Ohio History Journal

Book Reviews THE INTELLECTUAL AS URBAN RE- FORMER: BRAND WHITLOCK AND THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT. By Jack Tager. (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1968. 198p.; bibliography and index. $6.50.) This is a book about Toledo's erudite reform mayor, who served from 1906-1913. The author, who teaches history at the University of Massachusetts, has organ- ized his study around a central theme. He says Brand Whitlock's progressivism can be explained by his "rejection of authority images, his denial of authoritarian credos"; "His life can be seen as a progression from one significant experience to another, each of which pointed out the flaws and short- comings of the relationship existing be- tween society and the individual" (p. 2). In pursuing this thesis, Tager reveals how Whitlock first sought to reject his Methodist heritage with its emphasis on a rigid moral code. Then as mayor he re- fused to dally with doctrines like Socialism or Henry George's "single tax." Such pro- grams were panaceas, Whitlock believed, which contradicted his notions of indi- vidual liberty and creativity. He was best at articulating the "Free City," an abstract goal which summed up most of the then prevalent thinking about honest govern- ment and social justice for the underpriv- ileged. While he instinctively wanted his ad- ministration to personify this ideal, Whit- lock recognized the necessity for organiza- tion. He worked for institutional reforms like municipal home rule and waged war

against economic interests such as the street railway monopoly. These reform ac- tivities took place in the guise of an inde- pendent political movement which was actually an Independent party in every sense of the word. The ironic aspect about Whitlock's ca- reer is that once he saw the improbability of achieving his aspirations, he simply gave them up. The brutalization of the First World War, which he witnessed first- hand from his post as American Minister to Belgium, made it easier to forget his progressivism. A cruel industrial society could not offer the proper climate for his libertarian convictions, he decided. Democ- racy only encouraged mediocrity, and re- form movements too quickly deteriorated into moralistic debaucheries, symbolized for him by Prohibition. As a detached ob- server, he became so bitter that he raised a tacit question: Can a reform commitment so easily dropped have ever been very genuine? Yet Tager believes him sincere, even to the point of accepting his ration- alizations for what went wrong. Secondary themes raised in the book need development. Whitlock's carefully cultivated taste for the aristocratic, for ex- ample, did not help his admitted inability to understand the working man whose cause he championed. His aversion to po- litical campaigning while savoring its re- wards may be an anomaly, but it suggests a lack of candor. Most important, Whit- lock was primarily a novelist of remarkable literary craftsmanship. To writing he gave his best efforts; all else came second. The best insights come from reading Whit-




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lock's works, as Tagar often admits by analyzing them. Regardless of interpretation, this book is a useful addition to the now growing literature on Ohio progressivism. In it, we can see Whitlock in perspective. He tried to adjust a traditional conception of indi- vidual freedom to the complexities of To- ledo, so typical of urban, industrialized America. The tragedy is that, having glimpsed the contribution he might make, he set his goal too high and little hap- pened. This only made his ultimate disen- chantment greater.   NEIL THORBURN Eastern Illinois University     BRAND WHITLOCK. By David D. An- derson. Twayne's United States Authors Series, Sylvia E. Bowman, editor. (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1968. 160p.; bibliography and index. $3.95.) Though uneven in quality, the more than 130 volumes in Twayne's United States Authors Series are a major contri- bution to American literary scholarship. They are particularly useful for minor figures like Brand Whitlock, who has been neglected by critics and biographers. The two novels, The Thirteenth District and J. Hardin & Son, and a biography of La- fayette make him worthy of more atten- tion than he has hitherto received. Though less fully annotated than most Twayne volumes, this book is an adequate sum- mary of Whitlock's career. Its central thesis is that he combined politics with litera- ture as no other American writer has done. As an associate of John P. Altgeld, Golden Rule Jones, Clarence Darrow, and Tom Johnson (all Ohioans), he adhered to their progressive and humanitarian ideals. That his democratic ideals coexisted with his fondness for luxurious living is a paradox that might have been examined more closely. WILLIAM COYLE Florida Atlantic University       THE   ACHIEVEMENT      OF WILLIAM DEAN HOWELLLS: A REINTERPRE- TATION. By Kermit V a n d e r b ilt (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1968 xii??226p.; bibliographical comment and index. $6.50.)

Of the nine books about Howells which Ohio History has reviewed since 1955, Ker- mit Vanderbilt's is one of the two best (the other being Edwin Cady's biography). Scholars have written so much about Howells, the Ohio-born dean of Realism and the most influential author of the post- Civil War period, that what is needed now is a re-reading of him, a re-interpre- tation of his best novels in the light of all this scholarly accumulation of facts and insights. That is what Vanderbilt supplies here in focusing on Howells' best novels of the 1880's: The Undiscovered Country, A Modern Instance, The Rise of Silas Lapham, and A Hazard of New Fortunes. His book is not merely a literary study, however, and this is where its value to the general reader and to all historians comes in. Vanderbilt, who is an expert on the Brahmin literary and intellectual es- tablishment 1865-1900, has sifted Howells' large correspondence and examined scores of his review-articles in the Atlantic and Harper's Monthly in order to trace the Ohioan's thinking upon certain major is- sues of the eighties, including the loss of religious faith, the psychology of sex, so- cial justice, "status," and the new democ- racy as challenged by huge immigration. Howells' troubled concern on these points inevitably got into his novels, whose im- plications and larger cultural significance thus become pertinent in our understand- ing of the American 1880's. Unlike the airy flights of the so-called "myth critics," who in trying to "interpret the implications" of a novel sometimes stand so far back from it as scarcely to re- veal that they have any specific book in mind, Vanderbilt's conclusions are mostly documented and demonstrable ones based on a detailed marshalling of concrete facts. He pretty well "proves" his points as he goes, and this makes his book reliable and useful. A review this brief cannot fairly report Vanderbilt's findings, because they are com- plex ones which defy a succinct precis. One of the most original and helpful of them, however, is his convincing demonstration of hitherto unrecognized (or misunder- stood) dilemmas and contradictions within Howells, within his novels, and within the decade itself. Howells' ambivalence, un- certainty, irresolution, or failing spirit be- fore certain hostile or irreconcilable facts, personal and American, resulted sometimes in a subtle blurring and compromise of his novels. In putting a finger on these psychic, ar- tistic, and cultural problems more precise-

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ly and sensitively than have any of the previous critics of Howells, and in rooting out some entrenched misassumptions about the novelist, Vanderbilt's extremely per- ceptive book makes a significant new de- parture in our understanding of a major artist and his milieu. JAMES B. STRONKS Unversity of Illinois at Chicago Circle     WASHINGTON GLADDEN: PROPHET OF THE SOCIAL GOSPEL. By Jacob H. Dorn. (Columbus: Ohio State Uni- versity Press, 1968. x ?? 489p.; biblio- graphy and index. $8.00.) Washington Gladden came of age on the eve of the Civil War and died during the "war to end all wars." Born in the burned over district of Pennsylvania and New York, he grew up in a farm and vil- lage environment saturated with religious enthusiasm and orthodoxy. From there he rose into the aristocracy of "talent and so- cial worth" and religious liberalism by way of Williams College, pastorates in a New York City suburb and a Massachusetts in- dustrial town, and a brief appointment as religious editor of The Independent. In the 1880's he moved to Columbus, Ohio, where he spent the remainder of his life as minister to a fashionable downtown church. Along the way he wrote forty books and hundreds of articles, gave in- numerable addresses, served a term on city council, and participated in and com- mented on virtually every important social, religious, and economic movement of his time. A man of such versatility whose ca- reer spanned such a significant period of American history deserves a comprehensive biography, and now we have one. Jacob H. Dorn, in this lengthy but sensibly organized, solidly researched and ably written volume, covers every facet of Gladden's career. He depicts Gladden as an interpreter rather than an original the- ological or social thinker, and as an un- eccentric propagandist and  prophet. Though cautiously assertive, Dorn con- tends that Gladden's committment to re- form cannot be understood solely as a re- sponse to the changing social and economic milieu, but must be seen as the product of an ideological accommodation of orthodox Christianity to the higher criticism and Darwinism which tied liberal theology in- separably to the social gospel. It is this ideology, elaborated in Chapter 7, which explains Gladden's life.

His message was love and his method was mediation, for his central concern was alienation and his ultimate quest was com- munity, a search manifested, among other ways, by his adventures in ecumenicism and church extension, and by his reluc- tant support of uplift imperialism. Dorn's approach, while it reminds us of the enormous gap which divides progres- sive Christianity from the new social gos- pel of our own times, nonetheless illumin- ates the strands of continuity which tie mid-nineteenth century revivalism to mod- ern Protestantism. This is a timely and useful book with a broad appeal. ZANE L. MILLER University of Cincinnati     BOSS COX'S CINCINNATI: URBAN POLITICS IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA. By Zane L. Miller. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968. xii ?? 301p.; tables, maps, note on sources, and index. $7.50.) As his machine consolidated its control over political affairs in Cincinnati, George B. Cox was quoted as saying that a boss was "not necessarily a public enemy." This book affirms Cox's statement for Zane Mil- ler contends that "bossism" was but one phase in the search for order and continu- ity. Rather than simply a target for moral uplifters, the machine of the 1880's and 1890's, like the reform administrations which ultimately followed, was an attempt to mitigate the chaos and confusion which accompanied the emergence of urban America. The transformation of Cincinnati from a mid-century walking city to a physically enlarged, divided, and potentially explos- ive metropolis produced a multitude of problems. Widespread criminality, smolder- ing labor unrest, and ethnic hostilities combined with archaic governmental in- stitutions and inadequate municipal serv- ices to produce a decade of disorder which was ushered in with the bloody courthouse riot of 1884. Cox and his allies responded by bringing positive government to the city. Their Republican organization sys- tematized the processes of government, in- stituted a professional police force, encour- aged the growth of a municipal university, expanded the boundaries of the city, and grappled with the problems of traction and other public services. By 1897 the crisis atmosphere had been muted and a "new order" achieved.

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This success was secured by uniting the voters of the residential districts on the periphery of the city. Miller adds a new dimension to an understanding of urban politics by focusing his analysis on resi- dential patterns. He views the city as three distinct sections: the Circle or area sur- rounding the central business district, the Hilltops or outlying suburban areas, and the Zone of Emergence or area between these two. Each municipal election is care- fully analyzed to assess the strength of the Cox machine as measured by wards. Con- ventional concerns such as race, religion, ethnic origins, and class are placed within this residential framework. The "new order" did not endure. A series of challenges emanated from the host of new organizations which emerged with the burgeoning city. Civic associations, business and professional groups, social gospelers, union advocates, and women's clubs expanded and elaborated their de- mands. In response the Cox syndicate tightened its grip by bringing the Circle into its coalition. This proved fatal as the reform  spokesmen of the Hilltops and Zone intensified their charges of graft and mismanagement by identifying the Cox or- ganization with the seaminess and chaos of the slum areas of the central city. The machine "began to look like a menace, a malignant force pulling the whole city down to the level of the Circle" (p. 240). Following the 1911 election of the re- former, Henry Hunt, the Republican par- ty was restructured and George B. Cox was retired from leadership. This book is a welcome addition to the excellent Urban Life in America Series edited by Richard Wade. The author is to be commended for his meticulous re- search, tight organization, and stimulating approach. The emergence of metropolitan America is revealed with clarity and in- sight in Zane Miller's study of urban poli- tics in Cincinnati. ROBERT L. REID Miami University   CONCERNS OF A CONSERVATIVE DEMOCRAT. By Charles Sawyer. (Car- bondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illi- nois University Press, 1968. xv ?? 399p.; Foreword by John Wesley Snyder and Dean Acheson, Notes by Eugene P. Trani, and index. $10.00.) This is the autobiography of an Ohio citizen who has lived a long and significant life. Highly successful in law and business,

he also had an active political career serv- ing from 1944 to 1946 as Ambassador to Belgium and from 1948 to 1953 as Secre- tary of Commerce. Now, he has become one of the disappointingly small number of members of the Truman administration to write a book about his experiences. The book is small relative to the size of the career. The author skims the surface of much of it, skipping from one episode and story to another and seldom provid- ing a comprehensive analysis. A notable exception is the treatment of the highly controversial steel-seizure episode in 1952. In it, Sawyer played a major role, and now he provides a detailed account, based upon his papers, that takes the reader behind the scenes, reports important conversations within the administration, and undercuts Richard E. Neustadt's treatment of the subject. Although Sawyer began his political ca- reer as a progressive Democrat, he had be- come a conservative long before he joined the Truman administration. His account suggests that his conservatism owed much to his success in law and business during the 1920's and subsequent years and indi- cates that, above all, his philosophy meant high regard for, great confidence in, and heavy reliance upon businessmen and the business system. As Secretary of Commerce, he saw himself as a representative of the businessman, obligated to defend and help him, promote "business confidence," im- prove relations between business and gov- ernment and combat what he regarded as the anti-business attitude of his party. An- other major theme in his conservatism was hostility toward much of our foreign aid program. He disliked both its size and the way it was administered. Sawyer's point of view raises a question that he ignores. Why did Truman add this conservative Democrat to his cabinet in 1948? The President was then picturing himself as the defender of the New Deal and the advocate of a greater role for gov- ernment in social and economic affairs. Sawyer's appointment resulted, perhaps, from Truman's desire to develop good re- lations with all influential groups and points of view. The author, however, does not shed much light on the reasons for the appointment. For a student of the Truman adminis- tration, the chief significance of the book lies in the help it provides on one of the large problems in the interpretation of that administration's history. Why is the story of Truman's efforts to promote change at home largely a story of failure?

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Part of the answer, this book implies, lies in his appointment of conservatives to im- portant positions. Although Sawyer fails to provide a thorough analysis of his bat- tles with liberals, he indicates that battles took place and that he did not always go down to defeat. "I had tried to blunt the anti-business philosophy prevalent in my own party," he concludes. "The results, not all that I might have wished, did not disappoint me" (p. 297). In preparing the book for publication, Sawyer had the help of Eugene P. Trani, an assistant professor of history at South- ern Illinois University. He has prepared valuable notes that supplement the text, call attention to the secondary literature, and provide guidance to the primary sources.   RICHARD S. KIRKENDALL University of Missouri   JUDICIAL     POWER     AND   RECON- STRUCTION POLITICS. By Stanley I. Kutler. (Chicago and London: Universi- ty of Chicago Press, 1968. xl??178p.; bibliographical essay and index. $5.95.) This study of the Supreme Court is an important chapter in the ongoing reap- praisal of Reconstruction, one of the most lively enterprises of contemporary histori- ography. Mr. Kutler focuses on the judicial system, but the implications of his work are wider than that. While markedly dif- fering from earlier histories of Reconstruc- tion in its explanation of specifics and in its general sympathies, this book nonethe- less seems closer in some respects to older views (Charles Beard's, for instance) than to such present-day interpretations as those of Kenneth Stampp, John Hope Franklin, and W. R. Brock. Mr. Kutler has chosen quite unfashionably to minimize race and partisan politics as elements explaining the events of the post-Civil War period and to emphasize in their stead: power, law, and economics. He sees the larger meaning of Recon- struction in the effort made by Republi- cans to ensure constitutional and political hegemony for the industrial North and to expand the authority of the federal govern- ment, which the North would now control. Race relations and civil rights were only a part of that larger concern. When the Republicans' aim is looked at in this way, it is not surprising to learn that Republi- cans developed no concerted plan to de- stroy the Supreme Court, an important in- strument of control, or to limit its func-

tions and scope of operation. Mr. Kutler finds on the contrary that the Republican party and the court (by that time staffed largely by Republicans) were allies during Reconstruction in a successful effort to strengthen national authority and to re- distribute power among the sections. The author does not deny that certain Republicans at particular times did pro- pose inhibiting, even destructive measures against the court, but he concludes that their proposals simply were one of the ef- fects of anxieties growing out of specific court decisions. Their efforts were prag- matic, he concludes, not part of a con- certed design to limit judicial power. Fur- ther, his book supports the findings of other recent scholars--especially Robert Sharkey and Stanley Coben--who also have emphasized the diverse character of the Republican party during the Civil War and Reconstruction. Republican opponents of the court never were able to carry a majority of the party with them in their anti-judiciary measures. Hostility toward the court was superficial and sporadic be- cause even the court's Republican oppon- ents recognized in calmer moments that a strong judiciary was vital to their plans to secure national authority and northern domination. Mr. Kutler also emphasizes the continu- ities in American history. The antipathies aroused by the Taney court's decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford had not extended to the court as an institution, the author holds, nor to the place it had long occu- pied within the governmental structure. The Chase court in general continued the aggrandizing process that had been so con- spicuous a feature of Marshall's long ten- ure as chief justice. If the court under Chase avoided tests of Reconstruction leg- islation, it acted vigorously in other areas, especially in cases involving federalism, economic interests and the national mar- ket, and its own authority within the gov- ernment. Contrary to usual opinion, the Civil War and Reconstruction period did not mark an eclipse in the court's power. Rather, during that era the court pre- pared the way for the great period of pow- er and prestige it enjoyed at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. In sum, this is a well argued presenta- tion that will require many persons to re- consider some of their views respecting a crucial period of American development. MERTON L. DILLON The Ohio State University

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THE NATURE AND TENDENCY OF FREE INSTITUTIONS. By Frederick Grimke. Edited with an introduction and notes by John William Ward. (Cam- bridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968. vi??705p.; index. $12.50.) In these times, when the values of mid- dle-class democracy are being questioned by increasing numbers of Americans, a new edition of the most penetrating nine- teenth-century analysis of American rep- resentative government seems particularly appropriate. Professor Ward provides an illuminating introduction to the long- neglected work of Frederick Grimke, the philosophical Ohio jurist whom Ward aptly describes as a "sociologist of poli- tics." The transplanted scion of a promin- ent South Carolina family which also in- cluded the famed abolitionists Sarah and Angelina Grimke, Frederick was a retiring bachelor who devoted the last twenty years of his life to a systematic study of the workings of American institutions. In- fluenced by Comte, Buckle, and other stu- dents of European civilization, Grimke sought to isolate the factors which distin- guished American society from all others and accounted for its peculiar political structures. The key to American politics, he argued, lay in the objective conditions of national life. The earliest settlers had been wel- comed by a wilderness of unoccupied land, whose exploitation--open to all on equal terms--facilitated the rise of a homogen- eous society of bourgeois property-owners. Enjoying a natural consensus of shared socioeconomic values, the Americans cre- ated a government in 1789 that was uniquely responsive to the popular will. Unlike European regimes, which were reg- ulated by internal check-and-balance mech- anisms, the American system provided for continuing control from outside by the people as constituent power. Political par- ties in the United States functioned as clearinghouses for public opinion, enabling minorities to present their views to the na- tion in an orderly way. Even the lowest classes should become actively involved in politics, Grimke urged. The experience of freedom was a necessary stimulus to reflec- tion for all men; and access to the ballot would encourage unpropertied immigrants to take full advantage of the opportunities for advancement offered by a competitive capitalist order. Professor Ward dwells much upon the irony of Grimke's denial of freedom to

one class of Americans: the Negro slaves. Despite the logic of his own argument, Grimke insisted that Negroes were racially inferior to white men and incapable of be- coming responsible middle-class citizens. While the incongruity warrants special comment, Ward overlooks the fact that Grimke's intolerance extended to several other groups as well. He also denied the franchise to women, to Indians ( whom he barely deigned to notice throughout his book), and to Marxist agitators, who he feared might infiltrate the United States after the failure of the European revolu- tions of 1848. "Free institutions," in the last analysis, remained open only to those influences which Frederick considered com- patible with the bourgeois ideology of en- lightened self-interest. A brief review can do scant justice to the range of Grimke's vision or his endur- ing insights into the American character. Ward makes good use of supplementary material found in Frederick's letters to his sister Sarah, though the editor ignores the rich Grimke-Greene correspondence in the Cincinnati Historical Society. The latter collection is particularly good for charting the judge's reaction to the breakdown of consensus politics in 1860--a significant theme which Ward scarcely touches. De- spite these minor qualifications the book remains a valuable addition to the dis- tinguished John Harvard Library: a chal- lenging apologia which should be required reading for both critics and defenders of our contemporary mores. MAXWELL BLOOMFIELD The Catholic University of America   FREE BUT NOT EQUAL: THE MID- WEST AND THE NEGRO DURING THE CIVIL WAR. By V. Jacque Voeg- eli. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, and index. $5.95.) Professor Voegeli, a member of the his- tory faculty at Vanderbilt University, has presented a brief but fascinating analysis of midwestern attitudes toward the Negro during the Civil War. As the war began, midwesterners of both parties seemed de- termined to enforce state exclusion acts and federal fugitive slave laws to prevent a Negro influx into an area that was less than one percent Negro. Despite widely varying opinions on slavery, friends and foes of emancipation agreed that Negroes were not wanted in the Midwest. The attack launched against slavery by Congress in 1862 with passage of the Con- fiscation Act and emancipation of slaves

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in the District of Columbia produced no major change in the racial attitudes of midwesterners, who were "frequently torn among their dislike of slavery, their pity for the slaves, and their aversion for the Negro." Lincoln's Preliminary Emancipa- tion Proclamation of September 1862 pro- duced a Republican-Unionist disaster at the polls, where Democrats registered im- pressive gains in all midwestern states but Iowa. To calm the people, Lincoln, in De- cember 1862, recommended compensated emancipation and voluntary colonization with the additional hope that many freed- men would remain in the South after the war. Soon abandoning the deportation of Ne- groes as impractical, Lincoln and his ad- ministration in 1863 devised a plan of en- listing freedmen into the Union Army and using them in the South, hoping this might prevent a freedmen's migration to the North. Although there was much op- position from midwestern Democrats to enlistment  proposals,  mobilization  of freedmen helped to moderate the racial fears of midwesterners. After 1864 the life of midwestern Ne- groes improved somewhat as states repealed exclusion laws, admitted Negroes to pub- lic schools and conveyances, and as racial violence diminished. But opposition to complete Negro equality continued, even among leading Republicans. The Mid- west's definition of equality seldom in- cluded political rights, and during the Civil War not a single midwestern state granted the franchise to Negroes. The author sadly concludes that four years of war had changed attitudes to the Negro in many ways, but not as far as acceptance of true equality. The section's racism had been tempered but not purged. Although Voegeli mentions some eco- nomic and biological factors which pro- duced midwestern Negrophobia, this re- viewer believes that more effort might have been expended on investigating racist motivation. The book is reasonably well written, although at times it suffers from a plethora of direct quotations. The re- search seems thorough with great emphasis on newspaper editorials. This volume is a fine contribution to Negro and Civil War literature and is especially useful for those interested in trying to reconcile Lincoln's abhorence of slavery with his opposition to racial equality. WILLIAM P. VAUGHN North Texas State University

THE POLITICS OF THE UNIVERSE: EDWARD BEECHER, ABOLITION, AND ORTHODOXY. By Robert Meri- deth. (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1968. xi??274p.; bibliographical essay and index. $5.95.) In nineteenth century America the Beecher family made a significant impact on Protestant thought. Like their theologi- an father, Edward, Charles and Henry Ward Beecher became famous for their ser- mons and writing. They were a kind of latter-day Mather dynasty, appearing long after religious pundits had ceased to in- fluence men who wielded political power, as was true in Colonial New England. Nev- ertheless, the  ministerial Beechers left their imprint, and their sister, Harriet Beecher Stowe, provided the age with its most telling work of fiction. None of the male members of the family produced any- thing approaching Uncle Tom's Cabin in influencing the thinking of their contem- poraries, yet the author of this study al- leges that even Harriet's novel was in part a product of Edward, the least-well-known of the brothers. That Edward Beecher was an important figure in the intellectual life of his age is a major thesis of Robert Meri- deth's study. Edward, who longed to become a kind of moral Copernicus, found a way of re- conciling the antagonistic ideas of original sin and moral progress when he revived the concept of pre-existence. God was just, even when he judged severely, because men had caused their own downfall in times of prior existence. But Beecher's sense of propriety led him to delay his revelation for many years before including it in his book The Conflict of Ages, pub- lished in 1853. Among Edward's other con- tributions were his Narrative of Riots at Alton: in Connection with the Death of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy (1838) in which he interpreted Lovejoy's martyrdom as a dra- matic episode in the struggle between good and evil; a series of essays on "organic sin" which demonstrated that all of society was responsible for slavery and that individual slaveholders were not necessarily more guil- ty than others; and The Papal Conspiracy Exposed, and Protestantism Defended, in the Light of Reason, History and Scripture. In other works Beecher projected an image of a suffering God who was by no means oblivious to the tribulations of men. As a writer, educator (he was president of Illinois College for fourteen years), and preacher, Edward Beecher undoubtedly in- fluenced many of his contemporaries. Just how widespread or lasting was this in-

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fluence, however, is difficult to judge. Were the kind of questions which disturbed Beecher the same kind that bothered other people of his time? Was the acceptance of his doctrine of "conservative abolition" really an outgrowth of theological consid- erations or, in good part at least, a north- ern response to southern political power? Perhaps, in attempting to assign Edward Beecher his appropriate place in history, the author has overestimated his worth and importance. This is a thought-provoking book, but some readers may well conclude that Edward Beecher occupied a very min- or niche in nineteenth-century American life. By family tradition and inclination he was fated to play a part better suited to an earlier time than to his own. He was a philosopher of religion in an era of gal- loping materialism, a theologian whose life spanned nearly a century when the ma- jority of Americans became increasingly concerned with day to day, earthly prob- lems and paid little heed to the heavenly projections of Edward Beecher. LARRY GARA Wilmington College         BLUEPRINT FOR MODERN AMERI- CA: NONMILITARY LEGISLATION OF THE FIRST CIVIL WAR CON- GRESS. By Leonard P. Curry. (Nash- ville; Vanderbilt University Press, 1968. x??302p.; appendix, bibliography, and index. $8.50.) Shortly after the Thirty-seventh Congress adjourned Senator John Sherman opined that the laws approved by that body "cov- er such vast sums, delegate and regulate such vast powers . . . that generations will be affected well or ill by them." His judg- ment forms a backdrop for this mono- graph, which is a tightly woven study of that Congress and will interest Civil War and politically oriented specialists. Cognizant of the importance of key Senators and Representatives, Professor Curry begins with a series of very brief biographical sketches. The men are aligned into familiar groups distinguished by the customary labels (e.g., Radical, Moderate and Conservative Republicans). The un- documented assessment of family class status and mobility and their significance for the Senatorial divisions plainly needs elaboration, however.

The   major   nonmilitary   enactments fashioned by the first Civil War Congress are well known. Two measures of consid- erable import, however, are neglected; namely, the creation of the Department of Agriculture and the District school for freedmen. In his account Curry discusses every congressional and executive action bearing on the particular piece of legisla- tion. This traditional approach to the leg- islative process exposes logical and reason- able decisions, as well as chancy, unpredict- able patterns of action. Notable among the latter was the dramatic move on the House floor by Speaker Grow to support the Homestead Bill, a deed which certainly broke eastern and southern temporizing on the law. The development of two impor- tant measures, the Pacific Railroad Bill and the Internal Revenue Act of 1862, re- vealed the usual personal prejudices and the uncertainty and educated guessing that bedeviled legislators of the period. One expects judicious absenteeism on the part of embarrassed or equivocal men. However, the heavy absenteeism among eastern and western  Representatives  on  the  Land Grant College Act, the Pacific Railroad Bill and the House resolution supporting the Emancipation Proclamation, to men- tion three significant measures, offers the possibility of important correlations, a task not undertaken in this volume. The power of the Conference Committee is well illustrated by the work of the com- mittees called on for the Second Confisca- tion Act, the Homestead Bill, and the Revenue Acts of 1861 and 1862. Curry's text is necessarily detailed; but he severely pruned the speeches, though losing at times much of the atmosphere of the pro- ceedings, and the narrative does not flounder. Two brief chapters describing congres- sional assaults on the power of the Presi- dent broaden and balance the work. The discussion of the Committee on the Con- duct of the War is only suggestive; the at- tacks on Lincoln and his cabinet are lucid- ly explained although the theme is a fa- miliar one. In his search for attitudes and explana- tions the author consulted over 150 perti- nent manuscript collections in addition to the official sources. By way of contrast he did not examine the New York Tribune. Indeed, the minimal use of newspaper and periodical material contributes to the nar- row focus of the book which does not cap- ture the nervous, high-pressured tone of the capital. The title of the book provides the uni-

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fying theme for this study. None would gainsay the importance of Lincoln's first Congress. The creation of modern America, nevertheless, involved so many diverse de- velopments that Professor Curry properly recognizes the significant, yet limited, role of this body when he writes "the Thirty- seventh Congress was participating in the drafting of a blueprint for . . . a new America." RICHARD W. SMITH Ohio Wesleyan University         FOR THE UNION: OHIO LEADERS IN THE CIVIL WAR. Edited by Kenneth W. Wheeler. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1968. viii??497p.; end notes and index. $10.00.) One of the more worthy efforts of The Ohio Civil War Centennial Commission was its publication of several well-re- searched studies on Ohio life and some of the state's "less prominent" leaders during the Civil War. Before financial support for this project was withdrawn, fourteen of these essays had come off the press in pamphlet form. Some of the best of these articles, plus three previously unpublished manuscripts, have been brought together in this work. The publication, let alone the republi- cation, of articles on "previously neglected aspects of history," usually arouses no im- mediate enthusiasm in this reviewer be- cause so often such remote and dusty cor- ners could just as well have remained un- swept. Dr. Wheeler's collection, however, brings to light valuable information on several men who, with one or two possible exceptions, were not that unimportant. The list includes Clement L. Vallandig- ham, James A. Garfield, Whitelaw Reid, Ben Wade, Charles P. McIlvaine, Miles Greenwood, Murat Halstead, John Sher- man, Artemus Ward, and Petroleum Nas- by. A good case for the importance of some of these figures is admittedly more difficult to make than for others, and all the essays are handicapped by the restriction imposed on the authors to emphasize their subjects' activities during the four years of the war, in disregard of what may have been other and more memorable years in their lives. Nevertheless, most of the articles leave the reader amply impressed by the individuals' significance and by the contributing auth-

ors' ability to make useful interpretations of the activities of each of these men. The editor's own essay on Vallandigham is a case in point. Wheeler, an authority on his subject, presents well-documented evidence that helps to challenge the thesis that the Copperheads were a serious threat to the Union. Wheeler's view, though no longer new or unique, gives added support to the proposition that the "Peace Demo- crats" were essentially the same old Demo- crats who had opposed the Republican party before the Civil War and who con- tinued to oppose them on political grounds during the war. The cry of "traitor" against their leader Vallandigham, he says in effect, was hardly appropriate for a man who voted in Congress for many war meas- ures and consistently rejected peace with- out "the Union as it was." Vallandigham is seen as an ambitious, conservative, and prejudiced western sectionalist, a product of Ohio's quaint political situation. Another example is Mary Land's essay in which she attempts a reinterpretation of the unlovable Ben Wade, the chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, as a not uncultured person and as a man with an intense reform spirit. It is not as well-organized as some of the others but it is informative and provocative. Jean- nette P. Nichols' excellent discussion of the contributions of John Sherman to the state and nation, especially in the area of finance, is another highlight of the book. As for literary skills, the deft touch of the veteran Harvey Wish makes his dual article on Artemus Ward and Petroleum Nasby stand out as a particular pleasure to read. Likewise Robert J. Jones's re- counting of the observations of the journal- ist Whitelaw Reid, particularly at the bat- tles of Shiloh and Gettysburg, and Allen Peskin's bringing of James A. Garfield to life as a flesh and blood soldier and poli- tician also deserve special mention. The only adverse criticism to be made of the book is that the inclusion of essays on ten men from such diverse walks of life who had so little contact with each other, on the sole excuse that they happened to be residents of Ohio during the Civil War, leaves the reader with a vague sense of ir- relevancy which the overly brief preface does not entirely dispel. Otherwise it is a good, readable anthology; and the excel- lent research and documentation so much in evidence qualifies it also as a reliable reference work. ROBERT W. TWYMAN Bowling Green State University

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AMERICANS FROM WALES. By Edward G. Hartmann.    (Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1967. 291p.; appen- dix, classified bibliography, and index. $6.50.) The author is a professional historian and college teacher in Massachusetts. His research has been facilitated by his being the son of a Welsh-born, Welsh-speaking mother and by his early life at Wilkes- Barre, Pennsylvania, long a leading center of Welsh traditions in the United States. The volume is a treasure chest of infor- mation regarding immigration and settle- ments in America, religious institutions, journalism, societies, clubs, and musical festivals of the Welsh-Americans. Tireless energy has been devoted to research in a wide variety of periodicals, local records, church minutes and reports, as well as in more general publications. Understandable for those deeply interested in Welsh-Amer- ican affairs, about one hundred pages of the book are devoted to an appendix and classified bibliography. Included are tables listing Welsh-speaking churches in Ameri- ca, both in the colonial and national pe- riods, and brief summaries of the careers of scores of distinguished Welsh-Americans. Ohioans will be grateful for the careful bibliography relating to the Welsh in Ohio and for the listing of historic Welsh churches in the state. So rapidly are Welsh- Americans yielding to the dominant cul- ture, however, that in one or more in- stances, local organizations which were ac- tive at the time of the preparation of the volume have already ceased to function. FRANCIS P. WEISENBURGER The Ohio State University   CLEVELAND: THE BEST KEPT SEC- RET. By George E. Condon. (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1967. x??372p.; introduction and index. $5.95.) This book is not written by a historian, nor, it may be noted, is it aimed at the historian. Indeed, George E. Condon, who has been a general columnist for the Cleve- land Plain Dealer for more than twenty years, reprimands those historians "who like to stifle the human side of humanity." Condon's book is in the tradition of the folklore found in the works of Carl Car- mer, or the marvelous anecdotes of Stew- art Holbrook. Admittedly, some of this humor and a few of the stories are in very poor taste. For instance, on pages 215-216,

the author cannot refrain from telling the reader that Nagirroc [the Corrigan family home in Wickliffe, Ohio] spelled backward is Corrigan, and vice versa. He goes on, "The Serutan people may as well be good sports and face up to the fact that the Cor- rigans were spelling things backward long before they were." The chapters have eye-catching titles, such as: "The Real Cleveland Indians," "Raising Dickens--Cleveland Style," "The Vans . . . Veni, Vidi, Vici," "Cleveland's Untouchable." The personalities included range from Moses Cleaveland, the founder who spent less than a month in his town, through Eliot Ness, law enforcement officer and hero, to Cyrus Eaton, the last of the old-fashioned tycoons. My favorite chapter is the one entitled, "Mark Hanna vs. Tom Johnson." With great clarity and apparent historical accur- acy, one sees the titanic struggle between these two businessmen, millionaires, politi- cians--Mark Hanna, the Republican and kingmaster; Tom Johnson, foe of monopo- ly and privilege. Condon states on page 153: They were opposites, but they were also similar. They were strong men, brilliant men, rich men--and they were poles apart in their philosophies of government. If you were a Cleveland- er, you took your place at the side of one or the other. You were either with Mark or you with Tom. They left you no middle ground to stand on, nor any kind of a fence to straddle. Today, Tom L. Johnson's statue shares the Public Square with Moses Cleaveland's. It is quite natural and appropriate that it stands near the free speech rostrum. Possessing great charm, superb wit, written in the descriptive style that has made Condon's column in the Plain Deal- er so successful, Cleveland: The Best Kept Secret should be on the reading list of every Greater Clevelander and is a color- ful supplement to the city's local history.   HARRY FORREST LUPOLD Lakeland Community College   CINCINNATI SCENES. By Caroline Wil- liams. (New York: Doubleday and Com- pany, Inc., 1962, 1968, 174p.; illustrated. $7.95.) Cincinnati, once described as the "Ath- ens of the West," has over the years de- veloped a quiet industriousness which be-

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lies its former rough-and-tumble corporate image. The manifest effrontery of the hog- market and slaughterhouse days has given way to increased enlightenment which, at times, seems to border on calculated indif- ference. So say the critics of the Queen City. As in other unpretentious cities of this vast country, Cincinnatians approach each day with a "let's-get-the-job-done-and- no-nonsense" attitude which, in a positive sense, imparts a certain serene dignity to the expanding metropolis. In common with other cities across the land, Cincinnati enjoys a communicative link with the past by virtue of the old and varied structures which have defied and endured   change.  Unfortunately,  these monuments to what was and what is are often taken for granted, ignored, or sim- ply forgotten by the populace. Caroline Williams provides a refreshing exception to this familiar attitude. Over the years her sketches entitled, "A Spot in Cincin- nati," have afforded a beacon in the mid- night of public apathy. Quite simply, she prepares sketches of familiar scenes; they are available to the reader in one of the daily newspapers. Now she has done a book. Cincinnati Scenes is a compilation of Miss Williams' work, and stands as evi- dence that a good author-artist can make familiar things new. Her drawings are in the traditional style--detailed, yet sugges- tive--they go beyond the mere image and consistently succeed in enveloping the in- herent mood of the subject matter. Miss Williams, in the preface, states her pur- pose:   It is hoped that the book will re- flect something of the flavor of the city which, in a country that has al- most a frightening monotony in some of its big cities, has always stood out as individual-- with a background to give stability and a future to contem- plate with hope. That purpose has been realized. The happy marriage between her studied art work and understated text afford, in each case, a tranquil vignette of considerable charm. The common thread which binds the individual scenes into a refreshing montage is Miss Williams" approach to her work, which moves from affection to accomplishment--this is a labor of love. Longfellow is credited with having said: In character, in manners, in style, in all things, the supreme excellence is simplicity.

Cincinnati Scenes presents a rich slice of this supreme excellence--in what Miss Wil- liams leaves unsaid, the reader discovers a master of style.   an anonymous author     BLACK SWAMP FARM. By Howard E. Good. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press,  1967.  ix??304p.;  illustrations. $7.00.) This work is by a man who was born in a log house on a Black Swamp farm, grew to manhood there and continued to live close to the area all his life. He obviously had a keen sense of observation and a good memory for this volume contains a vast wealth of detail concerning farm life in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. There is a sketch of the geology and geography of the Black Swamp region which is described as about 120 miles long and 30 to 40 miles wide, lying south and east of the Maumee River. Some account is given of the coming of the pioneers with emphasis on the problems of clearing and draining the land. A brief mention is made of the widely used frontier method of fell- ing acres of timber by "slashing." The author claims that two experts could cut 20 acres of heavy timber in about nine days. Unfortunately, there is no indication of whether this was done usually by the local farmers or by hired professionals. The story of the drainage work neces- sary to open the Black Swamp is one of the most interesting features of this work, since it is not generally recorded elsewhere in such detail and also because it was of such vital importance to this region. The methods of ditching and tiling through the years are quite fully recorded and the author claims that the underground drain- age system of the old Black Swamp is now probably the most extensive in the world. Mr. Good does neglect to indicate just when, and in what location of the Black Swamp, this work was begun, but he does note that it is a continuing process that even today involves a great amount of time and expense. Following a chapter on local soil condi- tions, the work becomes a general account of farming and rural life that might apply to many regions in the last century. This does not lessen its usefulness for the book does not degenerate into rambling remin- iscences of boyhood. There is some repeti- tion and the book suffers a bit from rather

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loose organization, but it should remain quite rewarding to those wishing to know something about such things as the farming methods, crops, livestock, wildlife, school- ing, entertainment, and even the language, of nineteenth century farm communities. A bit of historical material containing general information on Anthony Wayne and the local Indians seems to have been something of an afterthought and might well have been omitted. There are no footnotes nor is a bibliography included to indicate sources for historical, geologi- cal, and geographical material. The impor- tance of the book is to be found in those chapters wherein Mr. Good, as an informed, intelligent observer, looks at a rural way of life now largely gone from the Black Swamp area.   ROBERT BOEHM Defiance College         THE  ORSANCO STORY: WATER QUALITY MANAGEMENT IN THE OHIO VALLEY UNDER AN INTER- STATE COMPACT. By Edward J. Cleary. A Resources for the Future, Inc. water resources study directed by Alien V. Kneese. (Baltimore; Johns Hopkins Press, 1967. xvi??335p.; illustrations, ap- pendices, and index. $2.95 in paper; $8.50 cloth.) Ohio, sometimes called the "representa- tive" state because in so many respects it is like the United States in miniature, is also a laboratory state. In terms of experi- mentation in river management, one proj- ect, locally financed, was developed in the Miami Valley following the 1913 flood. Another, control of the water in a river basin with federal government financial assistance, was carried to a high point in the Muskingum Valley Conservancy Dis- trict in the 1930's. A third development, abatement of water pollution through a compact of eight states that are tributary to a river, was pioneered by the Ohio Riv- er Valley Sanitation Commission. This compact had its beginnings in Cincinnati in the drought years of the 1930's and was formally ratified by the eight state gov- ernors in the "Hall of Mirrors" of the Cin- cinnati Netherland Hotel June 30, 1948. The states subsequently working together are Indiana, West Virginia, Ohio, New York, Illinois, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

Edward J. Cleary, chief engineer and executive director of the Ohio River Val- ley Sanitation Commission, 1948-1968, has given us The Orsanco Story. The rather formidable sub-title, "Water Quality Man- agement in the Ohio Valley under an In- terstate Compact," is explanatory. The book gives details, including the text of the compact itself, and an account of prog- ress and precedents as a guide for similar cooperative ventures. Dr. Cleary prefaces the book with the suggestion that he may have written more than most people will care to know about ORSANCO, but it is just what some people may need to know. The story is technically correct and ably presented for the author is both an en- gineer and a writer. He became executive director of ORSANCO following his edi- torship of the McGraw-Hill journal, En- gineering News-Record. No amount of good writing would make the ORSANCO story worth telling if the experiment had not worked. It is a success story because, in a score of years, by con- ciliation and cooperation rather than by compulsion (though a few cases of that are reported) the people in the municipalities of the Ohio Valley have been persuaded to spend more than a billion dollars for fa- cilities to handle their liquid wastes; and the industrial plants, working through committees to solve their common prob- lems, have made tremendous progress in re- ducing pollution of the Ohio River. Almost 100 percent of the city sewage emptying into the Ohio and its tributaries is now treated; over 90 percent of the industries of the valley have installed facilities and methods to prevent their operations from polluting the water in the river. Towboats plying the river guard against spills from their barges, and automatic monitors keep tab on water quality along the 981 miles between Pittsburgh and Cairo. ORSANCO'S performance has even ex- tended to the personal plane. Through its efforts pleasure boats and marinas are equipped with litter bags to catch the trash that used to be tossed carelessly overboard. JOHN M. WEED Columbus, Ohio   THE FRONTIERSMEN: A NARRA- TIVE. By Allan W. Eckert. (Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1967. xiii??626p.; sketch, maps, map endpapers, bibliographies, notes, table, glossary, and index. $8.95.) The Prologue is an intimate word pic-

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ture of the birth of two remarkable men: Simon Kenton in a Virginia frontier cabin in 1755, and Tecumseh in a temporary Shawnee shelter in present southwestern Ohio, thirteen years later. The last chapter witnesses the death of Tecumseh, and the epilogue that of Kenton. Along with their biographies and sandwiched in between is an amazingly detailed account of the Ken- tucky-Ohio-Indiana frontier through the close of the War of 1812. Across its pages marches every major figure, Indian and white, of the period, as well as scores of others. This is a book of heroes and lesser he- roes. Even those that history usually black- balls are frequently exonerated or made to appear as not too bad. The advance of the whites against the Indians is rationalized as righteousness vs. righteousness. Some- how, even though the gory details of the raw frontier are recounted in all of their gruesomeness, the noble savage concept and the romantic idea of the white fron- tier found in nineteenth century literature are predominant in this account. Above all else, The Frontiersmen is a biography of Simon Kenton whom the author regards as the epitome of that breed of men who conquered trans-Appalachia. If the measure of significance of a prom- inent man and his contribution to history is how the course of events depended on his presence or how crucial turning points probably would have gone in other direc- tions had he not been present, then, ac- cording to Eckert, Kenton deserves very high marks. Kenton had the uncanny knack of anticipating, showing up at, and resolving crisis after crisis. Indeed he seemed to be sustained by a steady diet of challenges that lesser mortals could neither handle nor stomach. That he was untutored, that he spent many years under the name of Simon But- ler as a fugitive from what he wrongly be- lieved to be his murder of his successful rival in a boyhood love affair, that he was a nonconformist who preferred woods run- ning to the sedentary domesticity yearned and fought for by his fellows, that he scorned formal military employment of force against the enemy -- these and many other things did not prevent him from be- coming one of the acknowledged giants of his earth. Kenton built up an estate of hundreds of thousands of acres of choice land; he was involved with several women, white and Indian, married and unmarried; he served as scout for frontier militia and armies; the Indians came to hate and fear and awfully respect him as much as they

did some of their own greats; he was con- fidant to foe as well as friend, even to some high-placed of the enemy. It must be con- cluded, if The Frontiersmen is used as the basis for judgment, that Kenton was more the maker of history than its product. It is difficult to assess the volume as a work of history. It abounds with dialogue and conversation most of which of neces- sity is fabricated on the basis of assump- tion of possibility, to maintain what the author calls "the dramatic narrative pace"; but, he protests, "in no case has there been any 'whole-cloth' fabrication or fanciful fictionalization"  (p. xii). The "notes" which are most inconveniently relegated to appendix status frequently explain, with- out citation, dilemmas and imponderables that others have not been able to resolve to their satisfaction. They offer detailed in- formation that ordinarily is hard to come by. Historians will be the first to admit that this is a dramatic narrative, very well done, but will be most reluctant to agree with the assertion that "This book is fact, not fiction" (p. xi). DWIGHT L. SMITH Miami University   THE INDIAN HERITAGE OF AMERI- CA. By Alvin M. Josephy, Jr. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf Publisher, 1968. xiii??384p.; maps, illustrations, bibliog- raphy, and index. $10.00.) "When we forget great contributors to our American history -- when we neglect the heroic past of the American Indian -- we thereby weaken our own heritage. We need to remember the contributions our forefathers found here and from which they borrowed liberally." This statement of John F. Kennedy, in the introduction of The American Heritage Book of Indians, keynoted a renewed interest in popularized publications on our Indian heritage. Alvin M. Josephy, Jr., appears to have been mo- tivated also by Kennedy's opening para- graph: "For a subject worked and re- worked so often in novels, motion pictures, and television, American Indians remain probably the least understood and most misunderstood Americans of us all." In his work, The Indian Heritage of America, Josephy attempts to fuse into one volume the two-pronged challenge of the late presi- dent: to understand and to remember the contributions of the American Indian. The book can be divided into three parts. In the first four chapters, the author

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attempts to point out the complexities of the Indian physical, cultural, and linguistic diversities; and  then  he  discusses the "sterotyped Indian;" and finally, points out the unrecognized contributions of the Indians. In the second part, comprising nineteen chapters, Josephy surveys the origins, pre- history, cultural developments, migrations, and social organizations prior to white con- tact and conquest. The Western Hemis- phere is divided into seventeen cultural areas, which are "really geographic divi- sions of the Americas containing tribes that displayed numerous similarities in their ways of living, as well as sharp differences from the tribes that dwelled in other areas." In each "area" an overview of pre- history, ways of life, and traits that are most generally accepted are presented. The last four chapters contend with the white man's dominance of the Indian, the Indian's pursuit of identity and survival, and end with a discussion of his present plight in the New World. The emphasis is on political posture rather than cultural diffusion in our contemporary society. The mere spatial and temporal scope of the work would frighten the average scho- lar away from such a project, but added to this is the comprehensive approach used. The work encompasses the archaeological, ethnological, and historical aspects of

understanding the natives of the Western Hemisphere. The complexity of the venture places the author in a position where he has to accept or reject various inferences made by more erudite scholars in the various dis- ciplines. This opens avenues for polemics over such positions as whether the "pre- projectile point horizon" is fact or fan- tasy, and whether the Hopewellian people of the Ohio Valley are a "culture" or mere- ly a "mortuary ceremonial expression." The choice of interpretation accepted will make the work subject to debate in many grad- uate seminars and may even produce a few papers in rebuttal. However as provocative as the book may become to the specialists, its merit in com- prehensiveness and reflective value far outweighs the polemics of the experts with- in the specific disciplines. Alvin Josephy has gathered the contemporary work of scholars and presented it to answer the two-fold challenge of John F. Kennedy. To the uninformed and quasi-informed per- sons seriously interested in broad, clear, and general understanding of the heritage of the American Indian this is the best work available.   RANDALL BUCHMAN Defiance College

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