Ohio History Journal

The Firelands Grant.                  435

 

 

 

 

THE FIRELANDS GRANT.

 

BY CLARENCE D. LAYLIN.

[This article is the outgrowth of a paper read before the Political

Science Club of Ohio State University. The discussion which followed

the reading of the paper among members of that club led to further inves-

tigation, the result of which is the article as here produced.-EDITOR.]

In treating of the settlement of new countries, the general

and proper method is to recite the history of its pioneer days.

Without the efforts of the men who go into the forests and make

the first clearings, the development of the country is impossible.

But it has often been true that the history of a new land begins,

not with the first settlement, but rather with the first step which

made that settlement possible. A complete history of any re-

gion will include every act which bore upon its inception and

growth. So it has been with our nation. The history of Massa-

chusetts begins back in England; and we are taken to Holland

before we finally reach the Western Continent, if we wish to trace

the history of New England through all its phases. A history

of Pennsylvania must include the circumstances under which

William Penn obtained his grant of territory. For, if there

were no record of that grant, land titles in Pennsylvania would

be set at nought.   So it is with the opening of the western

lands. The "Western Movement" was not all of it in the for-

ests and on the plains of the Mississippi valley. A considerable

part of it never got farther than some land office in the East.

This part of our early history is seldom given much notice, but

it is a part that must be reckoned with in order that every factor

contributing to the opening of the new country may have recog-

nition.

Among the regions of the west that were opened up in this

manner, there is none that has a more interesting and peculiar

history than the Firelands of the Western Reserve. Here, an ac-

count of the circumstances leading up to settlement is necessary

to the understanding of the first facts of its history, and some of

• 1
 

436        Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

the features of its present situation. It is a fact more or less

widely known that the Firelands occupy, in general, the western

extremity of the Western Reserve; it is also well known that they

were awarded by the state of Connecticut to the sufferers by fire

and otherwise from British raids during the War of the Revolu-

tion. But the full circumstances under which the grant was made,

and the manner in which it was taken advantage of by the

sufferers, together with the surmounting of the difficulties in

the way of the use of the land by the grantees are not matters

of common knowledge.

It has been implied that in treating this side of a historical

subject, it is best to find primary causes first. Therefore, in

order to get the proper perspective and starting point from which

to trace the history of the Firelands, it is necessary to give an

idea of the depredations which gave cause for their origin.

The State of Connecticut was at no time the theatre of the

active operations of the War of the Revolution. None of the

greater campaigns were carried on within its borders, nor is its

soil made sacred by any famous battle. But the war did not

terminate without leaving here, as well as elsewhere, evidence

of its existence in a trail of death and destruction. From its

position of isolation from a military standpoint, the state be-

came a convenient location for arsenals for the rather scanty sup-

plies of the patriots. But inasmuch as the British occupied

New York city during the greater part of the war, it was natural

that they did not allow these stores to be collected with im-

punity in a place so easy of access as Connecticut is from that

city. Nor were they to be expected to allow the sheltered ports

of the north Sound coast to be havens for the privateers which so

harried their commerce. It became necessary from their point

of view to destroy the supplies which kept accumulating in Con-

necticut. As for making a conquest of the colony, that was

out of the question, because of the intensely patriotic sentiment

of the people, and because of its settlement in a number of towns

of equal importance, rendering it impossible for a hostile force

of moderate size to control the colony from any one strategic

point. Consequently, their incursions took the form of raids of

destruction and plunder; they struck swiftly, generally by night,

• 2
 

The Firelands Grant.               437

 

burned and destroyed what they could, and then retired be-

fore any considerable force could be gathered against them.

Nine towns suffered from the destroying expeditions of the

British. The first of these to be attacked was Danbury. This

town was a depot for the military stores of the colonists in the

early part of the war. In 1777, Governor Tyron, with two thou-

sand British troops, entered the place and destroyed the supplies,

together with nineteen dwelling houses, a meeting house, and

twenty-two stores and barns.

In 1779, an expedition of a rather more wanton nature was

made. Tyron, with three thousand troops, and a fleet of forty-

eight vessels, under command of Admiral Sir George Collier,

made a descent upon the coast at New Haven, and in the course

of the foray plundered and laid waste the towns of New Haven,

Fairfield and Norwalk. Upon this expedition, destruction of

property was accompanied by most revolting cruelty. In Fair-

field and Norwalk, but few houses were left standing. In New

Haven many of the inhabitants were slaughtered, and many more

treated with the utmost indignity.

In 1781, a similar descent was made upon New London

and Groton, by an expedition composed largely of loyalist troops,

and commanded by Benedict Arnold, himself a native of that

very region. Arnold seems not to have intended the wholesale

destruction which actually did take place, and lays the almost

total annihilation of New London, the expedition against which

town he personally commanded, to an explosion of gunpowder.

But the inevitable result of a raid with even partial destruction

for its purpose ensued; the whole commercial portion of the

town of New London was destroyed, and many of the dwelling

houses, also. Across the river, at Groton, the losses were of a

different nature. A hundred and fifty brave spirits of the town

occupied the little fort which commanded the place. They were

attacked by eight hundred British. Such defense was heroic,

but futile. After inflicting great loss upon the British, the few

that were left in the fort surrendered, only to be butchered by

their enraged conquerors. Eighty-five men were killed and sixty

wounded.

• 3
 

438       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

Similar raids were made against the towns of Greenwich

and Ridgefield. Great suffering naturally resulted from these

raids. Many families were rendered destitute and homeless. It

was perfectly natural, therefore, for the new State to endeavor

to compensate those who had been losers in its behalf. Conse-

quently, the sufferers repeatedly petitioned the assembly for re-

lief. The state for a time afforded limited and inadequate aid

by abatement of taxes, but such measures fell far short of com-

pensating the petitioning sufferers for their losses.

Finally, in May, 1787, the memorialists made a special effort,

In unusually strong terms, they complained of previous neglect,

asserted the justice of their claim, and earnestly urged the atten-

tion of the Assembly. This petition was signed by one represen-

tative from each of the towns. This memorial attracted the at-

tention of the assembly to such a degree that a special joint com-

mittee was appointed, to which the petition was referred.  This

committee consisted of one member from the upper house, and

five from the lower house.

This committee did not report until October, 1787. They

then said that for want of exhibits, certificates and vouchers,

they were unable to present either a correct statement of the

losses sustained by the various towns, or, on the other hand, of

the relief already granted to the sufferers by the state. But they

recommended that the houses, furniture, etc., destroyed by the

enemy ought to be paid for by the state, and at their just value.

Furthermore, they stated that, in their opinion, the only means

within the power and resources of the state was in the Western

Lands.

The report was approved, but no action was taken upon its

recommendation, on account of the lack of data upon which

as a basis they could make any compensation. The matter was

then seemingly lost sight of for a while, and action upon it was

postponed from session to session. Meanwhile, the condition of

the sufferers did not grow any better.

Finally, in 1790, citizens of Fairfield and Norwalk presented

a new petition. Acting upon this, the Assembly appointed a com-

mittee of three to compile a full report of the losses of the peti-

tioners, and others who had undergone similar misfortunes, thus

• 4
 

The Firelands Grant.                439

 

including all the sufferers within the scope of the instructions.

This committee entered upon its work immediately. By means

of taking sworn statements and vouchers, and with the aid of the

petitions that had been presented from time to time, with the

sworn statements accompanying them, the committee took a com-

plete census of the sufferers and return of the amount of their

losses. This task was a large one, however, and it was not until

May, 1792, that the work was so far completed as to enable the

Assembly to take action upon its findings.

This report ascertained the number of sufferers to be about

one thousand, eight hundred and seventy, distributed as follows:

Greenwich, 283 persons; Norwalk, 287; Fairfield, 269; Danbury,

187; New and East Haven, 410; New London, 275; Ridgefield,

65, and Groton, 92 persons. The full list of sufferers, with losses

appended, accompanied the report of the committee, and was

incorporated in the action finally taken by the assembly. The

nomenclature in these lists forms an interesting study by itself.

The peculiar characteristics of these names indicate in an inter-

esting manner some of the features of the life of the place and

period. In the first place, the final "wood" and "ing" and many

other such points give a sure index to the sturdy English an-

cestry from which the bearers of such family names came. And

then, the number of different family names in a list is small, and

nearly every family is represented by several, sometimes many

heads of houses. Concerning the given names, too, there are a

few curious facts. One name seems to run in the family for

several generations, for we find many juniors, seconds and thirds,

with scarcely any middle names. And then there are of course

many of the quaint Old Testament names which characterize

the times.

The final loss aggregated £161,548, 11s, 6½d, or $538,445.26.

Of this amount, New London lost one-third, Norwalk and Fair-

field nearly a third more, and the remainder was divided among

the other six towns. The average personal loss was $287.91, the

individual losses varying from $8,845.31 to 42c.

The Connecticut Assembly upon the presentation of this re-

port, took immediate action, May, 10, 1792, in the form of the

following grant:

• 5
 

440       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

"At a general assembly of the State of Connecticut,

holden at Hartford on the second Thursday of May,

A. D. 1792.

"Upon the memorial of the inhabitants of the towns

of Fairfield and Norwalk, showing to this assembly that

many of the inhabitants of said towns suffered great

losses by the devastations of the enemy during the

late war, praying a compensation therefor, and a re-

port of a committee appointed by this assembly

at this session held at Hartford, in May, 1791,

to ascertain .... the amount of the losses of said memor-

alists, and others under similar circumstances .....

and also to ascertain the advancements which have been

made for sufferers by abatement of taxes or otherwise,

and to report the same, with their opinion relative to

the ways and means of affording for the relief......

"Resolved, By this assembly, that there be and here-

by are released and quit-claimed to the sufferers hereafter

named...... five hundred thousand acres of land belong-

ing to this State, lying west of the State of Pennsyl-

vania, and bounding northerly on the shore of Lake

Erie, beginning at the West Line of said lands and

extending eastward to a line running northerly and

southerly parallel to the east line of said tract...., and

extending the whole width of such lands, and easterly

so far as to make said quantity of five hundred thousand

acres.... to be divided to and among the said sufferers,

and their legal representatives where they are dead, in

proportion to the several sums annexed to their names, as

follows in the annexed list."

The grant was thus made, but the use of the land by the

grantees was as far away as ever. Many problems had to be

solved before the sufferers could obtain the value of the land. In

the first place, the land that had been ceded to them lay hun-

dreds of miles to the west, and was original forest, occupied by

Indians only. Their title to the land was very much involved

and was rather doubtful. When these obstacles should have been

removed, an equitable apportionment would have to be made. To

• 6
 

The Firelands Grant.                 441

 

accomplish all these difficult things required some sort of organ-

ization. Moreover, the sufferers were scattered through the dif-

ferent towns, and could take no united action.

The Connecticut Assembly solved the problem of organiza-

tion by a special act incorporating the sufferers into a body cor-

porate and politic. The preamble of this act, enacted in May,

1796, presumably at the suggestion or upon the petition of some

of the sufferers, after reciting the circumstances and terms of

the grant, says:

"The proprietors and grantees of said lands, and

their assigns reside in different towns, and cannot with-

out great charge meet together to transact business

necessary to be done, relative to securing the title to said

lands, ascertaining the bounds, preventing encroach-

ments, laying taxes to defray expenses, making arrange-

ments for settlement, or otherwise consulting and adopt-

ing measures for their mutual and joint interest."

The body of the act, laying down the scheme of organiza-

tion, follows. The title of the corporation was to be "The Pro-

prietors of the Half-Million Acres of Land Lying South of Lake

Erie." The plan of organization was to have its basis in annual

meetings of the grantees or their legal representatives in each

town. These meetings were to choose Agents, and these agents

were to constitute the board of directors of the land company

which was thus virtually formed. The representation of each

town upon the Board of Agents was to be determined by the

aggregate loss of the sufferers of this town. In like manner, suf-

frage in the local meetings was to be proportioned to the amount

of the individual loss. The board of directors was to have an

annual meeting, and to hold adjourned meetings, if necessary

to the transaction of business of the grantees, which was placed

entirely in their hands.

Such were the general features of the organization of this

company, for the corporation amounted virtually to a land com-

pany. The balance of the act refers mainly to the fees of officers,

provides for the laying and collecting of taxes, - for the cor-

• 7
 

442       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

poration was a body politic as well as corporate, and arranges

details, such as the responsibility of individuals, etc.

Although this measure was enacted in May, 1796, it is im-

probable that the company did anything more than to keep itself

in existence for over seven years. The solution of none of the

main problems named in the preamble of the act, which stood

in the way of apportionment among the sufferers and occupation

by them of the land, was attempted until an act incorporating the

sufferers under the laws of the new State of Ohio was passed

by the legislature of that state in 1803. In fact, it is probable

that little, if anything, was done by the Connecticut corporation;

after 1803 the company operated exclusively under the laws of

Ohio, and accomplished practically all of the objects of its original

incorporation after that year. The reasons for this delay are

matters of conjecture. It was probably impracticable to make

any efforts under the laws of Connecticut, while it was certain

that a new state would be formed containing the territory of the

Firelands, and under whose territorial jurisdiction the title of the

land would have to be held. At the same time, the original

holders of the land, the Indians, were still disputing the title to

the same territory. Settlement was impossible without a conflict

with the natives. Inasmuch as the State of Connecticut was

directly interested in getting these matters of title to the Western

Reserve cleared up, as will be later described, it is unlikely that

the Firelands proprietors ever had anything to do in an official

way with taking the initiative in this matter. It is more likely

that they had to wait until the state had settled its part of the

matter before the company could proceed. By the time these

questions had been disposed of, Ohio had become a state, and

the Proprietors incorporated in that state, in order to secure the

title to their land. These reasons probably account for the seven

years of inaction on the part of the company. During this time,

the business transacted by the directors could scarcely have

exceeded in importance the collection of taxes of maintenance.

The Proprietors were incorporated in Ohio in May, 1803,

by an act of the legislature practically identical with the original

act in Connecticut. The few differences which we find arise from

the fact that the second act was a renewal, or ratification, made

• 8
 

The Firelands Grant.               443

• 9
 

444       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

doubtless under the supervision of the directors of the company.

Thus the second act in some matters removed features that were

probably superfluous, in others its provisions were made with

reference to the state of the company at that time. For instance,

instead of merely providing the method of election of directors,

the Ohio act names nine persons as the first incumbents, these

men probably being in office at that time under the old act. In

this manner there was no abrupt change in the affairs of the

company. We find that biennial elections of directors were sub-

stituted for annual elections by the second act. This was a change

made doubtless at the advice of the directors. The second act

fixes the representation of each town on the board arbitrarily,

while the first act provided that this representation should be

proportional to the aggregate loss of the community; this is a

difference in form only, however, as the second act gave to each

town the number of agents to which it was entitled under the

first act.

It was after the Ohio incorporation that the work of the

company was taken up in earnest. The land was now more acces-

sible for settlement. The second incorporation gave the acts of

the company complete security.  The way had been cleared for

them in matters in which the State of Connecticut necessarily

had to act first. Everything was ready for action. Henceforth

the history of the Firelands is a history of the transactions of this

company, which proceeded from this time as rapidly as could be

expected to a conclusion. With its internal administrative func-

tions we are little concerned; but we are more directly interested

in the three distinct objects or operations of the incorporation,

stated, among the other reasons for the incorporation, in the pre-

amble of the Connecticut act, and expressly laid down in that

of the Ohio act. These three principal problems were: The

clearing of the title, the surveys, and the apportionment. It was

necessary first of all that the title be cleared, before it was pos-

sible to go upon the land for any purpose. Then surveys had

to be made, both to determine the extent of the land, and to

afford a basis for the apportionment. Then an equitable and

just distribution of the land among the sufferers and grantees

• 10
 

The Firelands Grant.                445

 

in proportion to the value of each claim, was to be the final work

of the incorporation. Each of these special lines of work affords

an interesting subject for investigation.

By treaty with France in 1763, England's claim to what is

now Ohio was definitely established, at least so far as any other

European power was concerned. But her sovereigns had, at

one time and another, made conflicting grants of charters to

various land companies and colonies. Thus, James I granted to

the London Company the land extending two hundred miles

north of Old Point Comfort, "west and northwest." This grant

was made in 1609. In 1620, the same sovereign granted to the

Council of Plymouth all the land lying between the fortieth and

the forty-eighth parallels, which grant would naturally conflict

with the London Company's grant. Charles II in 1662 granted

to the Patentees of Connecticut the land from the present boun-

dary of Massachusetts to the sea on the south, to Narragansett

Bay on the east, and to the Pacific on the west. Two years later

the same monarch granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the

land between the Delaware and the St. Croix, without stipulation

as to western extent. It will be seen that these grants are very

conflicting, and that each of them included the strip since known

as the Western Reserve.

At the conclusion of the Revolution, the United States suc-

ceeded to the claims of England south of the St. Lawrence. Each

state continued the claims it had urged as a colony. Conflicts took

place before the Revolution was fairly over. Finally, bloodshed

occurred between Pennsylvanians and men from Connecticut

claiming land in Pennsylvania under the original Connecticut

grant. Foreseeing a condition of chaos and possible disruption

at the very outset, if these conflicts continued to occur, Congress,

under the Confederation, repeatedly urged the contesting states

to cede their claims to the central government. Virginia was

the first to comply. In 1784, she ceded all claims north of the

Ohio river, with the exception of a reservation for military lands.

Massachusetts followed, ceding all claims, this willingness to

part with her western lands being due to her possession of what

is now the State of Maine. Connecticut, having in mind no

scheme of military bounty, was yet loath to part with her western

• 11
 

446       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

claims, because of her limitations in the east. Consequently,

when she did cede, in May, 1786, the cession began 120 miles

west of the Pennsylvania line, thus reserving, by default of men-

tion, the remainder, lying between that longitude and the Penn-

sylvania line. Her view was that the acceptance of her cession

by Congress, without dispute on this point, secured to her a clear

title to the part not ceded. In other words, Connecticut believed

that Congress had by tacit understanding recognized her title

to the Western Reserve.

Now in 1795, the State of Connecticut had sold the remainder

of the Western Reserve, outside of the Firelands, to a land com-

pany, known as the Connecticut Land Company, in addition to

the Firelands grant of 1792. Meanwhile, the United States did

not share in the opinion of Connecticut as to the ownership of the

Western Reserve. In 1794 General Wayne culminated a war

with the Indians of the region by a victory at Fallen Timbers. It

was understood that this victory was to be followed by a treaty

with the Indians, which should definitely establish the boundary

line between the National Lands and those owned by the Indians.

The Treaty of Greenville, August 3, 1795, extinguished the

Indian title to one-third of Ohio; but the treaty established the

boundary which it said should be between the lands of the United

States and those of the Indians through what is now the Western

Reserve. This boundary ran along the Cuyahoga river, the Por-

tage path, and the Tuscarawas; what was to the east, according

to the treaty, was United States territory; what was to the west

belonged to the Indians. Connecticut claimed land lying on both

sides of the line. On the one hand, the Federal government, by

paying a remuneration for the land, expressly denied the claim of

Connecticut to that land. On the other hand, the state had

granted this land out to private corporations, one of which, at

least, paid taxes to the state for its title in the land.

In 1796, the Connecticut Land Company started its surveys

east of the Cuyahoga, on lands stated by the Treaty of Greenville

to belong to the United States. The surveys were speedily com-

pleted, and sales of land and settlement at once began. The con-

flict was thus brought to a head. The claims of each party to

the dispute were twofold in nature. They embraced not only

• 12
 

The Firelands Grant.              447

 

the fee of the land, but also the right of jurisdiction within the

boundaries of the land. Congress, wishing to forestall any pos-

sible trouble, offered to compromise by allowing Connecticut to

keep the fee of the land, thus rendering the titles of the grantees

of the state secure, keeping for the central government the right

of jurisdiction over the territory in question. This offer was

made April 28, 1800. The state legislature accepted May 30,

and executed a deed of cession of judicial rights accordingly.

This cleared the title of that part of the Western Reserve

lying east of the Cuyahoga and the Portage path. But the re-

mainder, to the west, was still doubtful as to title. The State

of Connecticut had granted it out between two companies, but

the Treaty of Greenville stated that the ownership of the land

was with the Indians. It now devolved upon the Firelands Pro-

prietors to take action to clear this title. Heretofore, it had been

the State of Connecticut which had been acting in this regard.

Now whatever steps were to be taken must be taken by the com-

pany. Immediately after the Ohio incorporation, measures were

taken to bring the matter to a conclusion.

The proprietors first contracted, in company with the Con-

necticut Land Company, with one William Dean, a man familiar

with the customs of the Indians, to manage the extinguishment

of their title. The next step was the application to the President

to appoint a commissioner to negotiate a treaty to be arranged for

by Dean, between the United States and the Indians. The Pres-

ident complied, appointing Charles Jewett. Under Dean's guid

ance, Jewett, accompanied by Isaac Mills for the Firelands Pro-

prietors, and Henry Champion, for the Connecticut Land Com-

pany, proceeded to Ft. Industry, on the Maumee river, and there

drew up a treaty with the Indians, extinguishing the Indian title

to the entire Western Reserve. Jewett represented merely the

treaty-making power. Four parties signed the treaty, the rep-

resentative of the government, the representatives of the two land

companies, and the Indian chiefs. The treaty stipulated that

the remuneration, $18,916.67, should be paid jointly by the two

companies. This operation cost the Firelands Proprietors $6,000,

which sum included the commission of Dean for performing his

work. This sum was provided for by the regular taxation

• 13
 

448       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

methods. The treaty was ratified by the Senate of the United

States, January 25, 1806. Thus, finally, after years of conflict

and dispute of a legal nature, and three years after the admittance

of Ohio into the Union, the title of the Firelands was clear, and

the first portion of the work of the corporation was accomplished.

Having gained a clear title to the territory, the next under-

taking was the survey of the land. Taylor Sherman and Guy

Richards were appointed a committee to effect by contract the

survey of the lands, and to settle any dispute with the Connecticut

Land Company. The result of their labors was a contract be-

tween the two companies on the one hand, and John McLean

and James Clark on the other. These men were to run the west-

ern boundary of the Reserve, starting from a point on the forty-

first parallel, to be determined by the United States through its

engineer. They were then to take a traverse of the Lake shore,

with a view to the location of the eastern line of the Firelands,

so as to make the amount of land five hundred thousand acres,

as per the original grant. This contract was made December

16, 1805. Maxfield Ludlow, the United States engineer, fixed

the southwestern corner point, and a company of twelve survey-

ors commenced the work laid down in the contract. The gov-

ernment, however, rejected this survey, on account of an error

in Ludlow's calculations, which resulted in placing the corner

point about a mile too far west, thus including too much land in

the Reserve. This error had occurred in the connection with the

previous surveys that had been made east of the Cuyahoga, be-

fore the Treaty of Ft. Industry.

On the 19th of August, 1807, a new contract was drawn up

with Almon Ruggles, a member of the first party. Ruggles was

to make an entirely new survey. He was to ascertain the correct

southwestern point, place the eastern line, and run the land off

into townships five miles square, four sections to a township.

With respect to the irregular townships bordering on the lake,

he was instructed so to shape and divide them as to make them

approximately equal to each other and to the remaining townships.

Ruggles completed the work in a satisfactory manner, and his

surveys are the basis of the present boundaries of the Firelands.

There are some interesting features connected with this sur-

• 14
 

The Firelands Grant.               449

 

vey. The error in the first survey had, as we have seen, caused

the corner stake to be placed almost a mile too far west. The

new stake came in the then almost impenetrable swamp which

still remains in the southwestern corner of Huron county. The

minutes of Ruggles' survey as he approached this point read as

follows: "117th mile west. We are in danger of our lives," "118th

mile west. Sat a post in Hell. I've traveled the woods for

seven years, but never saw so hideous a place as this." This

was two miles from the corner post. Another feature of the sur--

vey is evident from a glance at the map. The specifications for

the running of the western line were that it should be north and

south, parallel to the state line. These were also the terms

of the Treaty of Fort Industry. As a matter of fact, there is an

angular divergence 4^° 40' to the west, and Ruggles' field-book

states that the line was so run, but gives no reason for it. The

eastern line is parallel to the western, and thus the townships are

not exactly square, as are those in the eastern portion of the

Western Reserve. This could not have been an oversight, and

it seems probable that there was an intention to cheat. There

is a tradition, handed down among official circles, but nowhere

in print, that this divergence was made in order to contain

within the limits of the Firelands the famous Castalia Springs,

known far and wide among the Indians, which it was feared

the second survey would exclude. Of course there is no possible

substantiation for this theory.

Upon the conclusion of the surveys, the next problem was

that of apportionment of the lands among the sufferers, or those

holding their claims by inheritance or purchase. This was the

objective point toward which the company had been working,

and the main purpose for which it was incorporated. The hold-

ers of claims had changed, both in number and in character.

Persons of a speculative nature had bought up the claims of the

original grantees, many of which had been sold for non-payment

of taxes or dues to the company. These speculators, however,

seem to have been recruited from among the ranks of the suffer-

ers themselves, or at least from the neighborhood.

On the thirtieth of September, 1808, a committee of four

Vol. X- 29.

• 15
 

450       Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.

 

directors was appointed to adopt a method of exact partition.

Their report formed the plan of apportionment adopted by the

agents on November 8th. The scheme was as follows: The sur-

veys had divided the land as accurately as possible into thirty equal

townships, each containing four sections. The total loss was

£161,548, 11s, 6½d. The value of each section was therefore fixed

at about one one-hundred-and-twentieth of this aggregate loss, or

£1,344, 7s. Each proprietor was to receive as much land in pro-

portion to the area of the section as the amount of his claim bore

relation to the total valuation of the section. The distribution of

land was made by lot. Everything was based upon the list of

sufferers annexed to the original grant. Inasmuch as the person-

nel of the claimholders had changed radically since the first

grant, made twelve years prior to the time of this apportionment,

there were two lists. The first list contained the names of the

original grantees, and formed the basis of the apportionment;

the second list, headed "Classified by", contained the names of

those who held these original claims by purchase or inheritance

at the time of the allotment. There were no large individual

holdings, but often one man or group of men had enough land

to give them the preponderance in a township. Hence, we find,

among the names of the Firelands townships, together with those

of the old Connecticut towns, as, Norwalk, New London, etc.,

titles derived from the names of prominent landholders or direc-

tors. Because of the method of distribution by lot, a man hold-

ing several separate claims might have his land scattered in

different sections of a township.

With the accomplishment of the apportionment of the land,

the work of the company came to an end. It only remained

for the directors to finish a few detailed matters in regard to the

location of highways, a work that had been begun as soon as the

surveys had been completed. Upon the completion of its external

labors, and the final settlement of its internal affairs, the board of

directors of the incorporated proprietors of the Sufferers' Land

finished its deliberations by asking that its minutes and papers

as an incorporation of the State of Ohio be preserved among

the records of Huron County. The board then adjourned without

day. The Firelands were ready for the Pioneers.

• 16
 

(451)

• 17