Ohio History Journal

Lewis D. Campbell and the Know-Nothing Party in Ohio           by WILLIAM E. VAN HORNE

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The period of the late 1840's and early 1850's was one of confusion in the

ranks of the two old established parties, a situation which resulted in large

part from the controversy over the status of slavery in the territories ac-

quired by the United States during the decade, 1840-1850. Even the Free

Soil party, formed on the basis of antislavery principles and deriving strength

from both Whigs and Democrats, experienced discord which, at times,

threatened its unity.¹ Eventually Free Soilers, most of the old Whigs, and

some of the northern Democrats coalesced into the new Republican party.

In the meantime, however, there occurred one of the most astonishing phe-

nomena in American political history. That was the sudden rise in 1854,

and the equally sudden demise in 1856, of the Know-Nothing party.

The Know-Nothings were an oath-bound secret society opposed to Roman

Catholics and foreigners in politics. When asked about the organization, a

member was to reply that he "knows nothing" about it; hence the name.

Included in its ranks were many prominent and sincere men, such as Sam

Houston and Grant's two vice-presidents, Colfax and Wilson. Even ex-

President Millard Fillmore was drawn into the movement.

The reasons why otherwise clear-thinking Americans would join such

an illiberal movement were many. The splintering of the parties caused a

great many politicians to seek a new base of operations. Many considered

"political bossism" in the big cities a result of ignorant peasants, accus-

tomed to blind obedience, prematurely being given the franchise, and so

they responded favorably to the Know-Nothings' demand that the natural-

ization period be extended from five to twenty-one years. Other sincere

people, appalled at the developing sectional conflict, hoped that attention

could be diverted from the slavery issue and that the North and South

could be united in opposition to a common enemy, the Catholic Church.

Momentum was also given to the Know-Nothing movement as a result of

events in Europe.

In 1848 liberal revolutions had erupted throughout Europe, especially

in France, Hungary, and the Papal States. Americans considered their own

country the fountainhead of liberty and were delighted when several of the

revolutions were initially successful. Senator Tom Corwin exulted:

Every gale that floats across the Atlantic comes freighted with the

death groans of a king, every vessel that touches your shores bears with

her tidings that the captives of the Old World are at last becoming free.²

Later the forces of reaction rallied and the revolts were suppressed, some-

times with Inquisition-like severity. Refugees then flocked to the United

States, many of them bitterly anti-clerical. In 1852 and 1853 Lajos (Louis)

Kossuth, the great Hungarian hero, and the Italian Allassandro Gavazzi,

a former Barnabite monk, made speaking tours to all parts of the country.

They bitterly denounced the Catholic Church for being in league with

royalty in oppressing the masses.³ As if the political turmoil were not

enough, 1848 also marked the beginning of the great Irish potato famines.

The number of immigrants from Europe soared from approximately 100,000

in 1845 to 300,000 in 1850, and reached a peak of nearly a half-million in

1854.⁴ Paradoxically, sympathy with the refugees made many Americans

 

NOTES ON PAGE 270

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204                                                OHIO HISTORY

 

anti-Catholic, but fear of the overwhelming numbers made them anti-foreign

as well. This was the fertile ground in which the seed of Know-Nothingism

sprouted and grew.

One of the first public figures to take a position consistent with the aims

of the Know-Nothing party was Lewis D. Campbell of Hamilton, congress-

man from the Third (Hamilton-Dayton) Congressional District of Ohio.

In 1854 he was in his early forties and a remarkably successful man, even

though he had been born a poor farm boy, near Franklin, Ohio, and had

attended school only until the age of fourteen. Virtually self-educated, he

became successively a printer, newspaper publisher, lawyer, railroad presi-

dent, and wealthy capitalist. He first became prominent in politics in the

1830's when he was publisher of the Hamilton Intelligencer, a Whig paper

in strongly Democratic Butler County, and was first elected to Congress

in 1848.5

In his first years in Congress Campbell developed skill in debate and

thereby became influential on the national scene. When the Thirty-Third

Congress convened in December 1853, he was sufficiently prominent to re-

ceive eleven votes for Speaker of the House, including support from Joshua

Giddings, patriarch of the abolitionists.⁶ Campbell's position at the time

was that of a northern Whig, adamantly opposed to the extension of slavery.

Campbell continued to gain national prominence during the debates over

the Kansas-Nebraska bill of 1854. This was Senator Stephen Douglas' ill-

advised attempt to settle the slavery-extension debate once and for all by

leaving the matter to "popular sovereignty" conditioned by possible ap-

peal to the Supreme Court for decision. He thought, no doubt correctly,

that slavery would be incompatible with the economic laws of this area,

but a majority in the North considered his bill an insidious attempt to in-

troduce the institution into northern territories, and therefore exploded

in indignation.

Douglas, a magnificent parliamentary infighter, pushed his bill through

the Senate, but in the House, where the opposition was stronger, a leading

role was assumed by Campbell, who at one point after a thirty-six hour

continuous session was very nearly assaulted physically by a southern mem-

ber before cooler heads intervened. In the end the opposition was futile

and the bill passed 113 to 100.⁷

The intense newspaper coverage of the Congressional debates made

Campbell well known throughout the North. The Cincinnati Gazette said:

The Whig press of Ohio and the Northwest are unanimous in their

approval of the bold, manly stand taken by Lewis D. Campbell, of this

state, on the Nebraska bill. He was the recognized leader of the opposi-

tion to that measure.⁸

The Lebanon Western Star, which was ardently promoting anti-Nebraska

meetings as well as the organization of an anti-Nebraska political party,

noted editorially that the Ohioan would make an excellent president. Other

Ohio papers took up this suggestion and were followed by papers in Michigan,

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LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                               205

 

Indiana, and Illinois. Soon a number of papers were carrying "Lewis D.

Campbell for President" on their mastheads.⁹

Campbell returned to his home from Washington when Congress adjourned

in August 1854. This was at the time when the Know-Nothing movement

was in its period of most rapid expansion. The members of the order took

their oaths of secrecy very seriously indeed, with the result that records

showing their activities were usually destroyed. Consequently, the detailed

history of Campbell's part in organizing the movement has to be gleaned,

as far as possible, from other sources.

There is clear evidence that he joined the nativists while in Washing-

ton, perhaps as early as December 1853, when he went there to take his

seat in the Thirty-Third Congress.10 Authorities who should have known

said later that Know-Nothingism came to Ohio in March 1854.11 The Demo-

cratic Hamilton Telegraph called Campbell and his brothers "leaders in

the movement," an allegation the Hamilton Intelligencer sharply criticized.12

No doubt the accusation had substance because, in addition to Lewis' favor-

able attitude, one brother, Edwin R. Campbell, had been one of the most

prominent figures in nativist ranks for years. The latter had been a dele-

gate to the national convention of the old Native American party nine

years earlier, and as a Cincinnati newspaper editor carried on contin-

uous anti-Catholic and anti-foreign agitation for years afterward.13

The Know-Nothing organization grew explosively, in Ohio as well as

nationally. In October 1854, there were 50,000 members in the state; by

February of the following year, 120,000.14 In mid-1855 it was reported that

one and one-half million men had taken the oaths nationally!15

The first national convention of the Know-Nothing party was held in Cin-

cinnati on November 15, 1854. The oaths of the three degrees of member-

ship were standardized for the whole country. In taking the first degree,

the candidate swore to abide by the decisions of the majority of the party

in all political affairs and never to vote for a foreigner or a non-Protestant

for any office. In the second degree, which was required of all office seekers,

the member swore that he would never appoint a foreigner to office and

would, in fact, remove any he might find in office if it were within his power

to do so. The third, or Union degree, required an oath "to adhere to, defend,

and maintain the Union of the States against any and all assaults, from all

and every quarter, without any condition, stipulation, or limitation." After

taking the third degree, the candidate was called a member of the Order

of the American Union.16

The convention reaffirmed its intention to act secretly and declared the

members would attempt to control any party which might arise out of the

anti-Nebraska movement. In any locality where the Know-Nothings should

be unable to do so, however, they would enter a separate slate of candidates

under the American party name. The national election of 1854 resulted in

a landslide for the Fusionists (mostly Republicans and Know-Nothings)

who carried every one of the twenty-one congressional districts in Ohio.

The Fusionist sweep of the House of Representatives was complete, with

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206                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

108 seats to 83 for the Democrats. Seventy of the Republicans were also

Know-Nothings. The balance of power, however, lay with 43 Know-Nothings,

primarily southern, who were not affiliated with the Republicans.17 The total

of 113 Know-Nothings represented an absolute majority of the House and

could control it if the northern and southern wings of the party would work

together.

During the campaign, Campbell was riding a wave of popularity. He was

in demand as a speaker not only in every hamlet in his own district but

also in support of candidates all over Ohio and in Michigan and Indiana.18

After his heady experience in addressing cheering crowds and hearing his

congressional record praised, Campbell began to take the presidential talk

seriously. He wrote to his strong supporter William Schouler, publisher of

the Cincinnati Gazette: "I have respect enough for my own intellect to be-

lieve that I am about as well qualified for the duties as any man who has

been in that chair since the death of 'Old Tippecanoe'."¹⁹ In early 1855

Campbell began to map the strategy which he hoped would take him to

the presidency. He planned to build a state Know-Nothing organization

which would dominate the elections later that year. Then, with solid Ohio

support, he could expect the Know-Nothing majority in the Thirty-Fourth

Congress, due to meet in December, to elect him Speaker of the House. In

that position he would be the most powerful Know-Nothing in Washington

and in an excellent position to move for the presidency in 1856.20

There is no question that Campbell's ambition ran away with him. Simply

stated, he was not presidential material, and, furthermore, it is the feeling

of this writer that the American people would never elect a man whose prime

tenets are based on narrow prejudice. Nevertheless, as was written by Ruther-

ford B. Hayes, then a young lawyer in Cincinnati and no admirer of Camp-

bell:

The Presidential mania ... makes mad every man who is at all promi-

nent at Washington either in the House or Senate.... I have no knowl-

edge of any tolerably conspicuous politician at Washington whose career

is not colored and marred by his ambition to be President. I say this in

all seriousness. It makes fools of all sorts from Webster down to Lew

Campbell.²¹

Campbell realized that his best chance lay in taking a position which

could gain him support in both the North and South. If current trends

were to continue, the newly formed Republican party would solidify on a

strictly northern antislavery position without any hope of southern sup-

port. The Democratic party had already sacrificed most of its appeal in

the North because of its sponsorship of the "repeal of the Missouri Com-

promise" (the Kansas-Nebraska Act). If Campbell and the Know-Nothings

could gain domination over the Republicans, presumedly, they might be

able to tone down the antislavery stand of the party and emphasize nativist

policies. If not, they would separate from the Republicans and openly or-

ganize as the American party. Campbell confidently expected to unite senti-

ment North and South on a program of moderation on the subject of slavery,

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LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                                  207

 

modification of the naturalization laws to require twenty-one years' residence

before granting citizenship, and total exclusion of "foreign paupers."

The first step in his master plan was to organize Ohio. In February 1855,

he returned to the state and joined the other local Know-Nothing leaders

at a secret meeting in Cincinnati. Three powerful newspaper publishers

from across the state were in attendance: George A. Benedict of the Cleve-

land Herald, Oran Follett of the Columbus Ohio State Journal, and William

Schouler of the Cincinnati Gazette. At this time it was agreed that a state-

wide Know-Nothing convention would be called for June 5 in Cleveland.

These leaders would influence the convention to nominate a slate of can-

didates for state offices, headed by Jacob Brinkerhoff for governor.²² He

was the only prominent Free Soil Democrat to affiliate with the Know-

Nothings and was expected to draw support from that faction. It was be-

lieved, also, that the Republicans, many of them supposedly secret Know-

Nothings, would accept the candidates and platform of this group when

the Republican state convention met in Columbus on July 13.

At the same time that Campbell was trying to establish strong political

support in Ohio he was attempting to get the Know-Nothings to adopt a

national platform that would appeal to many in both the North and South.

Even though major emphasis was to be directed toward nativism, any state-

ment of principles could not ignore entirely the slavery question. It was

claimed that the Ohio congressman had tried to influence the Know-Nothing

National Council, which met in Philadelphia June 5, 1855, to take a posi-

tion on slavery satisfactory to the South. Additional credence is given this

allegation by the fact that Campbell during 1855 was circulating privately

a secret plank on slavery which was essentially moderate in nature. Never-

theless, it could be pointed out that the Know-Nothing platform approved

by the Ohioans at the June 5 Cleveland convention, said to have been

drawn up by Campbell, had a distinctly antislavery tone.²³

The antislavery character of the platform adopted in Cleveland is evident

in its declaration that slavery was "local not national," that its extension

into territories should be forbidden, and that the Kansas-Nebraska act, a

great wrong to the nation, should be repealed. Other principles enunciated

were: opposition to ecclesiastical influence in government; extension of equal

rights to those immigrants who were "thoroughly Americanized" and did

not owe "temporal allegiance" to a religious leader "higher than that to the

Constitution"; twenty-one years of residence as a requirement for citizen-

ship; a protective tariff and improvement of rivers and harbors.24

Campbell's private plank on slavery, designed to influence national policy

on the subject, was different from the one above presented to Ohio voters.

The full text of this plank for the national convention was published in 1856

by a one-time friend, then an enemy. Cautiously neutral, it stated:

In reference to the merits of the institution of Slavery, we tolerate

the same difference of opinion which prevailed among our fathers when

they framed our Constitution and perfected our Union, recognizing it

as a local institution of the States in which it exists, to be continued or

abolished as the people of the State may see proper -- denying that the

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208                                                   OHIO HISTORY

 

Federal Government has any legitimate connection with it, or control

over it, other than in relation to federal representation, and the reclama-

tion of "fugitives from service." The power of Congress, under the Con-

stitution, to exclude it from our territories presents a judicial question,

to the decision of which, by the constituted tribunals of our country,

we submit. The expediency of such exclusion is a point for the people

to decide through their representation in Congress under the Constitu-

tion, and we hold in this, as in all other matters of policy, merely the Re-

publican doctrine, that their will is supreme, when fairly ascertained

and lawfully expressed.²⁵

The important point of Campbell's statement was that the power of

Congress to legislate regarding slavery in the territories was subject to

judicial review. If this be conceded, then Campbell's strong stand against

the Kansas-Nebraska bill was not so convincing. When the secret platform

was circulated, the abolitionists became cognizant of the slavery provision,

mentioned above, and were infuriated. The Boston correspondent of the

New York Tribune wrote:

I learn that at the Know-Nothing Convention at Philadelphia an

effort will be made by Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio, and some others, of

whom better things have been expected, to get the Northern Delegates

to consent to a platform of principles on Slavery with which the South

would be entirely content.

The writer went on to say that he had seen the proposals of Mr. Campbell

and "they are as bad as the Baltimore resolutions [Democratic] of 1852.^"26

The major obstacle to Know-Nothing dominance of the forthcoming Re-

publican meeting in Ohio was the strength of the former Free Soilers and

abolitionists. Their leader was still Salmon P. Chase. His senate term was

expiring and the Democratic-controlled state legislature did not reelect him.

He, too, had strong presidential ambitions, and his supporters resolved to

make him governor to keep him in the public eye.²⁷

After the secret Know-Nothing meeting in Cincinnati, Campbell under-

took the difficult task of trying to persuade Chase to accept a lesser position

on the proposed ticket. He wrote a letter to Chase appealing to his patriotism

and suggested that the Free Soil and Know-Nothings could "fuse" on a pro-

gram without sacrificing the independence of either, since the major aims

of both groups were not incompatible. Campbell pretended that he was not

privy to the secrets of the Know-Nothing order but that he had heard that

"a meeting of some sort is to be held at Cleveland" and that he was going

"to go to that city to talk with such as I may chance to meet at the hotels."

He proposed that a slate of candidates be drawn up, half Free Soil and

half Know-Nothing, with Chase nominated for Chief Justice of the Ohio

Supreme Court.²⁸

Chase's reply was scathing. "It makes me laugh to see how ignorant you

Know-Nothings are," he said. "Why refuse to fuse? Simply because if we

fuse we become identified with the K[now] n[othing] organization and

policy and responsible as if we were K[now] n[othing]s ourselves. We can-

not do this with our convictions and remain honest men...." He continued:

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LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                              209

 

"No, no, friend Campbell.... You must not ask me to endorse your Know-

Nothingism, or to make myself, in any way, responsible for it."2⁹

In the meantime, frantic maneuvering was going on in all parts of the

state. In each county, local meetings were appointing delegates to the Re-

publican convention and the Chase men were contending with the Know-

Nothings for the seats. Chase's strength was concentrated in northern Ohio,

especially in the Western Reserve where abolitionist tradition was strong.

The Know-Nothings were strongest in southern Ohio. In addition to Camp-

bell, their political leaders were Thomas Spooner of Cincinnati, president

of the order in Ohio; Thomas Ford of Mansfield; John Scott Harrison (son

of William Henry and father of Benjamin) of North Bend; and Oliver F.

Moore of Portsmouth.³⁰ When the Know-Nothing meeting convened in Cleve-

land, Campbell succeeded in getting most aspects of his platform adopted,

but the plank on slavery, as noted previously, was far more strongly di-

rected toward the Free Soil position than he had wanted.³¹ The debate, if

any, over this and other aspects of the platform was kept behind closed

doors and the convention adjourned in harmony.

At the Philadelphia national convention, however, the sectional split in

the Know-Nothing ranks could not be kept under cover. Led by Henry

Wilson of Massachusetts and Thomas Ford of Ohio, the northern delegates

demanded a plank opposing any extension of slavery beyond its current

boundaries. Since the majority in the convention was in the hands of the

southern and border states, the assembly adopted as Section XII of the

platform the following statement:

It is hereby declared as the sense of this national council that Congress

possesses no power under the constitution to legislate upon the sub-

ject of slavery in the states where it does or may exist, or to exclude

any state from admission into the Union, because its constitution does

or does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social

system; and especially pretermitting any expression of opinion upon

the power of Congress to establish or prohibit slavery in any territory,

it is the sense of the national Council that Congress ought not to legis-

late upon the subject of slavery within the Territory of the United States,

and that any interference by Congress with Slavery as it exists in the

District of Columbia would be a violation of the spirit and intention

of the compact by which the state of Maryland ceded the district to the

United States, and a breach of national faith.³²

When Section XII was adopted over the northerners' strenuous objections,

Wilson and Ford walked out of the convention, followed by the delegates

of all the free states except New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The

seceders subsequently held a convention of their own and organized as

the North American party.³³ The regulars who were left came to be known

as South Americans.

After the state and national Know-Nothing conventions were over and

most of the delegates to the Columbus Republican convention appointed,

both the Chase and Campbell factions counted their delegates and lost con-

fidence in their ability to predominate. One of Chase's men reported that

all the former Whigs seemed to be backing Brinkerhoff, whereas Chase was

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210                                               OHIO HISTORY

 

getting support only from the former Free Soil Democrats. "I think you will

be defeated," he said, and proposed that a call be made for an "Independent

Democrat" (the last official name of the Free Soilers) convention which

would nominate Chase for governor if he were to lose the Republican nomina-

tion.³⁴ At the same time Campbell was speculating that it might become

necessary to drop Brinkerhoff.³⁵ Hence each side was in a mood to com-

promise.

Chase, seeing that he had gone too far in alienating Campbell, wrote a

conciliatory letter. He said that although the Free Soilers could not "fuse"

with the Know-Nothings, there was no reason why they could not "co-

operate," since their views were similar regarding not only slavery but also

many other subjects.³⁶

Since Campbell was stung by the response to his attempts to influence the

Cleveland and Philadelphia conventions toward a moderate slavery stance

and realized that the North was not in a conciliatory mood, he was inclined

to accept Chase's proposal. He met with Follett and other Know-Nothings

the day before the Republican convention opened. Recognizing that the

Chase men would not back down, the Know-Nothings decided to give in

on the gubernatorial nomination. More surprisingly, they even agreed that

they would not fight too hard to get a nativist plank in the platform,³⁷ in-

dicating clearly that they were willing to compromise their political prin-

ciples for the sake of expediency; whereas the Free Soilers were prepared

to bolt the party, destroying their own chances as well as those of the coali-

tion, rather than back down on their antislavery extension principles.

After their private meeting, Follett and Campbell approached Brinker-

hoff, who agreed to accept the nomination of chief justice instead of governor.

They then met with Chase, who was "incredulous" to learn that the fight

was over. All agreed on the slate which was to be nominated the following

day.³⁸ With everything prearranged, the Republican meeting proceeded

swiftly to a conclusion. Chase was nominated on the first ballot and the

rest of the ticket filled in, all other candidates being Know-Nothings. This

was not a Know-Nothing victory, however, for the platform had not a tinge

of nativism and the candidates ran a pure antislavery extension campaign.39

The keynote address was made by Campbell. In it he swung over com-

pletely to the antislavery position and called for a "war of extermination"

against the "doughfaces" (southern sympathizers) of the North.40 The more

adamant Know-Nothings, especially those with the "doughface" sympathies

attacked by the speaker, realized full well that the convention had been

"steam rollered." Campbell had made a mistake in showing Chase's first

letter to two or three of the Know-Nothings and word of it leaked out.

This was the letter in which Chase had to "laugh" at the ignorance of the

nativists. One of the delegates demanded on the floor of the convention

that Campbell make the letter public; that it was of such a nature as to

make impossible the vote for Chase by any "true American" (Know-

Nothing). Campbell refused to circulate the letter on the grounds that it

was private correspondence; but the damage had been done.⁴¹

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LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                              211

 

After the convention reached its prearranged conclusion, the southern-

sympathizing Know-Nothings consulted and called their own convention.

They took the name American party and offered John Scott Harrison the

gubernatorial nomination. After his refusal, they nominated old Allen Trim-

ble who had been governor almost thirty years earlier. Since they were

interested only in defeating Chase, they made no nominations for other places

on the ticket.⁴²

In the subsequent campaign, Campbell was loyal to his bargain and

threw his entire energies into electing the Republican ticket. The Americans

continually embarrassed him in his attempt to rally the Know-Nothings be-

hind his gubernatorial choice by refusing to let die the story of Chase's

intemperate letter. A vituperative exchange of open letters between Camp-

bell and Charles Anderson, his former business associate and political ally

but now a Trimble American, appeared in the papers in the weeks preceding

the election.43 Also, a good many of Chase's Free Soil supporters remained

adamantly opposed to the Know-Nothings, and some newspapers made snide

attacks on them throughout the campaign. Campbell complained bitterly

about this treatment in several letters to Chase and others, with the re-

sult that the gubernatorial candidate had his personal organ, the Ohio Co-

lumbian, publish a defense of Campbell's antislavery record.⁴⁴

In this election, the voters in 1855 gave a resounding victory to the

Republicans. Chase's plurality, while large, was smaller than that of any

of the other candidates, who were Know-Nothings; but in Hamilton County,

his home, he was actually snowed under, coming in a poor third behind both

the Democratic candidate and also Trimble.45 Thus the importance of fusion

with the nativist element was clearly shown.

Outside of Ohio, Know-Nothings made an overwhelming sweep in state

after state. The most extreme case was in Massachusetts where the gover-

nor, all members of the senate and 376 of 379 members of the house of

representatives were of that party!46 Nowhere other than in Ohio did the

Republicans make much of a showing. One party historian said of Chase's

election:

The importance of this victory for the Republican cause was almost

beyond estimation. The progress of the party had narrowed down to the

single victory in Ohio.⁴⁷

Chase was properly appreciative of Campbell's help in the election. Writing

to the latter he said: "You contributed pre-eminently" in the campaign.⁴⁸

In a letter to Pike, Greeley's associate on the New York Tribune, he stated:

I had some gallant helpers. Among them it is not invidious to name

Lewis D. Campbell as the one, not immediately interested in the result,

who did the most service. He would speak too much, I thought, of Ameri-

canism; but he thought sound policy required it, and certain it is that

he was unwearied in labor and effective in action.⁴⁹

Now the time had come for Campbell to reach for his own prize -- the

Speakership. Two weeks after the election, in a letter to Chase, he an-

nounced: "I am now a candidate for Speaker." He complained that he was

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212                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

again being attacked in the North for being a "doughface" and in the

South for having sold out to the abolitionists. In an attempt to offset the

conflicting charges,50 he tacitly asked for the help of Chase, who replied

cautiously that in his opinion Giddings' selection as Speaker would "most

advance our common cause," but if that be impossible, "I hope for your

success." However, he disclaimed any say in the matter.⁵1 Privately he

was suggesting that one of his supporters establish contact with the con-

servative Solomon G. Haven of New York, who was almost a "doughface"

and might become a successful candidate for Speaker.⁵²

Several days before Congress met, Cincinnati Gazette publisher Schouler

and Campbell moved into hotel rooms in Washington to organize the lat-

ter's campaign for the Speakership. Later it developed that Schouler had

another object in mind as well. He was determined that Oran Follett of

the Ohio State Journal should be elected official printer for the House of

Representatives. In that day, before the establishment of the Government

Printing Office, the printing contract was let by each Congress to a private

individual. If Follett should get the contract, Schouler stood to get a lucra-

tive "piece" of the business, presumably by a prearranged subcontract.53

The rules of the House called for election of a speaker by absolute ma-

jority. On only a few occasions in history had that body, by the required

two-thirds vote, agreed to elect a speaker by simple plurality. In the organ-

ization of the House, four positions had to be filled: speaker, clerk, sergeant-

at-arms, and printer. Of these, only the first had to be a member.

The Thirty-Fourth Congress convened December 3, 1855; the first order

of business was the election of the Speaker. The Republicans and North

Americans from New England gave strong backing to Nathaniel Banks of

Massachusetts, a Republican who was also a member of a Know-Nothing

lodge. The Democrats and the South Americans caucused and resolved to

support William A. Richardson of Illinois and Henry M. Fuller of Pennsyl-

vania, respectively.54 Giddings called a meeting of Republicans, North Ameri-

cans, and other "friends of freedom," but less than half of the opponents

of slavery extension attended.⁵⁵ Campbell convinced them that they should

not act as a formal caucus and select a candidate. He later explained that

some Free Soil Democrats intended to vote for him but could not do so

if he were selected by a Republican caucus.⁵⁶

The subsequent fight over the organization became the longest of the

five extended Speakership battles in American history.⁵⁷ For an absolute

majority, 113 votes were needed. On the first ballot, Richardson led with

74 votes; Campbell had 53; Humphrey Marshall (South American), 30;

Banks, 21; Fuller, 17; and 28 were scattered among twelve other candi-

dates. Balloting proceeded through that day and the next with much ne-

gotiating but little change of position.⁵⁸

On the night of December 4, the second day of balloting, Schouler met

with other anti-Nebraska leaders. Agreement was reached among them

that support for Banks would be thrown to Campbell in an attempt to

reach the magic number of 113. If it developed that he could not win, he

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LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                            213

 

would be induced to withdraw and support the Massachusetts candidate.⁵⁹

The following day, all but nine of Banks' supporters voted for Camp-

bell. This brought his total to only 81, with little hope that the number

would increase. Murat Halstead, editor of the Cincinnati Commercial, said:

Mr. C. has a crowd of enemies here, having been in the habit of talk-

ing in rather a saucy style to be popular. Then it is thought by many of

his political friends that he is too impetuous and imperious to make a

good speaker.... In short, not a few who would be pleased to honor

Mr. Campbell, if it could be done without too much expense, think

that if he were elected speaker he would not be "the right man in the

right place.". . .Mr. C. cannot, if he hangs on for a week, or a month,

get but a very few, if any, more votes than he has received today. The

best thing that he could do would be to now retire gracefully.⁶⁰

According to the agreement, Campbell should then have withdrawn, but

it seems that he had not been a party to the agreement which was made

for him. In his disappointment, he stayed in his room in a distraught con-

dition. Schouler pleaded with him to withdraw to avoid the embarrassment

of seeing his votes dwindle away to nothing. Colfax came in and said he

could no longer hold the Indiana delegation in line and asked Campbell

to withdraw forthwith. This request was met by the candidate who paced

back and forth, again and again recited his services to the party, and said

"If he were to be deserted, let it be so. . . ."61

In the meantime, balloting proceeded and by the twenty-first ballot Camp-

bell's vote was down to 46. He finally agreed to withdraw, but did not do it

with good grace. On December 7, he rose and made a prepared statement:

The country is looking on our proceedings with deep anxiety, and

every member is ready to acknowledge the importance of a speedy or-

ganization. We have now been voting five days; twenty-three votes have

been taken. I find, through the partiality of friends, that I have received,

in six of those votes, a higher number than any other candidate before

the House; and in all the votes, a greater number than any other candi-

date of the opposition to the Administration. Yet, sir, it is obvious to

me that it is impossible for my friends to succeed, unless I can perform

one of three conditions: to repudiate my well-known principles in ref-

erence to slavery; my views on Americanism; or, in some way directly,

or indirectly, to make pledges with regard to the forming of committees

which will amount to a sacrifice of my self-respect, and make me, in my

opinion, a fit object for public contempt.

Under these circumstances, and feeling that the interests of the

country require an organization, and regarding those interests as para-

mount to every other consideration, I withdraw my name from the

canvass. [He closed expressing gratitude to his friends.]⁶²

From this point on, Campbell voted consistently for Banks, but sulked.

Four Representatives, elected as anti-Nebraska Fusionists but normally

counted with the South Americans, continued to the end either to vote for

him or to scatter their votes among minor candidates. Two of these were

from Ohio, Harrison and Moore, and the other two from Indiana. Their re-

fusal to support Banks brought the wrath of the North down on their heads,

but they did not budge.⁶³

• 12
 

214                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

After two weeks and thirty-five ballots, a formal anti-Nebraska caucus

was finally held. The caucus voted overwhelmingly to continue to give full

support to Banks.64 Balloting proceeded through the month of December

with no progress. In an attempt to break the deadlock and allow some busi-

ness to be done (and also, perhaps, to get back into the good graces of the

southerners), Campbell introduced a resolution on December 27 to make

Orr of South Carolina temporary speaker until permanent organization was

accomplished. In his speech, the Ohio congressman said he was deliberately

selecting a man who represented his opposite in opinions on most legislative

matters, but one who possessed complete knowledge of parliamentary law

and procedure and who could be trusted to be fair and impartial. This

move did not please his old supporters. Colfax spoke against it on the

grounds that "possession is nine points of the law." He could easily imagine

the stalemate continuing for more weeks, until, in exhaustion, the mem-

bers would say that the temporary speaker was doing a good job and con-

sent to make his appointment permanent. The move was voted down.⁶⁵

After six weeks of deadlock, with or without Campbell's knowledge but

certainly without the knowledge of his original supporters, James Thor-

ington of Iowa tried a clever parliamentary maneuver. Without warning,

he moved that L. D. Campbell be declared Speaker! This motion required

only a simple "aye-nay" vote and eliminated from consideration all other

candidates. With the proper circumstances, a deadlocked and exhausted

body might be expected to adopt such a motion in relief, especially since

only a simple majority of those present was necessary for passage. The

Banks men considered this a violation of the pledge of the caucus, how-

ever, and the motion was voted down 150 to 50.66

Campbell claimed that Thorington's motion came as a complete surprise

and that he neither requested nor approved the move. This protestation

must be taken with skepticism, however. Throughout the campaign in his

own behalf, Campbell denied that he had any desire for the position and

pretended that his friends had prevailed upon him to undertake the arduous

duties against his wishes. The Giddings forces did not believe him innocent

of connivance with Thorington and criticized him publicly for attempting

to overthrow the caucus decision.⁶⁷

By late January, the Banks' votes remained stabilized at 107, with his

floor managers meeting every night to consult and detect any signs of

wavering.⁶⁸ Repeated motions were made to change the rules and elect the

Speaker by plurality rather than by the required absolute majority. Camp-

bell infuriated his friends by voting against such motions.⁶⁹

Although it was charged that his negative votes were attributable to per-

sonal pique, he contended that he was trying to avoid the mistake that

had been made in 1850. In that year the Free Soilers had refused to sup-

port either Robert C. Winthrop (Whig) or Howell Cobb (Democrat), with

the result that neither had a majority. When the Whig caucus, over Camp-

bell's opposition, consented to a plurality rule,⁷⁰ Cobb, a southern "ultra,"

was elected. Campbell alleged that the Speaker had then used his great

• 13
 

LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                              215

 

power in such a way that Congress passed the hated Fugitive Slave law

and refused to exclude slavery in the territories, although a majority of

its members favored such exclusion. For the Ohio congressman, opposition

to the change in rules was warranted not alone because its application had

produced the above mentioned results, but because Campbell doubted the

constitutionality of the plurality principle as well. He felt that it represented

the "abandonment of an uniform usage," and believed that its adoption

would give "organization of the House to the friends of the Nebraska act."

Sharply rebuking his critics, he made a vigorous defense of his consistent

position on this controversial matter.⁷¹

Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune became highly critical of

men who "ostensibly supporting the Anti-Nebraska candidate [Banks] for

Speaker, have consistently intrigued and frequently on side issues voted

so as to prevent his election."⁷² The Cincinnati Gazette took note of a

rumor printed in another New York paper to the effect that Campbell was

ready to swing his vote to another if Banks were about to be elected. The

Gazette refused to credit that rumor in early January, but by late January

became severely critical of those "who, while voting for others, labor night

and day to prevent the election of their candidate, hoping that a compromise

candidate may become necessary, and that the lot may fall upon them-

selves."⁷³

By the end of January, the Democrats concluded that the thirty South

Americans who had stuck with Fuller for so long could be persuaded to

vote for a southern Democrat if he were not anti-Know-Nothing. Richard-

son withdrew and William Aiken of South Carolina, owner of over a thousand

slaves, was substituted. Simultaneously the Democrats swung over to the

support of the plurality rule, which thereupon passed.⁷⁴ The House ad-

journed for the night, the Democrats confident of success the next day.

All night before the final vote, some of the North Americans pleaded

with the South Americans not to vote for Aiken. There was a strong move

afoot to try to reconcile the North and South Americans so as to present

a unified front for the presidential campaign later that year. But if the

South Americans should cause the election of Aiken, it would forever ruin

the American party in the North. This argument prevailed with a few of

the Southerners, just barely enough. On the final ballot, Banks won 103

to 100.⁷⁵ Six of the Americans stuck with Fuller, and Campbell's four re-

mained loyal to the end.

With the Speaker elected, the House and the nation heaved a collective

sigh of relief. When it came to the election of the other officers, there seemed

to be no controversy. A simple resolution was offered to name William Cul-

lom of Tennessee, a universal favorite, clerk of the house and it passed with-

out debate. By similar resolution, the sergeant-at-arms was appointed. Be-

fore the printer could be selected, however, Thomas L. Clingman of North

Carolina moved that the rules of the previous (Thirty-Third) Congress be

adopted without change. The unsuspecting House adopted the motion and

went on to the matter of the printer.

• 14
 

216                                                 OHIO HISTORY

 

John A. Bingham of Ohio moved that Follett, the choice of the Repub-

lican caucus, be appointed to the post. Then the reason for Clingman's

move became apparent; it was found that, by the rules then in effect, of-

ficers had to be elected, not appointed by simple resolution. Thereupon

six men were nominated in addition to Follett. Through intricate parlia-

mentary maneuvering, patently aided by Campbell, for reasons that will

be seen later, Follett was defeated and Campbell's strongest supporter, Wil-

liam Schouler, deprived of his prize -- a printer's contract.⁷⁶

The Know-Nothing leaders outside of Congress in the meantime had

been trying to effect a reconciliation between the North and South Ameri-

can groups. Led by Union-loving Kenneth Raynor of North Carolina, a

number of men from the border states, and the "Silver Gray" (conservative)

faction in New York, these leaders continued to make attempts to "put

slavery out of the way" and to find a common ground in "Americanism"

around which both factions could rally.77 The North Americans met in

November in Cincinnati, and a majority resolved to send delegates to meet

with the Southerners in Philadelphia in February. This action, however,

was taken over strong opposition from Thomas Spooner, a prominent Ohio

Know-Nothing who tried to get a resolution passed calling for an adamant

stand on slavery extension.⁷⁸

Both Northern and Southern factions agreed to the holding of a private

National Council meeting, attendance limited to a few leaders, on February

18, followed by the general convention, on February 22. Independently, the

Republican party called its first national convention to meet the same day,

February 22, in Pittsburgh.

Behind the closed doors of the National Council meetings, the conserva-

tives put across an attempted compromise platform against northern op-

position. The platform was similar to the one from the previous year ex-

cept a substitute for Section XII stood for:

The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally enacted,

until said laws should be repealed or should be declared null and void

by competent judicial authority.⁷⁹

Although this plank seems innocuous enough at first reading, it was inter-

preted to be a defense of the hated Fugitive Slave law and a tacit acknowl-

edgment of the claim still fostered by many conservatives that the power

of Congress to regulate slavery in the territories should be referred to the

Supreme Court.

Spooner told Chase that his faction was going to attend the general con-

vention in Philadelphia only in order to "disrupt it."⁸⁰ Disrupt it they did.

They offered, as a sort of ultimatum, the following resolution:

Resolved: That the National Council has no authority to prescribe

a platform of principles for this Convention, and that we will nominate

for President and Vice President no man who is not in favor of inter-

dicting the introduction of slavery in the territory north of [the Mis-

souri Compromise line] by Congressional action.⁸¹

When the resolution was defeated, the North Americans walked out and

Spooner telegraphed to the Republican convention in Pittsburgh:

• 15
 

LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                               217

 

The American Party is no longer a unit. The National Council has

gone to pieces. Raise the Republican banner. The North Americans are

with you.⁸²

After the bolters left, those remaining, mostly South Americans, nominated

ex-President Fillmore for president and Andrew Jackson Donelson (Andrew

Jackson's nephew and heir) for vice-president.

Campbell was bitter and disgusted over the imagined "treachery" of the

Free Soilers who had failed to give him in his Speakership fight the sup-

port he had given to the election of Chase and over the intransigence of

the North Americans who refused to accept any kind of compromise which

would allow a national American party to succeed.83 He began to feel more

sympathy with his erstwhile opponents, especially those from the border

states who were trying to suppress the slavery issue and concentrate at-

tention on nativism instead, than with his former strongest allies.

Immediately after the nomination, the Fillmore forces called a mass

"Ratification Meeting" in Washington to drum up enthusiasm. A large

crowd, including Campbell, attended. During the proceedings, shouts from

the audience called for Campbell's recognition. Flattered, he rose and spoke

in a vein calculated to please the assembly. In an off-the-cuff speech he

was reported to have said, among other things:

The trouble was about a colored gentleman on the fuel, or, in other

words a nigger in the woodpile. [Laughter.] On this matter he [Camp-

bell] had his own opinion. . . . But he thought he could retire to an

ante-room now with his friend from Kentucky and his friend from North

Carolina, (Messrs. Crittenden and Haughton), and . . . they could fix

that matter up in ten minutes, if it would only stay fixed. But the

nigger business was an outside issue. It had no business in the American

party, and, for his part, he wished to keep the gemmen ob color out.

[Laughter and cheers.]⁸⁴

At home, Campbell's strongest supporters were appalled. The Lebanon

Western Star, with headlines entitled, "The Extraordinary Speech of Lewis

D. Campbell," commented as follows:

If this is an authentic report (as given in the National Organ), it is

certain that Mr. Campbell has deserted the North and joined the

Southern American Party! He has joined the Army of Northern Dough-

faces, and is marching rapidly along the "broad road to destruction."

0, what a fall! Like Lucifer he has gone down to the pit! Mr. Campbell

will have a brazen face, indeed, if he ever looks his old constituents in

the Warren [County] District in the face again.⁸⁵

Follett's Ohio State Journal stated:

We happen to know that this "nigger business" has been the most

prominent staple of Mr. Campbell's politics for the last eight or nine

years, and that to it he owes what distinction he enjoys in the politics

of the country....

Ever since his withdrawal from the canvass for Speaker, his mind

has been haunted with visions of conspiracies against his growing great-

ness. His former trusted friends, in the working of his distempered

fancy, became his enemies, because they failed to meet the require-

• 16
 

218                                                OHIO HISTORY

 

ments of his mounting ambition. And, by a change in his vision, he

saw in former opponents his warmest friends.⁸⁶

Campbell soon realized that he had blundered. His only hope was to claim

that he had been misquoted. He drew up a purported version of the speech

which he had printed and widely distributed. In this post facto report, he

claimed to have said:

It is the "distinguished gentleman from Africa" [laughter] -- who was

at an early period dragged to this favored land of ours (to which he

didn't belong,) by the cupidity of Northern as well as of Southern

men -- he has done this thing [disrupted existing political parties] ...

If I could have my way, I would take him out and send him back to

his native home in Africa where he belongs. [Renewed cheering] ... I

have always maintained, maintain now, and expect to contend hereafter,

that all the powers of the constitution ought to be exercised to prevent

its [slavery] extension, and that the North freely accord to the slave

States, in good faith, all that is guaranteed to them by that American

bond of union which makes us one people, and binds us all to a common

destiny. [Cheers and applause.]87

The Lebanon Western Star ostensibly swallowed the revised version of

Campbell's speech and the editor retracted his denunciation.88 It is doubt-

ful that anyone was greatly fooled, however. The Cincinnati Gazette pointed

out that it was strange that Campbell had waited three weeks after the

on-the-spot report was published, until the home newspapers denouncing

his stand had reached him, before he issued his "corrected" version.89 The

Ohio State Journal landed the most telling blow, however, when it pointed

out that the editor of another paper had received a copy of the first ver-

sion of the speech from Campbell himself, under his postal frank, showing

clearly his endorsement of the early report.90

With the twistings and turnings of his public position exposed for all to

see, Campbell reacted with petulance and vindictiveness. He lashed out at

his former strongest supporters far more severely than he had ever attacked

his opponents. He wrote to Schouler:

In view of my past services to the cause, and of the personal rela-

tions which once existed between us, the editorials of the Gazette...

are outrages upon the feelings of myself and friends of extreme cruelty.

I thought it quite enough that you had been instrumental in bringing

down on me the misrepresentation of the New York Tribune, and de-

feating me as a candidate for the Speakership.

But you have made up your mind to pursue me to the "bitter end."

Go ahead! The day of retributive justice is not far off.⁹¹

Campbell soon showed what his idea of "retributive justice" was. During

a visit to his home in Hamilton on April 15, he spoke to a gathering of his

constituents. He accused Schouler and others of his most ardent backers

of having deserted him. He claimed that they had induced him to with-

draw from the Speakership contest at a time when he was too fatigued

to resist. Furthermore, he declared that the entire battle over the Speaker-

ship had been a sham, that the fight had actually been over the election

of the House printer. He said the printing contract was worth $150,000

• 17
 

LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                               219

 

per session and that Schouler and Follett had conspired to get it. What did

this have to do with the election of Banks? Why just this: the House would

never elect both a speaker and a printer from the "West." Campbell claimed

that Follett and Schouler had conspired with the New Englanders to un-

dercut him and insure the election of Banks in return for their help in

getting the printing contract.

In his speech, Campbell attacked all "nuze-papers"; his pronunciation

of the word dripped with disdain. He belittled all "nuze-papers" from the

New York Tribune, through the Cincinnati Gazette, all the way down to

the Hamilton Telegraph; and if there were a paper lower than that, he

asked to be informed of it so that he could include it as well!92 With these

vituperative outbursts, Campbell gave notice that he was retreating with

his wounded vanity and abandoning his ambitions for national office.

It was just as well, for the Know-Nothing party, North and South, was

in a rapid decline toward oblivion. The reason for the rapid demise was

that the lunatic fringe had gotten out of control. From the beginning, street

gangs of New York, Boston, and Baltimore had played a part in the or-

ganization. Politics in the big cities was always rough and elections were

usually marked with violence. The rise of Know-Nothingism was accompanied

also by an escalating series of anti-foreign riots in city after city. In April

1855, there was a local election in Cincinnati. A Know-Nothing mob de-

scended upon the polling place in the German Eighteenth Ward and stole

the ballot box. It then proceeded to move from one German ward to the

next with increasing violence each time. Finally it was brought to a halt

at barricades, manned by armed Germans, at the bridges over the Miami

Canal. Before the affair was over, two men were dead.93

The worst riot of all occurred August 5, 1855 ("Bloody Monday") in

Louisville, Kentucky. A mob in that city roared through the German and

Irish sections, smashing, murdering, and burning. Before it was over, at least

sixteen houses were burned to the ground and twenty-two people killed.

The country recoiled in horror over the rampant violence. Newspapers were

full of gory details of riot after riot, especially the one in Louisville. Stories

were told of atrocities such as befell an old German invalid who, hearing

the mob approaching, rolled under his bed. He was dragged out by his heels

and shot through the heart.⁹⁴

The political decline of Know-Nothingism was evident in both the South

and the North, though it showed more persistence in the former section.

Henry A. Wise, a Democrat who defeated his nativist opponent for governor

of Virginia in 1855, is said to have hurled such philippics against the secret

order that "members left their lodges like rats retreating from a burning

barn."⁹⁵ By the election of 1858, the movement had fallen into such dis-

repute in Indiana that to have been associated with it badly hurt a candi-

date's chances.96 What was left of northern Know-Nothing strength was

merged largely with the Republicans in the campaign of 1856.

In that year Campbell was renominated for Congress, but his constituents

coupled the nomination with a set of resolutions making clear that they

• 18
 

220                                                   OHIO HISTORY

 

were endorsing his Republicanism, not his Know-Nothingism.97 When the

election was over, it appeared that he had won, but by only nineteen votes.

His opponent, Clement L. Vallandigham, challenged the results of the elec-

tion, and a prolonged battle in the House of Representatives ensued. The

issue turned on the legality of a number of Campbell's votes which had

been cast by persons of part Negro blood. Finally, in 1858 by a vote which

almost perfectly followed party lines, the Democratic majority gave the

seat to Vallandigham.98

The demise of the Know-Nothings and Campbell's loss of his seat can

be considered to have put an end to one phase, but only one phase, of this

interesting man's career. Judging only from this record of his involvement

with the Know-Nothings, the conclusion might be reached that he was an

unprincipled schemer. But this is not completely fair. His negative attri-

butes were defects of personality, not character. Personally he was vain

and vindictive. His public service, however, was honest and honorable.

Campbell was a slight man physically,99 and perhaps partially for this

reason he was inordinately sensitive to "loss of face." It was this personal

sensitivity, which almost approached paranoia in the case of his relations

with William Schouler, that got him into trouble again and again through-

out his life. It is true that his political scheming with the Know-Nothings

had self-aggrandizement as its motive, but this is to be expected in an am-

bitious politician. There is no evidence, however, that he used his political

position for pecuniary gain before, during, or after the Civil War when it

was not unusual to find prominent politicians using their positions to at-

tain wealth.

It can be said that Campbell was generally conservative at a time when

radicalism of both polarities was in full ascendency. He was opposed to the

further spread of the evils of slavery, but saw sooner than most that even

his conservative friends among the southerners tended toward disunion un-

less the radicals of the North adopted a compromise position. The com-

promise proposal that Campbell promoted was not admirable, but the fact

that he tried to avoid a sectional conflict certainly was. His Congressional

service, both before and after his unsuccessful Speakership battle, was en-

tirely creditable, even distinguished. He was chairman of the ways and means

committee of the Thirty-Fourth Congress "and had substantial control of

the business of that Congress."¹⁰⁰ He played the major role in the investiga-

tion and expulsion of Representative Preston Brooks after the latter's as-

sault on Senator Charles Sumner on the floor of the Senate. And when

"Bully" Brooks challenged Representative Anson Burlingame to a duel

because of the latter's verbal assaults on his "cowardice," Campbell acted

as Burlingame's second and handled the entire affair, avoiding the duel,

but making Brooks look foolish, at least in the North.101

Between 1856 and 1860 Campbell, then affiliated with the conservative

wing of the Republican party, showed moderation in respect to the slavery

question and continued to manifest his nativist feelings. As a member of

the resolutions committee of the Republican state convention of Ohio in

• 19
 

LEWIS D. CAMPBELL                                                  221

 

1859, he was partly responsible for a plank asking for the repeal of the

Fugitive Slave law, opposed to the one proposed by the liberal wing of the

party, branding that law as unconstitutional. The platform made no mention

of the question of slavery in the territories. Professing dissatisfaction with

a plank in the Republican national platform of 1860, in seeming derogation

of nativist principles, he deserted the Republican party and supported the

Constitutional Union ticket composed of John Bell for president and Edward

Everett for vice-president.102

During the Civil War Campbell served honorably as a colonel in the

Union army, though not in combat. After the war he served as ambassador

to Mexico,103 as a member of the Ohio senate, one more term in Congress

(but as a Democrat), and as vice-president of the Ohio constitutional con-

vention in 1873. But never again did he have great influence on the national

scene, and certainly was never again considered by anyone as a serious presi-

dential possibility.

 

THE AUTHOR: William E. Van Home

is a businessman of Columbus, Ohio.

• 20