summer in the
Southwest." He grew poetic in recommending an early escape
to the "pure water, the clear
atmosphere, the temperate summer
climate, the rugged fir clad rocks, the
piney glades carpeted
with reindeer licken and hung with the
dangling usnea."
It was probably nostalgia for his own
boyhood in Maine after
a succession of sultry summers in the
Middle West that brought
the enraptured praise that follows:
The canal being opened the citizens of
New York escaping from dust
and ennui and the resident of New
Orleans fleeing from the pestilence of
the summer months may be speedily wafted
to a meeting at Porter's Island,
at Isle Royale or at La Point and there
enjoy most of the Boreau wonders
DR. JOHN
LOCKE 369
of which they
have read in the voyages and travels of Ross, Franklin and
others and
there in the day admire the delusive mirage of the distant shores
and in the
night the portentous streamers of the aurora.
The fifth
annual meeting of the Association of American
Geologists and
Naturalists was held in 1844 at
Washington.
Dr. Locke served as
chairman, and Dr. Douglass
Hough-
ton as
treasurer. Dr. David
D. Owen who had been
elected
secretary was
not present. Locke read a paper on the connection
between
geology and magnetism, since he had always made both
kinds of
observations on his field trips. He noted that the great-
est magnetic
force was to be found in the Lake Superior region.
Douglass
Houghton read a paper on the importance of connecting
geological
surveys with linear surveys of public lands. The
Washington
meeting, close to the seat of Congress, contained in
the papers of
these two investigators a
symposium which, if
noticed, would
serve to call the attention of government officers to
the needs of
research and exploration of our natural resources.
John Locke,
the quiet teacher, was on the way to becoming a
national
figure.
In the paper
he read at the meeting he remarked:
In the year
1838, I began to examine the elements of terrestrial
magnetism,
including dip declination and intensity, both horizontal and
total, over
various parts of the United States. Every year since I have
made journeys
to extend this kind of research until now I have embraced
in a general
way the region from Cambridge, Mass. westward to the ex-
treme of Iowa
and. from the middle of Kentucky northward to the north
side of Lake
Superior. It was but natural that I should note the geology
of the
substratum at each station; and on reducing my observations and
putting them
into tabular form I examined the properties of each group
extending over
rocks of a similar kind and found so far as I had examined
some general
indications of which classes of rocks might be distinguished
although
concealed at considerable depths, the magnetical instruments in
this respect
answering the general purpose of a mineral or divining rod.22
This may have contained a little over-extension
of his
enthusiasm--yet
in the Lake Superior region compasses were al-
was showing
crazy local deflections. What excitement was con-
22 American
Association of Geolgists and Naturalists, Abstract of the Pro-
ceedings, V
(1844), passim.
370 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
cealed beneath the lofty cool words of
Locke's paper! He was
talking to the men who knew better
perhaps than any other group
in America the lack of knowledge of our
mineral resources. They
were the custodians at that moment of
enormous potential wealth
before which even Aladdin's lamp would
have blinked out.
Present at the meeting were Douglass
Houghton whose name
will always be associated with Michigan
and Minnesota, Wm. B.
Rogers, H. D. Rogers, and A. D. Bache of
the Coast Survey
Office. Capt. Wilkes of the United
States Exploring Expedition
invited the company to visit the
collections housed at the U. S.
Patent Office. An invitation was
extended likewise from the U.
S. Naval Observatory. To a number of the
men he met, Locke
was shortly to become indebted for
attention they gave to other of
his inventions.
He had strung a telegraph line--the
first one in Cincinnati
-- from the laboratory where he worked
in the Ohio Medical
College to his home. He had trained two
of his sons to help him
put together various instruments and
pieces of scientific appara-
tus he continually was designing.
Excerpts from Locke's report
seem the most appropriate for describing
his greatest invention.
This instrument was the
electro-chronograph. "My attention
was first drawn practically to the
subject of the combination of
clocks and electrical machinery for
producing useful results in
1844 and '45."23 He had obtained
a lathe and a set of tools from
the sculptor, Hiram Powers. Whenever he
needed a new piece
of apparatus to demonstrate a principle
he was able to design an
effective device. In consequence the
lectures he offered attracted
a distinguished audience. His assistants were Thomas K.
Beecher and his sons John Locke, Jr.,
and Joseph M. Locke.
He devised two types of electrotomes,
one with a conducting
pendulum swinging through a mercury cup,
the other a wheel
with pins or teeth to break the circuit
of tripping a tilt hammer.
This second form avoided friction. It
then occurred to him,
particularly after correspondence with
Sears C. Walker of the
Coast Survey Office, that an improvement
could be made on the
23 American
Journal of Science, n. s., VIII (1849), 233.
DR. JOHN
LOCKE 371
observations of time signals and star
signals made in the calcula-
tion of longitude. Heretofore these had been made by ordinary
clock readings and manual contact with
an electric circuit breaker
to send signals by telegraph to another
station. Due to an un-
certain loss of time the observations
were not at the level of ac-
curacy desired.
Locke then thought of using the Morse
register on which a
magnet marked traces on a paper
ribbon. By this means any
station connected with the observer
could have an event recorded
at the split second the circuit-breaker
key was moved. "Almost
every astronomical observer has
intiutively felt a desire to have
some kind of a chronograph with which to
subdivide a second
and record fractionally the punctum of observation."
Sears C. Walker wrote:
Dr. John Locke of Cincinnati, has
invented a very cheap and simple
instrument which can be attached to the
same pivot along with the second
hand of any clock, and which will, when
put in connection with the tele-
graphic circuit, make the clock beat at
the same instant all along the line.
The hours, minutes and seconds, may be
registered on the fillet of
paper, and by striking on the
telegraphic key at the instant of any occur-
rence, the date of it is recorded on
the same paper to the hundredth of a
second. This invention will be useful for many practical
purposes. It
makes the current of time visible to the
eye in a permanent record. It does
not change the rate of going of the
most delicate clock. It will doubtless
be applied hereafter to many purposes
for the advancement of science; such
as the determination of geographical
longitude, in connection with transit
instruments, measurement of the velocity
of sound; perhaps, if the circuit
be long enough, of lightning itself.24
Lieutenant M. F. Maury, Superintendent
of the National
Observatory, wrote in a letter to Hon.
John Y. Mason, Secretary
of the Navy. this graphic account of the
use of the electro-
chronograph:
Thus the astronomer in Boston observes
the transit of a star as it
flits through the field of his
instrument, and crosses the meridian of that
place. Instead of looking at a clock
before him, and noting the time in the
usual way, he touches a key, and the
clock here subdivides his seconds
to the minutest fraction, and records
the time with unerring accuracy.
24 Ibid., 237-8.
372
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
The astronomer in Washington waits for
the same star to cross his
meridian, and, as it does [the key for
circuit breaking on] Dr. Locke's
magnetic clock is again touched; it
divides the seconds and records the
time for him with equal precision. The
difference between these two times
is the longitude of Boston from the
meridan of Washington ....
And thus this problem, which has vexed
astronomers and navigators,
and perplexed the world for ages, is
reduced at once, by American ingenu-
ity, to a form and method the most
simple and accurate. While the pro-
cess is so much simplified, the results
are greatly refined. In one night
the longitude may be determined with far
more accuracy by means of a
magnetic telegraph and clock, than it
can by years of observation accord-
ing to any other method that has ever
been tried.25
The Coast Survey had made an arrangement
with the Tele-
graph Company in Cincinnati to have a
line extend through Dr.
Locke's house. On November 17, 1848,
this experiment of ob-
serving longitude with Locke's
instruments was tried for the first
time and it was successful. The model
instruments had been com-
pleted by the fourth of November. Dr. A.
D. Bache communi-
cated a full report to Congress in
December of that year and to
Dr. Locke a special Congressional award
of ten thousand dollars
was the official recognition that the
representation made on the
part of his colleagues in this advance
into the realm of science
was approved.
This invention would be a happy,
elevated note on which to
conclude the account of the work of Dr.
John Locke. One must
not forget that his work in the fields
of physics and astronomy
sprung from the lectures on chemistry he
conducted in the Ohio
Medical College. That was always an institution given to
per-
sonality conflicts among the faculty
members. Locke had be-
gun his work there during one of the
frequent reorganizations of
the faculty personnel. He was to leave it in the same manner.
The blow of being asked to resign was
too much for him to bear,
even though he knew it was a political
quarrel that forced his dis-
missal. He was shortly afterward
reinstated, but the damage to
his spirit of loyalty had been too great
to rekindle hi's old enthus-
iasm for the school. He remained two
years after reinstatement
25 Ibid., 241.
DR. JOHN LOCKE 373
but moved to Lebanon, Ohio, and there
managed a preparatory
school. This was too weak a challenge to
his broad grasp of the
world of science. But he had no further
taste for original in-
vestigation if he and his labors were to
be subject to political
vagaries.
At the meeting held in 1851 in Cincinnati of the American
Association for the Advancement of
Science, a lineal descendant of
the old Association of Geologists and
Naturalists. over which he
had presided, Locke was not present. His
son, L. T. Locke of
Nashua, New Hampshire, is listed among
members of the asso-
ciation, but his name is dramatically
lacking. His friend and
associate who had done much to praise
the electro-chronograph, A.
D. Bache, served as president. O.D.
Mitchell, the Director of
Astronomical Observatory of Cincinnati,
delivered an address on
the longitude of Cincinnati, and Sears
Walker gave a report, but
the only mention of the name of Locke is
an acknowledgement of
a chronometer loaned by him.26 To
Locke it was easier to sub-
divide seconds than it was to regain
emotional composure and
balance.
He made one strong effort to return to
his first interest in
the field of science--the plant world.
He delivered at Lebanon
an address, "On the means of
renovating worn out farms." After
discussing declining fertility in soils
and the methods of com-
batting this, he recommends the
establishment of libraries of
agricultural schools and an agricultural
survey. It is interesting
to note that a paper by N. S. Townshend
is contained in this same
volume.27 The brilliant genius of John
Locke was dimmed.
He was not looking backward but was
passing something of his
spirit to others who would look to the
natural resources of Ohio
and their future development.
26 American Association for the Advancement
of Science, Proceedings, V
(1851), passim.
27 Ohio State Board of Agriculture, Ninth
Annual Report . . . 1854
(Columbus, 1855), 212-2.
NOTES
Contributors to This Issue.
Roy F. Nichols is Professor of History
in the University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Raymond F. Fletcher is Business Manager
of the Portsmouth
(Ohio) Times.
Howard H. Peckham is Director of the
Indiana Historical
Bureau and Secretary of the Indiana
Historical Society, Indian-
apolis.
William Alexander Mabry is Professor of
History in Mount
Union College, Alliance, Ohio.
Cathaline Alford Archer (Mrs. John Clark
Archer) of Ham-
den, Conn., interests herself in local and
family history of the
Western Reserve of which she is a
native.
Frederick C. Waite, Professor Emeritus,
Western Reserve
University, now located in Dover, N. H.,
is the author of two
volumes of Western Reserve University
history. (See reviews
in this issue.)
John William Scholl is Professor
Emeritus, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Curtis W. Garrison is Director of
Research, Hayes Memorial
Library, Fremont, Ohio.
Book reviewers, represented by initials,
are Robert C.
Wheeler, James H. Rodabaugh, John O.
Marsh, Bertha E.
Josephson, and Harlow Lindley of the
Society's staff, and Mary
Jane Meyer of the Ohio War History
Commission.
310