ROBERT L. DAUGHERTY
Problems in Peacekeeping:
The 1924 Niles Riot
On November 1, 1924, Niles, Ohio was
the scene of one of the
state's most famous riots. Replete with
violence, the riot was
characterized by beatings, overturned
automobiles, and even
shootings. Bands of armed men freely
roamed the streets of Niles,
meeting with little or no opposition
from law enforcement agencies.
Local civil authority in the Niles
area-both municipal and
county-had all but evaporated in the
face of violence, and Ohio's
state government had refused to involve
itself in what it felt to be a
local problem. Thus the forces of law
and order had given way to mob
rule, and the result was that for a
period of time domestic peace and
public safety ceased to exist. As one
contemporary observed, the
situation in Niles was "a damned
serious matter."1
Responsible for the "damned serious
matter" were two
violence-prone groups who had been
waging nearly open warfare for
some time: the Ohio Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan and a second
organization which had formed solely to
oppose the Klan-the
Knights of the Flaming Circle. The Ku
Klux Klan of the early 1920s
was a formidable organization, with
estimates of its national
membership ranging around five million.
In Ohio alone it numbered
approximately 450,000, with the bulk of
its strength centered in
smaller towns and villages.
Traditionally anti-Negro, the Klan had
increased its membership by broadening
its program of intolerance to
include foreigners, Jews, and Catholics.
Added to these warped
appeals was a fondness for secret
rituals, burning crosses, outlandish
costumes, and impressive-sounding
titles. In the unkind words of
Frederick Lewis Allen, "here was a
chance to dress up the village
bigot and let him be a Knight of the
Invisible Empire."2
Dr. Daugherty undertook his graduate
studies at The Ohio State University and has
taught at Temple University, Morris
Harvey College, and Fairmont State College.
1. Ohio, Adjutant General, Transcript
of Evidence Taken by Military Investigation
Board Appointed by General Orders No. 7, November 3-12,
1924, 10. This document
may be found in the archives of the Ohio
Historical Society, Columbus.
2. Frederick Lewis Allen, Only
Yesterday: An Informal History of the
Nineteen-Twenties (New York, 1931), 65. See also John A. Garraty, The
American
Nation Since 1865 (New York, 1966), 290-91. For a brief look at the Ohio
Klan, see
Problems in Peacekeeping 281 |
|
In the Niles area of northeastern Ohio, the Klan was a powerful social and political force. According to newspaper reports, which proved to be accurate, Harvey Kistler, the mayor of Niles, openly courted its political support. In addition, numerous other Niles officials, including the chief of police, were reported to be sympathetic to Klan activities. In nearby Youngstown, whose mayor was openly pro-Klan, municipal law-director Clyde W. Osborne became the Klan's Grand Dragon of the Ohio Realm in September 1924; moreover, Osborne's successor as law-director was a County Cyclops, and the police chief and other town officials as well were Klan members.3 Clearly, the Klan exercised much power, both official and unofficial, in northeastern Ohio in late 1924.
pages 1-2 of John A. Cooley, "Use of the National Guard in the 1924 Ku Klux Klan-Knights of the Flaming Circle Riot in Niles, Ohio," unpublished monograph, 1970, in the possession of Dr. Allan R. Millett, The Ohio State University. 3. Youngstown Telegram, September 8, 13, 1924; Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 27, 1924. |
282 OHIO HISTORY
As might be expected, the Klan's
intolerance generated opposition.
In this instance the opposition
centered around an organization of
Italian-American Catholics who called
themselves the Knights of the
Flaming Circle. Holding their first
meeting in Steubenville on
September 27, 1923, the Knights
virtually declared war upon the Ku
Klux Klan when they publicly and
emphatically proclaimed that they
were being organized solely for the
purpose of combatting the Klan.
Ironically, their organizational
meeting bore a marked resemblance to
a typical Klan rally: a huge circle was
burned on a mountain, while
around the circle stood members clad in
white robes on which were
painted red circles encompassing the
figure of the Statue of Liberty.
In one respect the ritual did differ
from those of the Klan: the robes
were hoodless. In any event, there was
no mistaking that the Knights
intended to take vigorous measures to
halt the Klan's activities.4
Open conflict between the two groups
broke out in the summer of
1924, with Niles as the focal point. In
June the Klan was forced to
postpone a parade at Niles after a
two-hour clash with the Knights. A
truce was arranged, the two groups
agreeing to forego such
provocative practices as burning
crosses or circles. The truce was
short-lived, however, as disturbances
broke out again in August,
including the burning of a cross in
front of a Catholic church and the
beating of an unfortunate man whose
only crime was his refusal to
join either side.5
Against this background of mounting
disorder, Mayor Harvey
Kistler compounded an already
inflammatory situation by introducing
his own one-sided version of how peace
should be restored. First of
all, in what appeared to be an
impartial effort to maintain order, he
issued a proclamation prohibiting the
burning of either crosses or
circles. To enforce the terms of the
proclamation, however, he
appointed a number of Klansmen as
"special policemen," a move
that in no way could be construed as
neutral.6 If Kistler thought that
his appointments would intimidate the
Knights of the Flaming Circle,
he was mistaken. The Knights, it
appears, grew even more
determined in their opposition to the
Klan. Furthermore, the Knights
now considered Kistler a member of the
enemy camp and would treat
him as such.
4. Columbus Ohio State Journal, September
27, 1923; Cooley, "Use of the National
Guard in Niles," 2-3.
5. Columbus Ohio State Journal, August
6, 12, 1924; Cooley, "Use of the National
Guard in Niles," 6.
6. Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
2, 13, 1924; Cleveland Plain Dealer,
November 3, 1924.
Problems in Peacekeeping 283
Niles remained a powder keg. The Klan
persisted in publicly
advertising that a parade would be held
in Niles, while opposition
groups headed by the Knights just as
stoutly proclaimed that such a
parade would not be allowed. The
situation was ripe for violence.7
In late October 1924, Mayor Kistler
provided the final spark which
set off the Niles riot when he granted
the Klan a permit to hold a rally
on a field just outside Niles, and to
parade through the city itself on
November 1. Accepting Kistler's act as a
challenge, various
Italian-American groups led by the
Knights immediately responded
by requesting a permit of their own to stage
a counter-demonstration
and parade in Niles on the same day as
the Klan rally. Kistler,
reflecting his pro-Klan biases as well
as perhaps some common sense,
refused the request; but the Knights,
not deterred, announced that
they would nevertheless stage their
demonstration.8 Mayor Kistler
justifiably interpreted the Knights'
announcement as a hostile act,
labeling it an "open declaration of
war." Any lingering doubts about
their hostility were dispelled in the
early morning hours of October
29, when an attempt was made to bomb his
home. Although those
responsible for the bombing were never
discovered, under the
circumstances it seems probable that
either the Knights or their allies
were guilty. Kistler obviously felt that
this was the case, for he spent
the next two nights in Warren at the
home of Dr. B. A. Hart,
Trumbull County Cyclops of the Klan.9
In the meantime, on October 27 and
amidst rumors that as many as
ten thousand Knights and twenty-five
thousand Klansmen were about
to gather in Niles, Mayor Kistler had
conferred with Trumbull County
Sheriff John E. Thomas about how the
impending clash might be
averted. They agreed that outside police
help was needed. Answering
their request for aid, Youngstown
officials quickly promised to send
police, at the same time suggesting to
Kistler that he seek help from
Canton, Akron, and Cleveland.10 Within
two days, however, Kistler
decided that local police, in whatever
numbers, would not be able to
prevent a riot. No doubt influenced by
the attempted bombing of his
home, he announced on October 29 that he
would ask Governor A.
Victor Donahey to send national guard
troops. The request was made
on the following day. Thus, unwilling to
prohibit the parade by the
Klan, and unable to prevent a
counter-demonstration by the Knights,
7. Columbus Ohio State Journal, August
10, 1924.
8. Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 27, 1924. Indicating the tension of the
situation,
the Knights publicly urged that
"women and children [should] stay at home."
9. Columbus Ohio State Journal, October
30, November 2, 3, 1924.
10. Youngstown Telegram, October
27, 1924; Cooley, "Use of the National Guard in
Niles," 6-7.
284 OHIO HISTORY
Kistler attempted to pass on to the
state the burden of maintaining
peace in Niles.11
There was a recurring theme in the
history of Ohio's state-local
relations during the strife-ridden
1920s and 1930s: when faced with
the necessity of preserving law and
order, local officials would often
look to the state for help rather than
risk alienating members of their
own community by maintaining order with
local forces. In fact, the
local officials' desire for state
forces to halt disorders often seemed to
increase in direct proportion to the
voting strength of the local
disturbers of the peace. The state,
however, was not blind to the
possible political repercussions
connected with sending armed state
forces into Ohio communities. After
all, governors were no more
eager than local elected officials to
antagonize voters. Calls for the
national guard, consequently, were
seldom answered until the
governor was completely satisfied that
local law enforcement
agencies had made a sincere effort to
end the disturbances
themselves. The result was a tug-of-war
over law-enforcement
responsibility between local and state
authorities, with both levels of
government wanting the law maintained,
but each expecting the other
to supply the force.12
Governor Donahey wanted no part of what
he felt to be a local
problem, and Kistler knew it. On
October 27, or two days before
announcing that he would ask for the
national guard, Kistler had
contacted Donahey concerning the
possibility of state aid. Donahey's
reply could not have been more
negative: he flatly informed Kistler
that city and county authorities were
expected to handle any possible
emergency in Niles. Furthermore, on the
evening of October 30,
approximately two hours after receiving
Kistler's official request for
troops, Donahey wired to the mayor an
even more forceful reply,
telling him, "I stand on my letter
to you under date of Oct. 27, and
will hold you to strict
accountability."13 Donahey's position, then,
was clear. As it stood, the Niles
situation was a local problem, and
Kistler and other local officials on
the scene were expected to cope
with it.
While the governor and mayor were
exchanging messages,
Trumbull County Sheriff John Thomas was
busy attempting to do
exactly what Donahey expected of him:
recruit extra deputies to
11. Canton Evening Repository, October
27, 1924; Youngstown Telegram, October
30, 1924; Columbus Ohio State Journal,
October 31, 1924.
12. For examples of local-state
frictions, see Robert L. Daugherty, "Citizen Soldiers
in Peace: The Ohio National Guard,
1919-1940" (Ph.D. dissertation, The Ohio State
University, 1974), 88, 283, 284.
13. Columbus Ohio State Journal and
Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 31, 1924.
Problems in Peacekeeping 285 |
|
enforce the peace in Niles. In contrast to Niles Police Chief L. J. Rounds, who, like Mayor Kistler, had already decided that local forces could not cope with a serious outbreak, Thomas was at first optimistic. On October 30, two days before the demonstration, he stated that he expected to have enough deputies "to handle any situation." Shortly afterward, however, and after conferring with other local officials and representatives of the governor, presumably national guard officers in plainclothes, he completely reversed himself by wiring Donahey for help, saying that the situation was "impossi- ble."14 Sheriff Thomas apparently had learned a basic lesson in re- cruiting: enlisting deputies to enforce speed laws was one thing, but finding men willing to be caught in the squeeze of Klan-Knights vio- lence was another. Upon receiving the sheriff's telegram, Donahey immediately conferred with the Ohio National Guard's Adjutant General, Frank D.
14. Akron Beacon Journal, October 31, 1924; Columbus Ohio State Journal, November 1, 1924. |
286 OHIO HISTORY
Henderson. After being assured by
Henderson that troops, should
they really be needed, could be quickly
transported to Niles,
Donahey wired a refusal to Sheriff
Thomas, telling him that he and
Mayor Kistler were responsible for
controlling the situation:
Both you and the mayor have had ample
warning and ample time to prepare
for any possible emergency. If riot,
tumult or disorder develops, every
agency of the state government will be
used to quell the same immediately
and restore order. In any event, I will
hold you and mayor strictly
accountable.15
Donahey had again stated his position
clearly. The Klan-Knights
controversy was a local problem, and
thus state forces would be
committed only as a last resort.
On October 31, with a riot all but
scheduled for the following day in
Niles, confusion reigned. In Niles
Sheriff Thomas frantically sought
to deputize men willing to do possible
combat with two
violence-prone extremist groups, while
at the same time eight
hundred prominent Niles citizens
attempted in vain to persuade
Mayor Kistler to revoke the Klan's
parade permit. Viewing the
chaos, Colonel Ludwig S. Conelly and
other national guard officers,
who had been in Niles since the night of
the attempted bombing of
Kistler's home, reported that the
situation was "menacing."
Meanwhile, in Columbus, Governor Donahey
remained convined that
Niles authorities could and would cope
with any possible trouble. His
view was seconded by Adjutant General
Henderson, who publicly
announced that no national guardsmen
were being readied for
emergency duty in Niles.16 Against
this backdrop, a riot broke out in
Niles early the next day.
Saturday morning, November 1, 1924, was
not a pleasant
experience for Ohio Klansmen. Determined
to prevent their parade,
the Knights of the Flaming Circle set up
roadblocks on the major
streets. All approaching automobiles
were stopped and searched by
armed Knights, who unceremoniously
removed any Klan costumes or
guns. In some cases the passengers were
beaten, while in others the
autos were overturned. Sporadic shooting
broke out, for both
Klansmen and Knights were armed; before
the day concluded, at
least thirteen people were wounded.
Niles had become a battle-
ground. 17
15. Columbus Ohio State Journal and
Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 1, 1924.
16. Columbus Dispatch, October
31, 1924; Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 1,
1924.
17. See Ohio, Adjutant General, Transcript
of Evidence.
Problems in Peackekeeping 287 |
|
As reports of shootings and even killings (there were no killings) reached Columbus, an alarmed Governor Donahey found himself forced to reconsider the use of state forces. Prodding him was a telephone call from Colonel Conelly, on the scene in Niles, informing him that the national guard should be sent quickly. Still reluctant however, to commit the guard unless absolutely necessary, Donahey conferred at length with Adjutant General Henderson. At 1:15 p.m., or roughly two hours after Conelly's call, the decision was made-the national guard would be sent to Niles immediately. After ordering Henderson to dispatch the guard units, Donahey issued a proclama- tion declaring that Niles was in a "state of riot" and was being placed under qualified martial law.18 Once having decided to commit the state's military forces, "the modern governor's ultimate dependence for law and order,"19
18. Columbus Ohio State Journal, Canton Evening Repository, and Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 2, 1924; James K. Mercer, Ohio Legislative History, 1923-1924 (Columbus, 1924), V, 156-57. Niles became the first Ohio city to be placed under "qualified" martial law since the Civil War. 19. Philip Taft and Philip Ross, "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character, and Outcome," in Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr, eds., The History of Violence in America (New York, 1964). 282. |
Problems in Peacekeeping 289
Donahey followed sound riot-control
practice by sending enough
troops to guarantee that order would be
restored. Some thirteen
hundred men from northeastern Ohio went
to Niles.20
In Niles Colonel Conelly assumed
temporary command of the
troops, pending the arrival of General
Benson W. Hough in whose
hands Governor Donahey had left the
entire situation. Conelly, upon
receiving Donahey's proclamation,
immediately took over the "police
authority." Unlike strict martial
law, qualified martial law did not
supercede civil law in the area.
Instead, military orders had to
conform to civil law, and persons
arrested had to be turned over to
civilian authorities. Civil courts
continued functioning, and it was
clearly understood that law enforcement
would revert to local
officials as soon as possible.21
Conelly wasted no time in restoring
order in Niles. Utilizing the
powers granted him by Donahey, he
publicly declared that no more
than three people were to congregate at
any one time, and that all
people were to be off the streets by
6:00 p.m. All pool rooms, movie
theaters, restaurants, and other
gathering places were closed. In
addition, a national guard intelligence
section was established to
gather evidence concerning who was
responsible for the riot.22
Shortly after Conelly's action, the
first contingent of national guard
units reached Niles; the rest of the
guardsmen arrived sporadically
throughout the day. The appearance of
the first troops, coupled with
Conelly's prohibition of the forming of
crowds, abruptly ended the
Niles riot. Conelly's declaration
cancelled the Klan's parade permit
simply by banning crowds. To enforce
Conelly's directives; and to
guarantee that order would be restored,
national guard vehicles
conspicuously sported mounted machine
guns, while guardsmen on
foot marched through Niles with bayonets
fixed. Word was sent to
the Klan that there would be no parade,
and troops were stationed at
20. Akron Beacon Journal, November
1, 1924; Columbus Ohio State Journal,
November 2, 1924. The National Guard
units included the 145th Infantry companies
from Cleveland, Canton, Akron,
Youngstown, Warren, and Berea; four batteries of the
135th Field Artillery, three from Canton
and one from Youngstown; the 112th
Engineers battalion from Cleveland; and
two troops of cavalry, one from Akron and the
other from Barberton.
21. Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
2, 1924; Canton Evening Repository,
November 2, 3, 1924; and Cleveland
Plain Dealer, November 2, 1924. For terms of
qualified martial law, see Ohio,
Adjutant General, Regulations for the Ohio National
Guard, 1905,
9; and Ibid., 1913, 12-22, 297-300, 322. See also Howard Foster, "A
History of the Ohio Executive,
1923-1929" (M.A. thesis, The Ohio State University,
1934), 82-83 for the effect of Donahey's
declaration.
22. Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
2, 1924; Canton Evening Repository,
November 21, 1924; Cleveland Plain
Dealer, November 2, 1924.
290 OHIO HISTORY
the Klan encampment to disperse those
who had already gathered for
the parade. Finally, guardsmen
prevented a trainload of Klansmen
from Kent and other places from
entering Niles. As Klansmen
scattered, so did the Knights of the
Flaming Circle; with the parade
cancelled, the Knights no longer had
any reason to be in Niles. By the
end of the day a real disaster had been
averted. General Hough, after
taking over Colonel Conelly's temporary
command, kept the troops in
Niles for several more days although
there was no further trouble
worthy of note. Peace having been
restored, Governor Donahey
ended qualified martial law an November
5.23
The national guard's performance at
Niles merits further comment.
The troops were capably led, first by
Colonel Conelly and then by
General Hough. Conelly's performance
was especially meritorious.
Serving first as a "scout in
civilian clothing" before the riot, he was
Governor Donahey and Adjutant General
Henderson's most reliable
source of information. Then, when
placed in command of the
guardsmen at Niles, he acted decisively
and professionally. Following
generally accepted rules for dealing
with rioters, he neither
temporized nor sided with either the
Klan or the Knights. His job was
to "absolutely prevent all
disorder, no matter from what source," a
duty which he performed in a forceful,
no-nonsense manner.24
General Hough's performance also was
commendable. By late
November 1, when he assumed Conelly's
temporary command, the
riot was over. The possibility of a
recurrence existed, however, in the
form of a Klan declaration that another
parade was scheduled for
Niles in the near future. Moreover,
Mayor Kistler, ever sympathetic
to Klan interests, announced that he
"would grant Klansmen a permit
to parade anytime they asked for
it." Hough quickly squelched the
idea, bluntly stating that there would
be no parades or demonstrations
of any type as long as the national
guard was on duty. The Klan did
not parade.25
Not everyone appreciated the national
guard's handling of the riot.
Ku Klux Klan officials, led by Ohio
Grand Dragon Clyde W.
Osborne, felt that the guard had been
anything but neutral in
23. Mercer, Ohio Legislative History,
V, 156-57; Columbus Ohio State Journal,
November 2, 1924. See also pages 17-19
of Frank L. Howe, "Fiery Crosses, Flaming
Circles, and Citizen Soldiers," unpublished
monograph, 1971, in the possession of Dr.
Allan R. Millett, Ohio State University.
24. See U. S., Department of War, War
Plans Division, "The Use of Organized
Bodies in the Protection and Defense of
Property During Riots, Strikes, and Civil
Disturbances," Military
Protection: United States Guards, War Department Document
No. 882 (Washington, D.C., 1919), 14,
17, 73 for Conelly's adherence to generally ac-
cepted guidelines for dealing with
riots.
25. Akron Beacon Journal, November
3, 1924.
Problems in Peacekeeping 291
cancelling their parade. Miffed, Osborne
absolved the Klan of any
blame for the disturbances. The true
troublemakers, he asserted,
were outsiders "largely of foreign
birth." He went on to say that
"this outrage rests with the
confessed enemies of the republic, with
the hidden forces of Societism and
anarchy, which acknowledge no
God and look with equal contempt upon
the religious faith of Jew,
Catholic and Protestant."26 That
Osborne and the Klan were so
concerned about the religious faiths of
Jews and Catholics must have
evoked some amazement, especially among
those Italian-American
Catholics who largely comprised the
Knights of the Flaming Circle.
The national guard had a final role to
play at Niles. Angry at being
forced to call out the guard, Governor
Donahey established a Military
Investigation Board to discover who was
responsible for the riot.
Donahey, still convinced that local
authorities had not been
sufficiently energetic in attempting to
prevent violence, implied in a
November 2 letter to General Hough that
the heads of local officials
would roll:
Civil authorities had ample warning and
time to prepare for the threatened
danger. They failed. The reason for this
breakdown of civil control must be
ascertained and official derelection, if
any, punished, as well as justice meted
out to the criminal assailants against
law and orderly society.27
Amid rumors that local officials would
be held to "strict
accountability," General Hough
ordered Mayor Kistler, Sheriff
Thomas, and Trumbull County Prosecutor
Harvey Burgess to his
headquarters at Niles for a conference.
Hough, reflecting Donahey's
disgust with the recent behavior of
local law authorities, asked: "Will
you make any real attempt to discover
and prosecute the persons who
were responsible for the riot?" The
three assured him they would.
Mayor Kistler, not short on audacity,
added, "I have done my whole
duty and invite investigation." The
Military Investigation Board was
established the following day, with the
understanding that a special
grand jury headed by County Prosecutor
Burgess would act on the
Board's findings.28
The military board consisted of
Lieutenant Colonel Wade C.
Christy who presided, two other guard
officers, and one enlisted
26. Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
2, 1924.
27. Ibid., November 3, 1924.
28. Howe, "Fiery Crosses,"
19-20; Columbus Ohio State Journal, November 2, 3,
1924.
292 OHIO HISTORY
man; it met for ten days, and heard over
125 witnesses.29 It
accomplished nothing other than
discovering that those witnesses
summoned suffered terrible lapses of
memory. Although their
testimonies abounded with accounts of
the events leading up to the
riot, witnesses proved almost totally
incapable of making any
identifications more specific than that
certain perpetrators of violence
were "foreigners" or
"Italians." Apparently, citizens of the 1920s
were just as reluctant to become
"involved" as those of a later
date.30
Strangely, those who might have
contributed crucial testimony
were never called to testify by the
military board. For reasons yet not
clear, Colonel Conelly and other guard
officers who were in Niles
before the riot were never questioned.
Nor were Mayor Kistler,
Police Chief Rounds, Sheriff Thomas, and
prominent Klan and
Flaming Circle leaders.31 The
absence of such key witnesses suggests
that once the riot had been successfully
dealt with, and once tempers
had cooled, Ohio officials-notably
Governor Donahey-quickly lost
interest in attempting to fix blame for
its outbreak. Governor
Donahey's earlier threats
notwithstanding, there was little profit in
prolonging state-local frictions.
Moreover, fixing responsibility for the
riot might have proved impossible in any
event, given the chaotic
conditions that characterized those days
leading up to the final
eruption of November 1. Most riots begin
under such confusing
circumstances that holding anyone
legally responsible for them is
nearly impossible. The Niles riot of
1924 was probably no exception.
29. The primary source for the
investigation is Ohio, Adjutant General, Transcript of
Evidence. The investigation's progress was cited in various
newspapers, such as the
Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
4, 5, 1924, and Youngstown Telegram,
November 14, December 9, 1924. See also
Howe, "Fiery Crosses," 20.
30. See Ohio, Adjutant General, Transcript
of Evidence; and Howe, "Fiery
Crosses," 24.
31. The Columbus Ohio State Journal, November
2, 1924, reported that Sheriff
Thomas had observed Mayor Kistler
swearing in Klan members as "special police-
men," yet the military board
questioned neither Kistler nor Thomas.
ROBERT L. DAUGHERTY
Problems in Peacekeeping:
The 1924 Niles Riot
On November 1, 1924, Niles, Ohio was
the scene of one of the
state's most famous riots. Replete with
violence, the riot was
characterized by beatings, overturned
automobiles, and even
shootings. Bands of armed men freely
roamed the streets of Niles,
meeting with little or no opposition
from law enforcement agencies.
Local civil authority in the Niles
area-both municipal and
county-had all but evaporated in the
face of violence, and Ohio's
state government had refused to involve
itself in what it felt to be a
local problem. Thus the forces of law
and order had given way to mob
rule, and the result was that for a
period of time domestic peace and
public safety ceased to exist. As one
contemporary observed, the
situation in Niles was "a damned
serious matter."1
Responsible for the "damned serious
matter" were two
violence-prone groups who had been
waging nearly open warfare for
some time: the Ohio Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan and a second
organization which had formed solely to
oppose the Klan-the
Knights of the Flaming Circle. The Ku
Klux Klan of the early 1920s
was a formidable organization, with
estimates of its national
membership ranging around five million.
In Ohio alone it numbered
approximately 450,000, with the bulk of
its strength centered in
smaller towns and villages.
Traditionally anti-Negro, the Klan had
increased its membership by broadening
its program of intolerance to
include foreigners, Jews, and Catholics.
Added to these warped
appeals was a fondness for secret
rituals, burning crosses, outlandish
costumes, and impressive-sounding
titles. In the unkind words of
Frederick Lewis Allen, "here was a
chance to dress up the village
bigot and let him be a Knight of the
Invisible Empire."2
Dr. Daugherty undertook his graduate
studies at The Ohio State University and has
taught at Temple University, Morris
Harvey College, and Fairmont State College.
1. Ohio, Adjutant General, Transcript
of Evidence Taken by Military Investigation
Board Appointed by General Orders No. 7, November 3-12,
1924, 10. This document
may be found in the archives of the Ohio
Historical Society, Columbus.
2. Frederick Lewis Allen, Only
Yesterday: An Informal History of the
Nineteen-Twenties (New York, 1931), 65. See also John A. Garraty, The
American
Nation Since 1865 (New York, 1966), 290-91. For a brief look at the Ohio
Klan, see