ANDREW R.L. CAYTON
The State of Ohio's Early History:
A Review Essay
The Ohio Frontier: Crucible of the
Old Northwest, 1720-1830. By R.
Douglas
Hurt. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996. xv
+ 418p.; illustrations,
bibliographic essay, index. $35.00.)
It is axiomatic that each generation
creates its own version of the past. As
much as historians value objectivity,
most of them see it is a noble but
unattainable goal. Historians always
have and always will interpret the past
through the prism of the present. They
strive for fairness knowing that in the
end they distort the past in order to
make sense of it, realizing that truth will
remain forever elusive. We never will
know, for example, what it was like to
live on the Ohio frontier in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
We can take our faded newspapers,
fragile letters and diaries, physical remains
of houses and canals, whatever scraps of
information we can find, and attempt
to reconstruct that time and place as
judiciously as possible. But this is a
world that it lost to us forever,
inhabited by people who are no more than
ghosts.
Writing history, therefore, means trying
to organize fragments of often du-
bious and contradictory information into
a persuasive argument about some-
thing that we will never fully
understand. Because interpretation is at the
heart of the historians' enterprise, the
presentation of evidence is as critical as
the discovery of it. Indeed, form
usually dictates content. Unfortunately, his-
torians today rarely think of themselves
as writers; many remain oblivious to
the ways in which the forms and sources
they choose dictate what they have
to say. The choices they make about
where to begin and end, what to leave
out, what to emphasize, are choices made
within boundaries established by
the questions that dominate their lives
and by the evidence and forms of ex-
pression available to them.
Constructing a work of historical
synthesis is a classic example of this
process. Typically, its building blocks
are the writings of other historians,
that is, scholarly articles or
book-length monographs, detailed interpretations
Andrew R.L. Cayton is Professor of
History at Miami University. In the cause of full disclo-
sure, he freely admits that he is not
only the author of Frontier Indiana (1996), a volume in the
same series as The Ohio Frontier, but
that he recommended R. Douglas Hurt as a potential au-
thor of this book to the series'
editors.
The State of Ohio's Early
History 193
of primary research in well-defined,
relatively narrow topics. Although the
author of a synthesis may do some
primary research on his or her own, what
he or she writes is, more often than
not, a matter of shaping the evidence and
conclusions of dozens of monographic
studies into a coherent whole. Still,
while the author is heavily dependent on
the questions and evidence of other
historians, the author of a synthesis
does more than simply transcribe or
summarize their work.
The art of writing a synthesis is
different from the art of writing a mono-
graph, just as teaching a survey of
American history requires different skills
than teaching a graduate seminar on a
particular subject. A synthesis is a
form in which historians step back, look
at the forest rather than the trees,
and try to say something about the
larger meanings of events in a particular
place during a particular period of
time. Thus the publication of a book such
as R. Douglas Hurt's The Ohio
Frontier is an important moment in the his-
tory of Ohio's history because it is not
a monograph; it is a critical com-
pendium of the concerns and conclusions
of the dozens of scholars who have
been trying to reconstruct bits and
pieces of the state's past for the last several
decades. Hurt does such a skillful job
of synthesizing the work of other his-
torians that his book tells us as much
about Ohio's historiography as its his-
tory. The Ohio Frontier, assuming
it reaches the wide audience it deserves,
will be for many people their only
acquaintance with the kinds of things
scholars have been writing about early
Ohio since the Second World War.
Hurt created his book with a popular
audience in mind. This was a wise
decision, for academic historians
(unless they are Ohio historians) will proba-
bly find little to interest them in The
Ohio Frontier and its companion vol-
umes in the History of the
Trans-Appalachian Frontier series being published
by Indiana University Press. Scholars
who are concerned primarily with ques-
tions (about issues such as gender,
race, class, and power) that transcend the
chronological or territorial boundaries
established by traditional political his-
tory have no particular interest in a
state or a region as a place. To them, a
particular area exists primarily as an
evidentiary base for larger arguments
about the development of the United
States or modern societies in general.1
Contemporary academic historians,
moreover, are in pursuit of conflict;
most want to suggest that the
development of the political, economic, and
social structures of the United States
was highly contested and always contin-
gent; in short, history did not have to
evolve as it did. They are likely to be
dismissive of state histories because
they (quite rightly) see them as reinforc-
ing arbitrary boundaries of time and
space and because they tend to be by their
very nature celebratory. Because the
requirements of the form dictate the na-
1. A particularly succinct and
sophisticated statement of this position is Nancy Shoemaker,
"Regions as Categories of
Analysis," Perspectives: The American Historical Association
Newsletter 34, 8 (1996), 7-8, 10.
194 OHIO HISTORY
ture of his narrative, the fact that
Hurt was called upon to write a history of a
state that does not even exist until the
last quarter of his book predetermines
the structures of his argument.
Thoroughly whiggish (in the sense that it
views the past as an anticipation of the
present), it is about how Ohio became
Ohio.
But this is precisely the reason many
state and local historians, on the other
hand, will take great delight in The
Ohio Frontier. They study Ohio because
they live here and because they feel
some measure of affection for it as a par-
ticular place. They may occasionally
resent the work of academic historians,
in part because it gets more national
recognition, at least within the very nar-
row world of historical scholarship.
They may also point out academic histo-
rians have no real feel for the place,
no appreciation of its nuances and intrica-
cies. I remember one such historian
politely but firmly telling me ten years
ago that I had no business writing a
book2 about Ohio's political culture be-
cause my Ph.D. was from an Ivy League
university (Brown) and I had no real
acquaintance with the state; his genteel
hostility was instantly transformed
into genteel friendliness when I
protested that I had been born in Cincinnati,
raised in Marietta, and that my
grandfather had received an M.A. in history
from Miami University. To him, my local
credentials meant more than my
academic ones.
This tribal tendency to suspect
outsiders is not entirely misplaced, for aca-
demic historians in pursuit of great
questions do often treat the state's history
like a candidate for the presidency
rather than as a candidate for the state legis-
lature. Still, the insularity of state
history can be intellectually debilitating.
It promotes provincialism; it tends to
underestimate the importance of the
state in the history of the nation, if
not the world. Ohio, as Hurt points out,
was at the center of American
development after the American Revolution, It
was, in Hurt's apt but unfortunately
underdeveloped phrase, the "Crucible of
the Old Northwest." The
preoccupation of local and state historians with the
peculiarities of the reputation of the
place they study leads them to ignore
much of the vast literature being
published by historians on life beyond Ohio.
So concerned are they with what makes
Ohio distinctive that they neglect to
develop a sense of what Ohio has in
common with other places.
The Ohio Frontier suffers from this failing. But then what state history
does not? How many authors of state
histories have been able to escape the
territorial and temporal limits of the
form? Certainly, none of Hurt's prede-
cessors did, although they tried.
Nineteenth-century historians of early Ohio,
obsessed with sectional conflict and
Civil War, tended to schematize the
state's history as a struggle between
New Englanders and Southerners. In
their endeavors, Jacob Burnet, Samuel
Prescott Hildreth, and Caleb Atwater
2. Later published as Andrew R.L.
Cayton, The Frontier Republic: Ideology and Politics in
the Ohio Country, 1780-1825 (Kent, 1986).
The State of Ohio's Early
History
195
were avowedly partisan.3 They
generally constructed the history of early
Ohio in personal terms, as a time of
trial or triumph for their relatives and
friends. They published their evidence
selectively, taking care to delete pas-
sages from letters or speeches which
might cause offense or embarrassment.
Not until the twentieth century did
anyone attempt a dispassionate study of
frontier Ohio. The great syntheses of
early Ohio's history appeared in the
1930s and 1940s, the work of Beverley W.
Bond, Jr., William T. Utter, and
Randolph Downes.4 Residents
of Ohio (they were professors of history at,
respectively, the University of
Cincinnati, Denison University, and the
University of Toledo), these men wrote
about the origins of the state in a
mildly whiggish fashion; they saw the
past in large part as a prelude to the
present. Influenced by the ideas of
Frederick Jackson Turner, the great apostle
of frontier history, they were certain
that the settlement of early Ohio was a
critical part of the general unfolding
of a triumphant American civilization
across the North American continent. Yet
Bond, Utter, and Downes were
among the first professionally-trained
academic historians; they were more in-
terested in objectivity than argument.
Reacting to the partisan histories of
the nineteenth century, they sought to
base what they said on thorough
(indeed, exhaustive) research in primary
documents. They spent years reading
newspapers and the manuscript
collections of the Ohio Historical Society, the
Western Reserve Historical Society, and
the Cincinnati Historical Society.
Their books reflected their deep
familiarity with the sources and their concern
with their professional integrity.
Today, the books by Bond, Downes, and
Utter are not only classics of their
kind, they are still very useful to
historians of early Ohio. Thoroughly re-
searched and clearly written, they have
the weight of official history. They
give us a narrative of the military,
political, and economic triumph of the
state's white settlers. In part, this
construction of Ohio's past simply re-
flected the interests and training of
the authors. But their evidence also dic-
tated their subject matter. For what
they read was what we today might call
headline news. They mined the papers of
Ohio's leading politicians, Indian
fighters, land speculators, and
merchants, and they wrote books that reflected
the concerns of Ohio's leading
politicians, Indian fighters, land speculators,
and merchants. Their achievement was
remarkable but incomplete: together,
they laid out the basic events, trends
and prominent personalities of early
Ohio. But they did not tell us much
about the lives of ordinary people.
In the fifty-plus years since Bond,
Utter, and Downes published their work,
3. Jacob Burnet, Notes on the
Settlement of the North-Western Territory (Cincinnati, 1847);
Samuel Prescott Hildreth, Pioneer
History (Cincinnati, 1848); and Caleb Atwater, A History of
the State of Ohio: Natural and Civil (Cincinnati, 1838).
4. Beverley W. Bond, Jr., The
Foundations of Ohio (Columbus, 1941); William T. Utter, The
Frontier State, 1803-1825 (Columbus, 1942); and Randolph Downes, Frontier
Ohio, 1788-1803
(Columbus, 1935).
196 OHIO HISTORY
many scholars have studied Ohio from a
variety of angles and with a variety
of techniques. A few have artfully
blended academic and state history, most
notably Harry N. Scheiber in Ohio
Canal Era, probably the best book ever
written on early Ohio.5 A
few, principally Stanley Elkins and Eric
McKitrick, have lightly touched on the
history of the state while making bril-
liant arguments about frontier
societies.6 A few, most prominently Donald J.
Ratcliffe, have immersed themselves in
the intricacies of both local and state
history to make important contributions
about the nature of politics in the
early American republic.7 A
few, including the late Robert L. Jones, a long-
time professor of history at Marietta
College, have told us a great deal about
agriculture in frontier Ohio.8 And
many others have written dozens of sub-
stantive articles, edited hundreds of
documents for publication, producing an
enormous amount of reliable information
on life in early Ohio; of these, none
is more distinguished than my retired
colleague, Dwight Smith.
Hurt does an excellent job of
incorporating the evidence and arguments of
these scholars into his narrative. The
Ohio Frontier is a model synthesis in
the ways that it organizes monographs
and articles into a coherent portrait of
the state as a whole. What is most
striking, however, about Hurt's book is
how little our understanding of the
history of Ohio has changed since the days
of Bond, Utter, and Downes, how much his
narrative resembles theirs. His
questions and his subjects remain very
similar to theirs. For all the heroic
labor of the past half-century, we have
added detail and nuance to their story
but we have not fundamentally revised
it. Our richer and more sympathetic
understanding of Native American
cultures, to which Hurt devotes a great deal
of his book, has not caused him to
rethink the overall interpretation of how
Ohio became a state. He eschews a
detailed narrative of early politics for
greater attention to subjects such as
agriculture and religion-a wise move
given the abundance of political
history-but one that does not fundamentally
alter our sense of the rapid settlement
and expansion of the state of Ohio.
This continuity in subject matter
reflects less on Hurt than it does on the
state of Ohio's early history. The lack
of social history (for example, infor-
mation on women) in The Ohio Frontier
is not surprising, given the lack of
work on the subject. What evidence did
Hurt have to draw on? The fact that
the social history of early Ohio is so
weak, however, is surprising, given the
5. Harry N. Scheiber, Ohio Canal Era:
A Case Study of Government and the Economy,
1821-1860 (Athens, 1969).
6. Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick,
"A Meaning for Turner's Frontier: Democracy in the
Old Northwest," Political
Science Quarterly, 69 (1954), 321-53.
7. Donald J. Ratcliffe, "The
Experience of Revolution and the Beginnings of Party Politics in
Ohio, 1776-1816," Ohio History, 85
(Summer, 1976), 186-230. See also the essays in Jeffrey
P. Brown and Andrew R.L. Cayton, eds., The
Pursuit of Public Power: Political Culture in
Ohio, 1787-1861 (Kent, 1994).
8. Robert L. Jones, History of
Agriculture in Ohio to 1880 (Kent, 1983).
The State of Ohio's Early
History
197
proliferation of such work on places all
around Ohio in the frontier period, in-
cluding eastern Pennsylvania, Michigan,
and Illinois.9 The biggest contrast
is with the commonwealth of Kentucky. A
whole legion of ambitious and
smart historians have descended on the
state south of the Ohio River and have
written a host of articles, books, and
dissertations that combine detailed
knowledge of Kentucky's history with a
sense of the larger significance of
North America's contested evolution.
These works, of which John Mack
Faragher's Daniel Boone is
probably the best known, engage the concerns of
contemporary academic historians with a
respect for state history and elegant
prose.10 Race, class, gender,
questions of power and contestation are all here.
Hurt draws on some of this work, but he
is limited by the fact that there are
no comparable studies of Ohio. Why not?
Why do politics and war, commerce and
land speculation, remain the meat
and potatoes of Ohio history? Why are
there so few good studies of religion
which go beyond the confines of
denominational history? Why do we know
so little about women? Why has our
knowledge of African Americans pro-
gressed so little beyond what historians
knew in the 1930s? Why is there not
more about family structures and labor?
Why are there no important commu-
nity studies? Where is a book about the
life of the mind in the Ohio Valley?
Why do we know so little about
Cincinnati in the 1790s and so much about
Lexington? Why is there no social
history of the Virginia Military District?
Why is our knowledge of material culture
so thin? Even on a conventional
level, why are there no updated
biographies of such important figures as
Arthur St. Clair?
There are scholars working on some of
these subjects; so some of these
questions may soon be rendered moot.
Still, Hurt's book suggests the need
for a revitalization of Ohio's early
state history. That revitalization might
begin with a transformation in the ways
in which state historians conceptual-
ize what they do-on at least
four levels. First is the need to find new
and
different kinds of sources, to
supplement the well-known collections of his-
torical societies with more intensive
research in local communities. Legal
records, for example, are a boon to the
study of all kinds of issues. And ma-
terial culture offers a virtually
unlimited number of insights about the lives of
early Ohioans.
Second, it is important to break free of
the interpretive models that have so
9. See, for example, Thomas P.
Slaughter, The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the
American Revolution (New York, 1986); Susan Gray, The Yankee West:
Community Life on
the Michigan Frontier (Chapel Hill, 1996); and John Mack Faragher, Sugar
Creek: Life on the
Illinois Prairie (New Haven, 1986).
10. John Mack Faragher, Daniel Boone:
The Life and Legend of an American Pioneer (New
York, 1992). See also, Stephen Aron, How
the West Was Lost: The Transformation of
Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry
Clay (Baltimore, 1996); and Elizabeth
Perkins, Border
Life: Experience and Perception in
the Ohio Valley (Chapel Hill, 1998).
198 OHIO HISTORY
long dominated Ohio's history. The fact
that Ohio was the first state carved
out of the Northwest Territory and that
it was the scene of the major battles
of the Indian Wars of the 1790s has
distorted its history by focusing a dispro-
portionate amount of attention on
political and military history. Which is
not to say that those things are
unimportant. They are very important, and
we cannot understand the origins of Ohio
without studying them. Rather, the
point is to supplement and revise our
existing master narrative. The abun-
dance of information on and studies of
political and military events has made
it difficult for Ohio historians to take
up questions of social and cultural his-
tory. In other words, Ohio's history is
so dramatic on the level of headlines
that it may have inhibited exploration
of developments beneath the surface.
A third objective is the need to think
beyond state boundaries. Douglas
Hurt cannot be faulted for writing a
history defined by arbitrary lines on a
map; that was his assignment. But much
of what is interesting about life in
early Ohio-religion, communication,
popular culture, household economies,
commerce-is more profitably viewed from
a regional perspective than from
that of a politically-defined unit. Take
religion, for example. Hurt writes
about religion largely in terms of
denominations, which is not surprising
since virtually all of the literature is
denominational history. Still, would it
not be more profitable to think of
religion in broader terms, to emphasize that
the experiences of many of the people
who were simply passing through
Ohio in the early nineteenth century
were not peculiar to that time and place?
The final challenge is perhaps an
idiosyncratic one, but I will mention it
anyway. It involves rediscovering
something like the fervor of nineteenth-
century historians who were writing
history for a purpose that went beyond
their careers, academic debates, or
boosterism. Today, many people find his-
tory boring not because historians are
bad writers but because their books lack
passion. Readers cannot figure out why
they should care about what hap-
pened to these people two hundred years
ago. As excellent as Hurt is in de-
tailing what we know about life in early
Ohio, especially with regard to agri-
culture, he is not particularly good at
giving an overall shape to the material.
As a whole, The Ohio Frontier lacks
a compelling argument; it is simply
one thing added to another until Ohio is
complete. In fact, readers may find it
more interesting in its parts than as a
whole.
It is unfair to criticize Hurt for
reporting what historians know about Ohio
in a thorough and dispassionate fashion;
many scholars will argue that that
was precisely what he should have done.
Still, I fear that history will not
capture its rightful place in the minds
and hearts of Americans until it is
driven by some kind of moral imperative
that helps them reimagine the lives
of the living as well as learn about the
lives of the dead.
My guess is that general readers will
find The Ohio Frontier exactly what
the author must have hoped it would be:
a definitive history of early Ohio, a
The State of Ohio's Early
History 199
worthy successor to the works of Bond,
Downes, and Utter. They will not
be, nor should they be, troubled by the
questions I have tried to raise in this
review. My hope for historians, however,
is that the book's publication will
mark the end of a long chapter in the
history of Ohio's history, that they will
view its contents and organization as
the summation of a century's worth of
work and its lacunae as a call for
passionate engagement in renewing and re-
vising our always contested and elusive
understanding of Ohio's past.
ANDREW R.L. CAYTON
The State of Ohio's Early History:
A Review Essay
The Ohio Frontier: Crucible of the
Old Northwest, 1720-1830. By R.
Douglas
Hurt. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996. xv
+ 418p.; illustrations,
bibliographic essay, index. $35.00.)
It is axiomatic that each generation
creates its own version of the past. As
much as historians value objectivity,
most of them see it is a noble but
unattainable goal. Historians always
have and always will interpret the past
through the prism of the present. They
strive for fairness knowing that in the
end they distort the past in order to
make sense of it, realizing that truth will
remain forever elusive. We never will
know, for example, what it was like to
live on the Ohio frontier in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
We can take our faded newspapers,
fragile letters and diaries, physical remains
of houses and canals, whatever scraps of
information we can find, and attempt
to reconstruct that time and place as
judiciously as possible. But this is a
world that it lost to us forever,
inhabited by people who are no more than
ghosts.
Writing history, therefore, means trying
to organize fragments of often du-
bious and contradictory information into
a persuasive argument about some-
thing that we will never fully
understand. Because interpretation is at the
heart of the historians' enterprise, the
presentation of evidence is as critical as
the discovery of it. Indeed, form
usually dictates content. Unfortunately, his-
torians today rarely think of themselves
as writers; many remain oblivious to
the ways in which the forms and sources
they choose dictate what they have
to say. The choices they make about
where to begin and end, what to leave
out, what to emphasize, are choices made
within boundaries established by
the questions that dominate their lives
and by the evidence and forms of ex-
pression available to them.
Constructing a work of historical
synthesis is a classic example of this
process. Typically, its building blocks
are the writings of other historians,
that is, scholarly articles or
book-length monographs, detailed interpretations
Andrew R.L. Cayton is Professor of
History at Miami University. In the cause of full disclo-
sure, he freely admits that he is not
only the author of Frontier Indiana (1996), a volume in the
same series as The Ohio Frontier, but
that he recommended R. Douglas Hurt as a potential au-
thor of this book to the series'
editors.