Ohio History Journal

OBERLIN'S PART IN THE SLAVERY CONFLICT

 

 

WILBUR GREELEY BURROUGHS, A. M., OBERLIN, OHIO.

Little did the Rev. John J. Shipherd, pastor of the Presby-

terian Church at Elyria, Ohio, realize that in the founding of

Oberlin he was to change the destiny of a nation. He originated

the plan in 1832. In November of the same year with his asso-

ciate Philo P. Stewart, formerly a missionary to the Cherokees

in Mississippi and at this time living with Shipherd at Elyria, he

selected the site for Oberlin. (11); (26).

At this time the question of slavery was not a practical issue

before the people of the North. The anti-slavery element was

not incorporated into the original constitution of Oberlin. In-

deed, the "Oberlin Covenant," a document expressing the design

of the school and the settlement, has no allusion whatever to

slavery. There was a deep seated feeling against it4a but the

American Colonization Society was supposed to present the only

practicable means of operating to rid the land of the evil. The

early inhabitants little dreamed that the discussion of slavery

would be the first topic to disturb the quiet of their wilderness.

It was due in great measure to the geographical location of

Oberlin that she was able to play such an important part in the

events which were to follow. Ohio was an influential State in the

Union. She formed the connecting link between the East and

the West. On the South she bordered on Slave Territory,-the

States of Kentucky and Virginia. Ohio's sympathies were largely

with the South; in fact her counties bordering on the Ohio River

and for fifty miles northward were principally peopled from the

Slave States. The interior counties of the State were occupied

mainly by a population which took slight interest in public ques-

tions. It was therefore to the Western Reserve, covering twelve

counties in the northeast part of the State, that the destiny of

Ohio was committed. Here the Republican party was all power-

ful. Of influential factors on the Reserve, "no single, definite,

(269)

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intellectual, and moral force could compare with Oberlin." (28);

(312). The long southern boundary of Ohio offered the escaping

slave a good chance to cross into free territory, so that the people

of Ohio were afforded an exceptional opportunity in aiding great

numbers of fugitives to freedom. The cruelties of the system

were seen at first hand, and thus imbued many against it more

deeply than any account of slavery could ever have done.

 

I. THE ABOLITIONIZING OF OBERLIN.

Oberlin did not lack for Abolitionists, however, even from

the first year of its establishment. During the first year there

were three or four young men who advocated immediate emanci-

pation on the soil, in opposition to the colonization scheme of

the American Colonization Society. This question was some-

times discussed in the Oberlin Lyceum which embraced those

students and colonists who chose to join. The older and more

influential men always upheld the colonization plan, with the one

exception of Mr. Shipherd who was a moderate Abolitionist

even at that early date.

Meanwhile the college was increasing. One hundred stud-

ents, men and women, had already entered the institution, a large

proportion coming from Eastern States. A Freshman Class of

four members had been organized, the first Commencement held.

At these exercises not a speech was made on the subject of slav-

ery, nor the slightest reference to it heard. Thus Oberlin com-

pleted its second year without taking any prominent part in the

question of slavery. But she was not to remain in the back-

ground much longer; the issue was to be thrust upon her, and

once presented, she was to take up the gauntlet, and spring into

the center of the conflict.

 

LANE SEMINARY.

Near Cincinnati, Ohio, at Walnut Hills, was situated the

theological school of Lane Seminary. It numbered somewhat

over one hundred students, some of whom were in the theological

department, the remainder being connected with a literary depart-

ment, in preparation for theology under the charge of Prof.

Morgan. The theological professors were Dr. Lyman Beecher,

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Prof. Stowe, and a gentleman whose name has passed into

oblivion. The students were men of unusual ability and energy.

Many had come from Oneida Institute, N. Y.; working their

way down the Allegheny and Ohio Rivers on flat-boats, thus

earning money for their college expenses. Among these Oneida

men was Theodore D. Weld, later to become an influence in the

cause of anti-slavery. Other students at Lane were sons of

slave-holders, such as J. A. Thome and W. T. Allen, whose

worldly prosperity was linked with the continuance of slavery.

These men knew full well the significance of the question into

which they soon were to plunge. As early as 1833, Wm. Lloyd

Garrison and his "Liberator" were agitating the people. The

students at Lane felt the excitement of this topic. For eighteen

successive evenings, they held debates in their Chapel. Though

at first there was diversity of opinion, yet at the completion of

these meetings the sentiment was nearly unanimous in favor of

Abolition. The young men, together with ladies of the city,

gathered the negroes of Cincinnati into Sunday Schools and Day

Schools, by this means doing much good. The trustees, fearful

less this should damage the school, passed a law (without con-

sultation with the faculty, except one member, the others being

on their summer vacation), forbidding any discussion of slavery

topics, either in private or public. Prof. Morgan was dismissed

without any reason being given though it was well known that

his anti-slave opinions had caused him to lose his position. The

students protested against this rule prohibiting them free speech.

Four-fifths of the student body then left the institution of their

own accord. James Ludlow, a wealthy gentleman, gave them

use of a building near the city where they continued their studies

for five months.

In November, 1834, Mr. Shipherd, by order of the trustees

of Oberlin started on a journey to the East for the purpose of

securing money, a President, and a Professor of Mathematics

for the Institution. He planned to travel by the National Road

from Columbus, but guided by an inward force, he went instead

to Cincinnati. He met Rev. Asa Mahan, pastor of the Sixth

Street Presbyterian Church, and upon several people recommend-

ing Mr. Mahan as fitted to be the head of a college, the matter

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was presented to him. Mahan was ready to accept the appoint-

ment. He had been a trustee of Lane Seminary, had protested

against the action that had been taken, and when the law had

passed in spite of his opposition, he had resigned. Between

Mahan and Shipherd the plan was formed of taking the seceding

Lane students to Oberlin, and with them as a nucleus, adding a

theological seminary to Oberlin. The work of securing funds

for this addition to Oberlin was at once started. Arthur Tappan,

a rich New Yorker, with several others, promised the endowment

of eight professorships, and a loan sufficient to build a theological

hall. The Rev. John Morgan was secured as one of the seminary

faculty. Now arose a startlingly formidable obstacle. Tappan

and his friends, Finney (pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle

Congregational Church of New York, who had been asked to

the chair of theology, but had declined unless some solid financial

basis for the institution was assured), Mahan, Morgan, and the

Lane students, all refused to have a thing to do with the project

for which they all were so eager, unless negroes were admitted

into all departments of Oberlin on equal terms with the whites.

This aroused intense excitement at Oberlin. The general senti-

ment was against admitting blacks. It was thought that if they

were let into the college, the place would be overrun with them

and that the consequences would be terrible. Young ladies of

refinement declared that if negroes were admitted, they them-

selves would return to their homes, if they had to "wade Lake

Erie," to do it.

Due to the excitement prevailing in Oberlin, the trustees of

the college held their meeting to deliberate on this subject in the

Temperance House in Elyria, January 1, 1835. The principal

colonists of Oberlin and several students sent a petition to the

Board of Trustees asking that they meet in Oberlin. The peti-

tion read as follows:

To the Honorable Board of Trustees of the Oberlin Collegiate

Institute assembled at Elyria:

Whereas there has been, and is now, among the colonists and

students of the Oberlin Collegiate Institute a great excitement

in their minds in consequence of a resolution of Brother J. J.

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     273

Shipherd, to be laid before the Board, respecting the admission

of people of color into the Institution, and also of the Board's

meeting at Elyria; now, your petitioners, feeling a deep interest

in the Oberlin Collegiate Institute, and feeling that every measure

possible should be taken to quell the alarm that there shall not

be a root of bitterness springing up to cause a division of interest

and feeling (for a house divided against itself cannot stand);

therefore, your petitioners respectfully request that your honora-

ble body will meet at Oberlin, that your deliberations may be

heard and known on the great and important question in con-

templation. We feel for our black brethren-we feel to want

your counsels and instructions; we want to know what is duty,

and, God assisting us, we will lay aside every prejudice, and do

as we shall be led to believe that God would have us to do.

(23: 57.)

The trustees did not know what to do, so they ended by

doing practically nothing. Their record reads as follows:

Whereas, information has been received from Rev. J. J.

Shipherd, expressing a wish that students may be received into

this Institution irrespective of color; therefore, resolved, that

this Board do not feel prepared, till they have more definite in-

formation on the subject, to give a pledge respecting the course

they will pursue in regard to the education of the people of

color, wishing that this Institution should be on the same ground,

in respect to the admission of students with other similar insti-

tutions of the land.

At this same meeting Pres. Mahan and Prof. Morgan were

appointed to the positions Mr. Shipherd had wished them to fill.

Mr. Shipherd sent urgent appeals to the trustees and colon-

ists for them to change their opinions and come over to the

Abolitionists' side. By his request, another meeting of the trus-

tees was held at Oberlin, Feb. 9, at the home of Mr. Shipherd.

This house was situated on the north side of the College Square.

The outcome of the conference was looked forward to with in-

tense interest.

The trustees met in the morning. The debate that followed

was long and heated. The outcome was uncertain. Mrs. Ship-

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herd gathered some of the ladies of the neighborhood and spent

the time in prayer that the decision of the trustees would be in

favor of the negro. At last the question was put to vote. The

Board was exactly divided. The decision rested with Rev. John

Keep of Ohio City (west side of Cleveland), who was President

of the Board, and as presiding officer cast the deciding vote in

case of a tie. He voted. It was in favor of admitting colored

students. The die once cast Oberlin has never taken action con-

cerning this matter from that day to this. Though the effect of

the resolution which was drawn up was decisive, the wording

was somewhat ambiguous. It ran as follows:

Whereas, there does exist in our country an excitement in

respect to our colored population, and fears are entertained that

on the one hand they will be left unprovided for as to the means

of a proper education, and on the other that they will in un-

suitable numbers be introduced into our schools, and thus in

effect forced into the society of the whites, and the state of

public sentiment is such as to require from the Board some

definite expression on the subject; therefore, resolved, that the

education of the people of color is a matter of great interest,

and should be encouraged and sustained in this institution.

At this time there was but one colored man resident in the

county. But as a result of this resolution a tremendous influx

of negroes was expected. So when at length a single colored

man was seen approaching the town, a little boy, son of one

of the trustees, ran to the house, calling, "They're coming,

father, - they're coming."

At this last mentioned meeting of the trustees, Rev. Chas.

G. Finney of New York City, was appointed Professor of The-

ology. Due to the anti-slavery attitude of the college. Messrs.

Mahan, Finney, and Morgan accepted their appointments. Prof.

Morgan was given the chair of New Testament Literature and

Exegesis, instead of that of Mathematics and Natural Philoso-

phy, as first proposed.

Arthur Tappan now pledged $10,000.00 to erect a building

for the use principally of the Theological Department, and also

promised to secure a loan of $10,000.00 more, for other neces-

sary buildings and other improvements. Together with several

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    275

other gentlemen, the Tappans started the "Oberlin Professorship

Association", engaging to pay quarterly the interest on $80,000.00

to cover the salaries of eight professors, at $600.00 each. It

was intended to finally pay the principal, and thus permanently

endow the institution.

The coming of the Lane students in May, 1835, acted as a

stimulus to Oberlin. Also about this time the Collegiate depart-

ment was increased by students from Western Reserve College,

where there had been trouble similar to that at Lane. This har-

boring by Oberlin of students from other colleges, as well as

Oberlin's anti-slavery principles, drew upon her the hatred of

many people.

Not all of the most prominent students of Lane came to

Oberlin. Theodore D. Weld and Henry B. Stanton were among

these. They devoted all their time to public anti-slavery work.

A few weeks before the close of the Fall term, Weld came to

Oberlin and gave a series of twenty lectures on slavery. These

lectures dealt with the nature of slavery and its relations and

bearings, personal, social, political, and moral. He was a won-

derful speaker, and the house was crowded every evening of

the three full weeks. Oberlin was converted to Abolitionism.

(23: 67, 75); (30); (28: 32).

Some people in the United States thought that the Church

was protecting slavery and that the Church must be battered

down in order to reach the system of slavery. These people

wished to treat the Christian Church as a failure, and they urged

all Church members to leave their Churches and have nothing

to do with them. But though the Church was slow in adopting

the view that slavery was a sin, the people of Oberlin would not

denounce it.³¹ However, in 1835, the (28: 193) Oberlin Church

did pass the following resolution: "That as slavery is a sin, no

person shall be invited to preach or minister to this church, or

any brother be invited to commune, who is a slave holder."

 

OBERLIN'S RELATION TO SLAVERY; 1835-1850.

Near the close of 1838, the Oberlin Evangelist was started.

It prospered and soon attained a circulation of 5,000 copies.

The Evangelist was a semi-monthly of 8 quarto pages. With

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the exception of the office editor who received compensation

for his work, the labor of the contributors was entirely free;

whatever profits there might be were given to further the edu-

cational work at Oberlin, chiefly in aiding men to prepare for

the ministry. The principal writers for this paper were Finney,

Cowles, Mahan, Morgan, and Thome. Mr. Finney was a regu-

lar contributor, almost every number containing a sermon by

him, as well as other material. The Evangelist continued for

24 years, until, during the Civil War, it failed for want of sup-

port. It was largely of a religious nature, though it dealt also

with current matters of secular importance. The paper was one

of great influence. (23: 93, 94).

In 1845, the Oberlin Quarterly Review was established.

Mahan and Wm. Cochran, and later Finney, were the editors.

Its aim was a more thorough discussion of religious topics, and

of other subjects of (23: 94) public interest. It was never well

supported, and lasted only four years.

In 1839 the college was more than $30,000.00 in debt. Bank-

ruptcy stared it in the face. In the United States there was

no one to come to their aid. Therefore, two trustees, Father

Keep and William Dawes, went to England to endeavor to secure

funds to meet the indebtedness. They were armed with letters

of recommendation from prominent anti-slavery men in the

United States, such as Gerrit Smith, Garrison, Whittier, and

others. Their work was carried on chiefly among the Society

of Friends, on account of this sect's common sympathy with

Oberlin on the slavery question, and the education of women.

Other anti-slavery people also gave them money and aid. Though

it was more difficult to raise funds due to the remoteness of

the object, still they obtained above expenses $30,000.00 in money

sufficient "to meet the most pressing liabilities of the institution,

a large accession of books to the library, with good provisions

for philosophical and chemical apparatus". The gifts received

ranged from 100 lbs. the largest, down to a few shillings. The

Common Council of the City of London held funds in trust for

charitable purposes. The Oberlin men went before that august

body and presented their cause. They did this with such effect

that they came within a vote or two of securing an appropria-

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    277

 

tion. Mr. Hamilton Hill of London with his family returned

with Messrs. Keep and Dawes, to become the secretary and

treasurer of the college. He held this position for 25 years.

The two Oberlin trustees were gone about 18 months, returning

near the close of 1840. They had accomplished their mission;

the college was relieved from its imminent danger. (23: 208-

210); (10); (19).

Oberlin had several societies in its early days which are

not in existence at the present time.

In the Oberlin Evangelist, January 8, 1850, we read of the

formation of "The Oberlin Peace League". It held meetings

once a month. Jennings was elected chairman on a board for

business; D. M. Ide, Sec.; Pease, Treasurer. The object of

the society was to abolish the custom of international war, and

to promote universal peace among the nations of the earth.

On September 14, 1851, a meeting was held in the chapel

to organize a Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society. The meeting

was opened with prayer. A committee of three were appointed

to draft a brief constitution and to nominate officers for the re-

organization of the society. J. M. Langston addressed the as-

sembly on the condition of education among the colored people

of the state. By unanimous vote, Mr. Langston was appointed

to visit the schools among the colored people, to establish others

where needed, and to report on the general conditions among

the negroes. The constitution of this society, Art. II, reads:

"The object of this society shall be the social and moral eleva-

tion of the colored man." Art. V, states that, "Any person who

is practically opposed to slavery, may become a member of this

society by annexing his name to the constitution." On September

18, 1852, S. N. Hendall was elected President, and Orin W.

White, Vice President.1

The ladies of Oberlin also had an anti-slavery society, an

address before which by Prof. J. H. Fairchild is recorded in the

Oberlin Evangelist, July 16, 1856. The work done by the Fe-

male Anti-Slavery Society is well set forth in the Oberlin Evan-

gelist, August 15, 1855. It states that the society began in De-

cember, 1835. That the object of the ladies was "to diffuse

light and knowledge on the subject of slavery, to express our

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sympathy for our oppressed brethren and sisters, to elevate the

free people of color and emancipate them from the oppression

of public sentiment, and equal laws. For years the society held

meetings quarterly with appropriate exercises."  Funds were

collected and used to pay lecturers and teachers, besides relieving

the wants of needy colored people both bond and free.

 

THE LORAIN COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

The sentiment of the people of Oberlin regarding anti-

slavery is graphically shown in the following quotation from

the Oberlin Evangelist, September 11, 1839: "On Commence-

ment evening, the Lorain County Anti-Slavery Society met by

adjournment at Oberlin. The meeting was large, probably more

than 1,000 people were in attendance. Mr. C. C. Burleigh, of

Pennsylvania, addressed the Society for an hour and a half in

his usual impressive manner, on the practical duties of Aboli-

tionists. After the address the following resolutions were passed,

first by the society, and then by the entire congregation, no one

voting in the negative in either case. We hope no abolitionists

will forget the principle of these resolutions in the excitement

of the political campaign just now commenced. Let them abide

firm and the disgraceful 'black laws', of Ohio will be repealed

at the coming session of the Legislature. Resolved, That we

will not vote for any man for President or Vice President of

the United States, or for Congress, who is not in favor of the

immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and

in the United States Territories, and of the abolition of the in-

ternal slave trade, and who is not opposed to the admission of

new slave states into the Union. Resolved, That we will not

support any man for the Legislature of the State of Ohio who

is not in favor of the repeal of all laws of said State which are

founded on a distinction of color."

"The exercises of the day were closed by singing the Pas-

sage of the Red Sea."

Another society in Oberlin was the Oberlin Lyceum, already

mentioned.  It was the first literary society in Oberlin. Its

members embraced both students and colonists. (23: 42).

When the Lane students arrived in Oberlin, May, 1835,

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     279

 

they were followed by James Bradley of Cincinnati. Upon

arriving at Oberlin he entered the Institution, being the first

colored student admitted. (23: 74).

The Adult Colored School in Oberlin: This school was

founded in about 1842, being designed chiefly for colored per-

sons of adult age who had been debarred in earlier life by slavery

or prejudice, from obtaining an education. The public schools

of Oberlin were opened to colored students, but the mode of

instruction for children and that for adults was so different

that it was deemed advisable to have them separate. The Oberlin

Evangelist, July 17, 1844, states that the success of the school

is very encouraging. The scholars were often heads of families,

but notwithstanding their age, they were greatly interested in

their studies. Many of the more advanced members were fitted

to enter Oberlin College; while the younger or less proficient

ones were instructed so as to be able to pursue higher courses

of study. To place the work on a permanent basis, a Committee

of Trust was formed for seeking financial aid. Its members

were: J. A. Thome, Amasa Walker, J. W. Mason, Thomas

Brown, and Hamilton Hill. The negroes did what they could

to pay their teachers, but they could not help much as they, them-

selves, were poor.

In those early days, like an island in the sea, the colony of

Oberlin was isolated from sympathy in its work for the negro.

The neighboring towns were pro-slavery. They were ever ready

to assist the slave-hunter, and to injure Oberlin in any way pos-

sible. Often meetings were held and measures discussed for

putting Oberlin out of existence. Anonymous communications

were sent threatening to burn the town, and for years an armed

patrol had to be kept to guard the place. Students were egged,

stoned, and sometimes seriously hurt, simply because they came

from this hated community. One man, an evangelist noted for

his noble Christian character, while on a journey had the legs

of his horse cut to the bone for the sole reason that the animal

belonged to an inhabitant of Oberlin.²⁴

Due to this reputation of Oberlin as a stronghold of Aboli-

tionism, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglas, both noted

Abolitionists, came to persuade the people that the anti-slavery

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doctrine involved a withdrawal from all political action; that

the Constitution of the United States was pro-slavery and cor-

rupt, and that all who voted under it shared in its wickedness;

that only those were doing their duty who abandoned all po-

litical organizations and refused to take any part in the affairs

of the government. A debate on this subject was held. Presi-

dent Mahan led the discussion on the Oberlin side which was

contrary to the views upheld by Garrison and Douglas. In this

Mr. Mahan was aided by Prof. T. B. Hudson, and others. The

outcome of it all was that the Oberlin people continued to vote,

and the two Abolitionists went on their way. Douglas soon after

changed his opinion and voted with the other Abolitionists, the

same as the Oberlin men.

After this Stephen Foster and his wife, Abbey Kelly Foster,

came to Oberlin on a somewhat like errand. They tried to show

that it was compromising one's anti-slavery position, and sharing

in the guilt of slavery to maintain any correspondence or friend-

ship with churches whose members believed in slavery. They

said that the continuous chain of fellowship united the Oberlin

church with the slave-holding churches at the South, and bound

all together in one "covenant of Hell". This man and his wife

wished to divide the churches and alienate Christian people from

each other. There was a public debate in which the Fosters

were opposed by President Mahan, as leader of the Oberlin side,

in the College Chapel for the evenings of one entire week. The

result was that the church arrangements remained as before.

Other prominent speakers at Oberlin were Senators Chase

and Hale. Both these gentlemen spoke in the First Church the

evening of October 1, 1852, on the Anniversary of the West

India Emancipation of Slaves. The time was chiefly occupied

by Mr. Hale, whose subject was, "Are you, the people of this

Nation, fulfilling the pledge on which is conditioned the in-

heritance of your liberties?" He faced a crowded house.

Later, in 1860, Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, and Hon. H.

G. Blake unexpectedly passed through Oberlin August 3d. A

hasty notice filled the First Church with an eager audience. Clay

spoke for three-quarters of an hour; Blake the remaining quar-

ter.⁴h

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    281

Oberlin was accused of being all talk and theory; and though

as an Institution she did not favor direct rescuing of slaves

from their masters on slave territory, still there were men within

her portals who believed that God called them to do this very

thing. And they obeyed their conscience, though by so doing

they broke the laws of the Government, were imprisoned, beaten,

starved. Some did this before entering Oberlin, others after

being matriculated in the Institution. Still others suffered simply

for their convictions.

Rev. Amos Dresser, Oberlin Seminary, 1839, though having

no intention to assist the slaves, yet suffered merely for his

belief. On July 1, 1835, he left Cincinnati, Ohio, for a trip

into the Slave States in order to raise money so that he could

complete his education. He had for sale a book called the

"Cottage Bible". In packing his books he used pamphlets and

papers to prevent the books from rubbing. These papers were

old religious newspapers, anti-slavery publications, temperance

almanacs, etc.

He arrived at Nashville July 18. On the way down most

of his publications regarding anti-slavery had been distributed

at Danville, Kentucky, where there was an anti-slavery society.

With the aid of a man, he carried his books into the Nashville

Inn; but in so doing forgot the few remaining papers used as

wrappers. The buggy in which he journeyed needing repair,

was sent to a man to be mended. This man discovered the

abolitionist papers. He spread the news, and the excitement

grew more and more intense; for the people feared that Dresser

was giving the negroes printed matter in hopes of stirring up

an insurrection, the horrors of which would be indescribable.

Mr. Dresser was arrested and brought to trial before the Com-

mittee of Vigilance. The trial lasted from between 4 and 5

o'clock P. M. till about 10 P. M. Further evidence brought

against him were some letters, found in his trunk, from friends

mentioning slavery; and this together with the fact that he had

been a member of Lane Seminary, as well as of the Anti-Slavery

Society formed there, convinced the Committee that he was

guilty. Although absolutely innocent, he was taken out doors.

the crowd forming a ring in the center of which Dresser was

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placed. There, in the wavering light of the torches with a mul-

titude of hostile faces peering at him from every side, this

Oberlin man received 20 lashes on his bare back, given with a

heavy, cow-hide whip. He was then taken to his lodgings. Next

morning, due to the excitement still prevailing he left the city

in disguise. Unable to bring anything along in his flight, he

abandoned $300.00 worth of unsold books, and was obliged to

sell his horse and buggy at a $200.00 loss. Neither did he ever

again hear of his trunk or any of his personal property. Glad

to escape with his life, his sole possessions, only those clothes

he wore, Dresser made his way toward the North.³²

George Thompson, at one time a student in Oberlin, during

July, 1841, with two men, Alanson Work and James E. Burr,

made an attempt to take slaves from Missouri across the river

and start them on the road toward freedom. Thompson waited

in the row-boat while his comrades went ashore to get the

negroes. They were gone some time. At last Thompson heard

men approaching. The next he knew, he was covered by the

rifles of several Missourians. The slaves whom they had come

to aid had turned traitor, informed their masters of the plot to

rescue them, and the capture of the three Abolitionists was the

result. After a trial before a magistrate, which proceeding was

a farce, they were cast into prison to await the sitting of the

court, two and one-half months distant. Here they were chained

to the walls of their cell like dangerous wild beasts. At last

their final trial took place. The outcome was that they were

sentenced to 12 years in the penitentiary. While imprisoned in

the penitentiary, Thompson and his fellow sufferers did much

good to their companion prisoners by preaching to them and also

helping them to become better men. Work and Burr were re-

leased before their term was completed, and left Thompson be-

hind them in prison. Shortly after, he also was pardoned, after

being in confinement 4 years, 11 months and 12 days. During this

period he was treated with comparative respect; he was never

beaten, though one of his comrades received a flogging for not

conforming to a certain prison regulation which his conscience

forbade him to do on the Sabbath. (34); (₄i).

And now we come to a man whose career reads like some

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.   283

 

romance of fiction; this man is Calvin Fairbank. He came from

Hume, N. Y., and was enrolled in the Oberlin Preparatory De-

partment from 1844 to 1845.11

Mr. Fairbank writes that "coming within the influence of

active anti-slavery men at Oberlin, Ohio, I was led to examine

the subject in the light of law and justice, and soon found the

United States Constitution anti-slavery, and the institution ex-

isting in violation of law." Thus God, through the instrumen-

tality of Oberlin, used this young man for untold good. As early

as 1837, he made his first rescue, carrying a black man on a

raft from the Virginia to the northern side of the Ohio River.

Having once dedicated himself to the work of aiding escaping

slaves, he plunged with all his strength into the struggle. He

says in summing up his achievements, "forty-seven slaves I

guided toward the North Star, in violation of the State codes

of Virginia and Kentucky. I piloted them through the forests,

mostly by night,-girls, fair and (33: 10) white, dressed as

ladies; men and boys, as gentlemen or servants -men in wo-

men's clothes, and women in men's clothes; boys dressed as girls

and girls as boys; on foot or on horseback, in buggies, carriages,

common wagons, in and under loads of hay, straw, old furniture,

boxes, and bags; crossed the Jordan of the Slave, swimming,

or wading chin deep, or in boats or skiffs, on rafts, and often

on a pine log. And I never suffered one to be recaptured. None

of them, so far as I have learned, have ever come to poverty or

to disgrace." This work was carried on principally in the vi-

cinity of the Ohio River, across which stream Fairbank made

it his duty to convey the fugitives. Among the many adven-

tures of his eventful career, with the exception of his long im-

prisonment, he ranks the following incident as the most extraor-

dinary.  One day during May, 1843, while walking in the

court-yard of the prison at Lexington, Kentucky, his attention

was called to an upper window by someone rapping gently on

the glass. Glancing up he saw a girl at the window. Her face

was white. She beckoned to him and he went to her cell. Being

allowed to speak to her, he learned that her father was a white

planter; she, herself, one-sixty-fourth colored; that her father's

legal wife becoming jealous of her beauty and many accom-

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284      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

plishments (for this 18-year-old girl had educated herself, and

Fairbank states that he never saw a more beautiful, genteel

and talented lady), had conspired to sell the girl to the far

South; her father being hard pressed for money, would be

unable to save her; and that unless Mr. Fairbank, whom she

knew by sight, was able to rescue her, her future would be

horrible in the extreme. Promising to do what he could, Calvin

Fairbank left her, and made all haste to Cincinnati, for he had

only a few days in which to prepare before the girl was put

on the auction block. Once in the city he visited a number of

influential abolitionists, among them the Hon. S. P. Chase, and

raised $2,275.00 in cash. With this, and a paper authorizing

him to draw $25,000.00 in case of dire need, he returned to

the scene of action. He was met by the girl's father who gave

him $100.00, saying it was all the money he could raise, but

to use it in saving his daughter, if such a thing were possible.

At last the critical moment arrived. On a platform elevated

above the throng of 2,000 spectators, with the noon-day sun

pouring down its pitiless rays upon her, a white girl, in all

but name, was put up for public sale. At first the bidding was

fast and furious, for the girl was very beautiful; but as the

figures rose higher and higher, one after another dropped out,

until only a half-breed French slave-trader, hired by her father's

wife to get the girl and take her South, and Calvin Fairbank re-

mained. Twice the brutal auctioneer handled the girl roughly

in an endeavor to spur the buyers on, handled her so roughly

that a murmur of disgust and rage swept through that southern

crowd. The Frenchman wavered and with an oath turned to

his rival. "How high are you going, sir?" he said. "Just one

higher than you", Fairbank replied. The trader cursing, walked

away. The girl was sold at a cost of $1,485.00. She was taken

to Cincinnati where as soon as possible freedom papers were

made out and given her. (33: 26-34).

But it was not possible for Fairbank to aid so many fugi-

tives and go unharmed. He was caught, tried and convicted

February 18, 1845, of helping slaves to escape. The sentence

was for 15 years in the Frankfort, Kentucky, penitentiary; his

head was shaven, he was dressed in stripes and put to sawing

• 16
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    285

 

stone. On August 23, 1849, after an imprisonment of 4 years,

10 months and 24 days, he was pardoned. During these years

he preached and worked among the other prisoners, holding

prayer-meetings and Sunday-schools. On the whole he was

treated well. His father came to Kentucky to petition for his

son's release. While there he was taken with the cholera and

died. Calvin Fairbank, on being freed, wished to take the body

of his father North for burial. He went to Cincinnati, pre-

paratory to going to Lexington for the body. The weather was

too hot for its removal, however, and while waiting for the

temperature to moderate, he was appealed to, to rescue a young

mulatto woman. Ever ready to help the oppressed, he brought

the woman across the Ohio River in a leaky skiff, and took her

to a place of safety. He then returned to Jeffersonville, Indiana.

Sunday, November 9, 1851, he was attacked and kidnapped into

Kentucky by A. L. Shotwell, owner of the girl, and Marshals

Ronald and Hamlet, of Kentucky. He was lodged in jail; his

name was not yet known. When brought to trial before a pro-

slavery jury, he was sentenced to 15 years at hard labor for

aiding the colored woman to escape. The entire proceedings

were illegal, added to which was the fact that this court had

no right to try the case as it came under the jurisdiction of

the District Court of the United States for the District of In-

diana. Fairbank was again taken to the penitentiary at Frank-

fort, Kentucky. The jailor was this time harsh in the extreme.

He sent Fairbank to the hackling-house, keeping him there four

weeks. Here the hemp was dressed. The room was filled with

poison dust, so full that on a still day it was impossible to

make out a person from a block of wood even in a window or

door. He saw six men out of twenty-four in one week taken

from this place, only to die inside another week from the effects

of the dust. Another man took charge of the prison. Under

this brute, whose name was Ward, conditions were worse yet.

He increased the amount of work required, making it so great

that it was impossible to accomplish it.  Fairbank, who was

put at weaving, could not do all that was set him; therefore

he was beaten each clay cruelly. He was a very noted prisoner,

so noted that on February 14, 1858, he addressed an assem-

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286      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

bly of the elite of Kentucky.  In the audience were Gov.

Morehead, of Kentucky, State officers, both Houses of the

Legislature, and many other distinguished personages, in-

cluding a number of ladies. Mr. Fairbank spoke on the text,

"Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any

people." In his address, he prophesied the coming of a Civil

War. This statement caused quite a sensation. When the war

did come the penitentiary was now in the hands of the Federal

now in those of the Confederate forces.  Sometimes in the

latter case Rebel soldiers sought to kill him. At one time he

had to defend himself with an axe. Most of his imprisonment

he suffered cruelties such that it is scarcely believable that a

man could endure and live. He says, "During the eight years

from March 1, 1854, to March 1, 1862, I received 35,105 stripes

from a leather strap 15 inches to 18 inches long, one and one-

half inches wide, and one-quarter to three-eighths inches thick.

It was of half tanned leather, and frequently well soaked so

that it might burn the flesh more intensely. These floggings

were not with a rawhide or cow-hide, but with a strap of leather

attached to a handle of convenient size and length to inflict as

much pain as possible with as little real damage as possible

to the working capacity." The number of beatings he received

were 1,003. The number of blows administered at each flog-

ging ranged from 5, 10, 20, 50, 60, to 108. He says that every

10 stripes were as bad as a living death. His ordinary weight

was 180 pounds; he was reduced to 1171/2 pounds. Once he

was struck over the eye with a piece of wood by a brutal over-

seer, knocking him senseless and gashing his forehead above

the eye. For many years after he had a feeling of vertigo

due to this blow. During the last six years of his imprison-

ment the noble girl to whom he was engaged, leaving her New

England home and securing a position as a teacher in Oxford,

Ohio, visited him whenever she was able. She not only en-

couraged Fairbank during those awful days, but she petitioned

the Governor of the State for his release. Finally Lieutenant-

Governor Jacob came into power. He was friendly to Fair-

bank, and at once wrote his pardon. His second imprisonment

had lasted 12 years, 5 months and 6 days. This brought the

• 18
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     287

 

total period of his confinement to 17 years and 4 months.

Shortly after his pardon he was married to the lady, Miss Man-

dana Tileston, who had waited so long for his release.

He died at Angelica, N. Y., October 12, 1898, and went to

meet his wife who had passed on before him.³³

In 1836, Hiram Wilson, a Lane student on graduating,

went to Upper Canada to commence work among the 20,000

freedmen who had fled there for refuge. He found them very

poor, and becoming vile and depraved. He devoted his life to

teaching and Christianizing them. At the end of two years

14 teachers from Oberlin were assisting him, at an actual²⁸

cost of $1,000.00, but with only $600.00 received to carry on

the task. In 1840, thirty-nine Oberlin people were teaching

schools in Ohio; one-half of them being Oberlin women who re-

ceived only their board in pay. As many more were in Canada.

(28: 323).

In 1846, a meeting of the "Friends of Bible Missions," was

held at Albany, N. Y., and the organization of the "American

Missionary Association", took place. This society took the work

of the then existing Western Indian Committee of N. Y., the

Union Missionary Society of Hartford, and the Western Evan-

gelical Society of Oberlin. Lewis Tappan was appointed Treas-

urer, and the next year Prof. George Whipple, of Oberlin Col-

lege, became Corresponding Secretary of the new society.

From the earliest moment that Oberlin became abolition-

ized, her students commenced to spread the belief far and near.

During the winter vacation following the addresses in Oberlin

by Mr. T. D. Weld (already referred to), twenty or more stu-

dents went out as lecturers through Ohio and Pennsylvania,

under the auspices of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Their

receptions were varied. At some places they found friends; at

others mobs.23

Oberlin students, also, went to the South as teachers, partly

through curiosity, partly through the chance of better salaries,

for the scarcity of teachers in the South made a demand for

their services. But those traveling in the South ran great danger

of personal violence if it were once learned that they were

from the hated Oberlin.³¹

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288      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

In speaking of the wide scope of Oberlin's influence, Gen.

J. D. Cox, an Oberlin alumnus, in his address at the Oberlin

Semi-centennial upon, "The Influence of Oberlin College on

Public Affairs during the Half Century of its Life," said, "I

unhesitatingly assert that there is hardly a township west of

the Alleghanies and north of the central line of Ohio, in which

the influence of Oberlin men and Oberlin opinions cannot be

specifically identified and traced. It was a propaganda of a

school of thought and action having distinct characteristics, and

as easily recognizable in its work as was that of Garrison and

the American Anti-Slavery Society in their methods and work."

He also says: "Their uncompromising devotion to reforms of

all sorts, so far as they thought them true reforms, was really

based on this principle- fighting with might and main against

all wrong. Slavery only happened to be the demon wrong at

that moment in the way." 31

The early inhabitants of Oberlin were Whigs. Then Ober-

lin on becoming anti-slavery, took a rather active part in politics.

Dr. N. S. Townsend, a trustee of the College, was in the Ohio

State Legislature. He with two other men held the balance

of power between the two parties. They sent Salmon P. Chase

to the United States Senate. At the Presidential election in 1840,

a Liberty candidate for President was voted for by the majority

of the Oberlin people. A portion still hoped for anti-slavery

from the Whig party. In 1844, almost the entire Oberlin vote

was cast for the liberty party candidate, James G. Birney. In

1848, a large majority voted for Van Buren, the Free Soil can-

didate. After this the Oberlin vote was with the Republican

party. (23: 109-111).

 

OBERLIN'S RELATION TO SLAVERY, 1850-1861.

Oberlin not only took part in politics by voting, but the

Oberlin Evangelist for January 30, 1856, tells us that a petition

was circulated in Oberlin regarding slavery. It was then sent

to the Senate and House of Representatives at Washington.

This paper urged the enactment of laws as necessary for se-

curing the privileges of Habeas Corpus to any person in the

• 20
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    289

 

United States who was restrained from his liberty under pre-

tense of his being property.

In 1850, by act of the State Legislature, the name of the

College⁸ was changed from "Oberlin Collegiate Institute", to

"Oberlin College".

In 1842, the hatred for Oberlin grew so strong that the

State Legislature once more thought of repealing Oberlin's

charter. Judge Harris, Representative from Lorain county, was

not only a fair-minded and honorable man, but he had also mar-

ried an Oberlin lady. He sent to Oberlin for 20 or so catalogues

to distribute among his fellow⁴k Democrats that they might see

what kind of a place it was that was threatened with the loss

of its charter. They changed their viewpoint and the scheme

was quietly dropped. Thus Oberlin escaped. A Democratic

Legislature four times in all agitated the question of repealing

the charter. The last attempt was in 1843, when the bill was

indefinitely postponed by a vote of 36 to 29. (23: 368-370).

The enactment of the Fugitive Slave Law of 18- ushered

in a new era of slave-hunting on the part of the South in the

North. This period extended through the Fifties. "The Fu-

gitive Slave Enactment became the means of pushing the two

laws, moral and statutory, to their sharpest point of contradic-

tion." The conscience of the time was aroused to strong oppo-

sition to this law. The chief scene of the clash between these

warring parties was in Ohio, due in a measure to its geographical

position. The chief spot in the state where the slave-hunter

and the men who believed in doing as their conscience directed,

came in collision was in Oberlin. Here was located what was

known as the Higher Law, a belief that it was one's duty to

follow what one's conscience dictated, irrespective of the law of

the land. (36: 244-261).

The Editor of the Canadian Independent says the Oberlin

Evangelist for January 30, 1856, declared that "Oberlin is per-

haps the most important station along the whole line of the

Underground Railway. It has rendered the most important ser-

vices to Freedom. It is second only to Canada as an asylum for

the hunted fugitive."

Vol. XX- 19

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290      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

The fugitives who reached Oberlin were conveyed to some

lake port between Cleveland and Sandusky. There the captains

of certain sailing vessels would let the negroes steal aboard, and

when the slave once more stepped on land, he was in Canada.

There were at all these ports people who sent word to Oberlin

when a friendly boat came in.

But in all the good work that Oberlin did, she never re-

sisted the capture of her colored friends with force; no violence

ever occurred. And she can say that no fugitive on once reach-

ing her protection was ever carried back into bondage. A cer-

tain law greatly helped the Oberlin people in preventing the re-

capture of a fugitive. This law was that only one warrant at

a time, to search one house at a time, could be issued in Elyria.

So that by the time an officer was able to investigate the house

in which the negro was hidden, the slave had been conveyed

to some other part of the town, or was on his way towards

Canada.

On all sides of Oberlin were towns and country-people in

opposition to her belief in the Higher Law. On Middle Ridge

Road, 6 miles north of Oberlin, a guide post was erected by the

authorities there. This post had on it the life size figure of a

fugitive negro running with all his strength towards Oberlin.

The sign on a tavern, 4 miles east of town, was decorated

on the side facing Oberlin with the scene of a slave pursued

by a tiger.

As early as 1841 a negro and his wife were caught by the

slave-hunters in a house in the forest one mile east of Oberlin.

It was a Friday evening in the Spring. A public meeting was

taking place at the College Chapel, when word of the seizure

was brought. The meeting broke up at once; the people in a

body pursued the slave-catchers, and though the Oberlin men

were unarmed they, on overtaking the Southerners, induced them

to go to Elyria. Their papers were found to be irregular; the

negroes were placed in jail until the hunters could go and return

from Kentucky with evidence. A warrant was served on the

slave-hunters for assault and battery with deadly weapons, and

threats towards the members of the house in which the slaves

were found. The Kentuckians were bound over to appear in

• 22
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     291

 

court. Before the trial took place one of them had died; the

other returned to the trial to find the slaves had broken jail and

escaped; that this escape was due to the fact that another prisoner

in the jail, a basket-maker, had broken out, and that the negroes

had followed him. The Kentuckian was released without trial.

(23: 118).  (28:38).

Sometimes the ruse was accomplished of sending off a load

of make-believe fugitives with a great show of carefulness; while

the real negroes would be quietly taken in another direction.

Sheffield, an Oberlin student, rode on horseback in daylight

to Huron with a negro man attired as a woman, with face chalked

white and veiled.

Another rescue was effected when the fugitive was in the

sorest need; a capture seemed inevitable. The slave-hunters were

watching the house in which the negro was concealed, and to

leave was impossible. Mr. Pease, the Oberlin artist, was sent

for. He brought with him his paint and brushes. For an hour

he worked on the visible portions of the man. When he ceased,

there was no more before him a negro slave escaping from bond-

age, but a white man to all appearances the same as other white

men. In this disguise the negro left the house, entered a car-

riage, and was driven safely away, all being accomplished in

plain sight of the slave-hunters.24

A rescue was carried to a successful conclusion by trans-

ferring the fugitives from the old-boarding hall where they were

concealed to a load of hay in which they were covered. Then

the next morning the load was hauled to the lake, and the slaves

embarked for Canada.²⁴

One Sabbath a beautiful octoroon sat in church beside an

Oberlin lady, Mrs. Holtslander. The girl was tall and slender

with black hair slightly waving over a broad white forehead,

large pensive eyes, a small mouth, and Caucasian features. Her

story was as follows:

"That her mother was a house servant of her father and

master, and that she had had the same educational advantages

as were given to her white half-sisters. They had lived together

in perfect harmony. There was an abundance for all. Her

mother had been housekeeper for 20 years. Several other chil-

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292      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

dren were born to her, and were equally well treated, but this

one's love for music and ability to learn had been even a value

above the others. One evening she overheard a discussion in

which it was said that 'Minerva,' calling her by name, would

bring a very high price in the New Orleans market. She was

now at an age to be appreciated, and no man but a man of

wealth could afford to buy her. She would not be knocked

down for less than $2,000.00, and that would release the mort-

gage on the farm. 'It must not be,' cried the mistress. 'She is

too good a girl. I would rather take one-half and know where

she is, and if she is well treated. Remember she is attached to

us and it might cause her death. Do not think of it for the

present, I beg of you.' To this the master and father of the

girl replied, 'Think of it! I can think of nothing else. What

are we to do? We shall be sold out at Sheriff's sale if nothing

is done. What have I had these people here for but to fit them

for the slave market, do you suppose? That is what makes

our expenses so great, and we can keep it up no longer. Do

you think I am a fool?"

Minerva did not stop to listen longer. She knew her fate

was sealed. She was to be sold. A journey to see the world

and finish her education, was to put her on the auction block to

be the mistress of some brute. "No, never," she soliloquized,

"I will go to-night. I will tell no one, not my mother or sisters

or brothers. Where shall I go? To the North. Follow the

North Star. Which is it I wonder?" and she peered into the

heavens and said, "even that I must not ask or they will suspect

me. My clothes, where are they? Oh I am so dazed, but I

will go. I will need rubbers, and my woolen underskirt and my

black dress and my mother's black shawl. I will try to find a

little money, for that is a good friend."

Hastily she put a few things in a black silk reticule, and

with a thick veil, ran down towards the boat landing, just as a

boat anchored at the wharf. She hid away in a state-room

until the boat whistled to leave, and after she heard the engine

rotate regularly, she ventured out and asked for a berth and a

passage to Cincinnati. She was closely veiled, and it was towards

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.   293

 

midnight. She was given her ticket by the captain and no ques-

tions asked.

When she awoke the sun was shining in her room, and

the boat was passing farms and villages. She was very hungry,

and had but a piece of corn cake in her pocket, which she ate

and felt better. She watched the passengers as they passed her

state-room. Now and then an old gentleman with gray hair and

benevolent countenance stood on deck alone. "Would he be a

good one to ask for the North Star, or for some place to go

in Cincinnati?" thought Minerva. "I have no one else to ask,

so God go with me and shape his thoughts toward me." About

noon she ventured to approach him, and said, "Do you know

anyone in Cincinnati ?" He replied, "I should hope so for I have

lived there for forty years."

"Could you tell me where to go on the Underground Rail-

way? I want to get to Canada. I wish I knew which was the

North Star."

"Ah yes," he replied, "I will write the name on a paper

and my own. You can give it to the cab-driver and he will take

you without any questions. You have asked the right person

this time, but you had better rely on names given you, for all

along the line are enemies and only a few friends. Out of this

boat load I do not know of another. For there is money in

betrayal, and few can resist money. I have helped many a one.

Do not speak to me again. Go right out to the busses and give

your destination and they will take you, for they too work for

money."

"I have money," said Minerva, "I brought a little with me."

"Pay the hackman two dollars; it is a good ways out of

town. He will ask that and you pay it, and you will need no

more."

She returned to her room and counted her money. She had

more than enough. "I am hungry," she said to herself. Just then

some one tossed into her window a paper of crackers. It was

enough, life so intense did not need more. It was the hour of

nine, in the evening, when the boat anchored at Cincinnati. She

watched for a hack-driver whom she thought kind and careless,

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294      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

and he came, read her paper and said "All right," put her in, shut

the door, and was off before the others had come from the boat.

When she alighted, two grave Quakers came to the door and said,

"This is the right place; the driver is paid; no trunk of course.

Come right in," and she did; and in the stately home she felt

safe from blood-hounds, whether in human or brute form.

They heard her story, and said, "The papers are full of it.

That boat was too well loaded to come fast, and the water is low,

and thus you have escaped detection. We have a room in here,

cheerful and bright." They took down a painting, pushed the

wall paper, and it swung back as a door. Within was a fire-

place, a cupboard to be filled with food, a closet, and sky-lights.

It was evidently kept for just such occasions. After a light

supper, she slept as sound as a young woman could who had

been running for life, and reached a place of comparative safety.

For three weeks she made this place her home. To and fro the

detectives had gone, but there was no one to reveal it but the

aged couple, and they said nothing, not even to their friends.

With two more stops of a day each, Minerva had reached Ober-

lin. At midnight the carriage had brought her from Wellington,

the nearest railway station in 1859. After a week in Oberlin

she had ventured to Church. She came for several Sundays,

and then disappeared."⁹ She had doubtless gone to Canada.

This story has been told in full, to show more distinctly the

kind of work which Oberlin did; the kind of folks whom she

often helped to life and freedom.

Numerous other stories could be told of escaping slaves

who, but for the help received at Oberlin, would have been

retaken and severely punished, in addition to being once more

enslaved. But enough has already been related to give the reader

a conception of the practical good that Oberlin did in those days

before the War.

Oberlin had a goodly number of resident colored folk. They

lived mostly on one street, and had their own social set. They

were allowed privileges, and were not treated with disdain. A

few rose to distinction.9

In 1854, Mr. Chambers, a wealthy planter of Salisbury,

North Carolina, freed his slaves. Seventeen he sent to Oberlin

• 26
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    295

 

to settle. He gave each family money to start themselves on;

to at least onehe gave $500.00 in gold.

Mr. Patton, of Kentucky, liberated his slaves after his wife's

death; the negroes having come to him through his marriage.

This act of kindness so angered his neighbors that he was thrown

into prison for inciting a negro insurrection. The slaves he had

sent to Oberlin. Once in his prison cell, he looked around him

for some means of escape. He saw a bucket hanging from a

hook on the wall. Seizing this hook he finally managed to wrench

it free. When night came and the prison had been locked, he

made his escape by opening the locks on the doors by means of

his hook. He scaled the outer wall of the jail, and fled for the

ferry. He was conveyed into Indiana where for a time he lay

in hiding. Then he made his way to Oberlin. When it was

safe he returned to Kentucky, but came back to Oberlin every

few months to see how his former slaves were getting on.9

One little slave boy of Kentucky thanks his Creator that there

is such a place as Oberlin. The Sabbath School children took

part in raising money to buy Henry's freedom. He cost $210.00.

All funds received over that amount were to be used for his

education.4m

Some of the escaping blacks liked Oberlin so well that they

made it their home, in spite of the danger of detection and cap-

ture. So in one way and another the number of these colored

folks increased; they became part of our town.

The enrollment of negroes in the college was not large.

From 1840-1860, there were only 4% or 5% of this race in the

Institution. Soon after the War the percent rose to 7% or 8%.

The courses of study were never altered to suit these people.

No white person was obliged to sit beside a negro in the class-

room, or elsewhere. It is not known definitely how many colored

students have attended Oberlin, as no separate list, or any dis-

tinction regarding color, has ever been made. The only reliance

that can be placed on the past is by taking the word of instruc-

tors and others, who tell us what they can remember. (23:

111-112).

That these negroes who studied here were not educated

in vain is shown from the work which they did on leaving Ober-

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290      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

lin. A circular soliciting funds for the college, issued in 1860,

states: "Instruction is invariably given equally to black and

white persons. A large number of the 500 colored students

already instructed there, are now engaged as teachers of their

own race in the Western States and Canada." The education

imparted (at Oberlin), is of a high order, students in Classics,

Mathematics, etc., obtain degrees irrespective of color."  It

goes on to say that, "The College is not intended to be a school

for the education of the colored race exclusively; its great object

in educating the colored and white races together, is to break

down that cruel spirit of caste which unhappily prevails so exten-

sively throughout the Northern States of America."

One colored student rose to National prominence. This

was John M. Langston. He was born a slave in Virginia in

1820; at the age of six years he gained his freedom. He studied

at Oberlin during the first days of its colored members. After

a noted career, in which he was United States Minister and

consul-general at Haiti, during 1877-1885, he was elected to

the 51st. United States Congress. He is now dead. (28:421).

Due to the friendly way in which the white students treated

their negro classmates, reports became prevalent among those

of the pro-slavery sentiment in Ohio, and elsewhere, that amal-

gamation between the two races was practiced at Oberlin. An

example of the strength of these accusations is seen in the fol-

lowing instance: Mr. Shipherd had a black servant girl who

was in poor health. At the advice of a physician, Mr. Shipherd

had Henry Fairchild, a brother of President Fairchild, take the

girl for a carriage ride. On this the county-paper published an

extra giving a vivid account of their version of the affair. In

the next Cleveland paper's issue was an article headed, 'Marriage

Extraordinary," with a story of the same character as the head-

ing. This was copied in 40 other newspapers all over the United

States. (25); (28).

A dismissed student wrote a book entitled, "Oberlin Un-

masked." It contained a choice collection of venomous lies; lies

of the filthiest order. It was believed by many, and aided in

setting up a hatred of Oberlin on other grounds than those of

anti-slavery. But Oberlin went calmly on her way, and in time

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    297

 

these false accusations were shown to be without support, and

the good name of Oberlin flourished.

The only time blows were struck in the peaceful town of

Oberlin in regard to slavery was when a negro struck Deputy

United States Marshal Daton. Slave-catchers while stopping in

Oberlin took up their lodgings at Wack's Hotel. This building

was situated on the corner of South Main and Mechanic Streets.

Wack, himself, was a strong Democrat and pro-slavery man.

While these hunters were there, the anti-slavery people of the

town kept a sharp watch on their movements. On even a hint

that the Southerners were here, the streets would be patroled

at night; sometimes from 15 to 25 men would be on guard.

They kept a watch on Marshal Daton for he was a Democrat

and friend of the South. Any visitor of his received attention.

A mulatto, named Smith, so near white that one would not have

known of his colored blood unless told of the fact, had escaped

from bondage and taken up his abode in Oberlin. He obtained

information that Marshal Daton was endeavoring to secure his

recapture. One day while walking along the street near where

now stands the Electric Car Waiting Room, Smith turned and

spoke to Daton who happened to be behind him. An exchange

of words ensued. Smith was carrying a heavy stick. Suddenly

he struck the Marshal with this club. He continued to shower

blows upon him till Daton turned and ran into the hotel where

the present Park House is located. Smith was arrested. At

the trial he produced letters from the South showing that Daton

was in correspondence with slave-traders regarding the recapture

of Smith. The Justice of the Peace let Smith go free, for said

he, the mulatto had a right to protect himself. Smith continued

to live in Oberlin for a time after the fight-the only fight that

ever occurred in Oberlin over the slavery question.¹²

When Congress declared the Missouri Compromise void,

Oberlin organized an emigrant-aid society, and sent forward

several companies of emigrants from Oberlin and the surround-

ing country to pre-empt Kansas as a Free State. These people

went prepared for troublesome times, and they did their part

in making the State of Kansas a Free State for the Union.

Several Oberlin ministers were in the rough scenes of the border

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warfare. (23:157). They were sometimes hunted over the

prairie like wild beasts.

The Oberlin Evangelist, June 4, 1856, states how a great

mass meeting was held in the Chapel on the news reaching here

that Lawrence, Kansas, was in ruins. "A hasty call on three

hours' notice was sent out for a public meeting; the Chapel was

crowded to its utmost capacity; a series of resolutions were

adopted, expressive of the sense of the meeting in regard to the

recent outrages,"-the assault upon Senator Sumner on the floor

of the United States Senate; and the destruction of Lawrence,

Kansas. The meeting was addressed by Rev. J. C. White, of

Cleveland, Prof. J. Monroe, H. E. Peck, and T. B. Hudson.

The father of John Brown, of Harper's Ferry, was a trustee

of Oberlin College. John Brown's younger brothers and a sister

were students at Oberlin. John Brown, himself, surveyed lands

belonging to the College in West Virginia. He was more or

less associated with the Oberlin men in Kansas; but his raid at

Harper's Ferry came as a total surprise to the majority of the

folks of Oberlin. (23: 57).

Shields Green, a colored man, once a student and citizen

of Oberlin, was secured by Brown to aid in his undertak-

ing. With Brown were two other Oberlin colored men, Leary

and John Copeland. Leary was killed in the fight; John Cope-

land died on the gallows a few days after his leader. Green

could have escaped but remained faithful to the man who had

led him to the scene of death. It happened this way: When

Brown surrendered, Green and one companion were in the

mountains on some errand. On returning to the Ferry, they

found that to effect a rescue would be impossible. Green's com-

panion advised flight, and did himself escape; but Green replied

that he preferred to "go down and die with the old man," and

he died. He was executed at Charlestown, Virginia, December

2, 1859, the same day that John Copeland offered up his life in

payment for his endeavor to help the people of his race to be

freed from the bondage in which they suffered.²⁴

Prof. Monroe made a journey to secure the remains of

Copeland but was unsuccessful in his mission.²⁸

In pro-slavery circles, Oberlin was suspected of complicity

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.      299

 

in the Harper's Ferry Raid. The "Pennsylvanian," of Phila-

delphia, Penn., gives a good example of the Democratic opinion

of Oberlin. It said: "Oberlin is located in the very heart of

what may be called 'John Brown's tract,' where people are born

abolitionists, and where abolitionism is taught as the 'chief end

of man,' and often put in practice. *   * *Oberlin is the nurs-

ery of just such men as John Brown and his followers. With

arithmetic is taught the computation of the number of slaves and

their value per head; with geography, territorial lines, and those

locations of slave territory supposed to be favorable to emanci-

pation; with history, the chronicles of the peculiar institution;

and with ethics, and philosophy, the 'higher law,' and resistance

to Federal enactments. Here is where the younger Browns

obtain their conscientiousness in ultraisms, taught from their

cradle up, so that while they rob slave-holders of their property,

or commit murder for the cause of freedom, they imagine that

they are doing God service." (23: 157-8).

The sentiment of Oberlin upon the raid of John Brown was

set forth in the Oberlin Evangelist. It read: "We object to

such intervention, not because the slave power has any rights

which mankind, white or black, are bound to respect, and not

therefore because it is properly a moral wrong to deliver the

oppressed from the grasp of the oppressor; but entirely for other

reasons. We long to see slavery abolished by peaceful means,

and as a demand of conscience, under the law of righteousness,

which is the law of God. Such a result would be at once glorious

to Christianity, and blessed to both slave-holders and slaves. It

is especially because an armed intervention frustrates this form

of pacific, reformatory agency, that we disapprove and deplore

it. Perhaps the day of hope in moral influence for the abolition

of slavery is past already; we cannot tell. If so, it is a satisfac-

tion to us to be conscious of not having unwisely precipitated

its setting sun. If a mad infatuation has fallen upon Southern

mind, and they will not hear the demands of justice, nor the

admonitions of kindness, let the responsibility rest where it be-

longs. We would not have it so. 'We have not desired the

woeful day, 0 Lord, thou knowest.' " (23:158-159).

In the Oberlin cemetery, near the southeast corner, stands

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300       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

a monument of clouded marble, about 8 feet in height. On it

is the inscription:

S. GREEN,

Died at Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859.

AGED 23 YEARS.

J. A. COPELAND,

Died at Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859.

AGED 25 YEARS.

L. S. LEARY,

Died at Harper's Ferry, Va., Oct. 20, 1859.

AGED 24 YEARS.

These Colored Citizens of Oberlin,

The heroic associates of the immortal

JOHN BROWN,

Gave Their Lives for the Slave.

Et Nunc servitudo etiam mortua est, laus Deo. (28:439); (24).

 

 

OBERLIN-WELLINGTON RESCUE CASE.

From 1835 to 1860, Oberlin was an important station of the

Underground Railroad; but in all this time only two overt at-

tempts were made at Oberlin to recover fugitives. The first of

these occurred in 1841; the outcome of which was that the

slaves, a man and his wife, escaped from the Elyria jail through

an opening made by another prisoner, and the slave-hunters, one

of whom died, gave up the pursuit. (This incident has already

been told in detail in this article).

The second endeavor to retake a fugitive at Oberlin led

to the following celebrated trial; a trial National in its importance.

A very ordinary event was the beginning of the whole affair;

-John Price, a slave, escaped from Kentucky. He came to

Oberlin where he lived six months or more without attracting

any special notice.

Some time in January, 1856, a slave called John, a boy of

about 18 years of age, escaped from the plantation of John G.

Bacon. Bacon lived in the northern part of Mason County,

Kentucky.

Late in August, 1858, Mr. Anderson Jennings, a neighbor

of John's master, while pursuing some runaway slaves belonging

• 32
 

Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict       301

 

to his uncle's estate, stopped a few days in Oberlin. While here

he learned of John Price. The astute Mr. Jennings at once saw

that here was a good chance to secure an able-bodied slave at

practically no expense. He forgot, evidently, that he was in

Oberlin. From Richard P. Mitchell, a former employee of Mr.

Bacon's, Jennings received a document purporting to be a duly

drawn and certified power of attorney for capturing John. Jen-

nings also went to Columbus, Ohio, and obtained a warrant for

John from a man named Sterne Chittenden who certified him-

self to be a United States Commissioner. Jacob K. Lowe, a

deputy for the United States Marshal of the Southern District

of Ohio, was intrusted with the execution of the warrant. Lowe

secured the assistance of Samuel Davis, an acting deputy-sheriff

of Franklin county, and these three men with R. P. Mitchell,

set out for Oberlin where they arrived Friday evening.

They took up their lodgings at an obscure inn where they

would attract little attention; and the frequenters of this inn

would favor their mission. They at once set about the work

of capture. About 4 miles from town they found a man who

would help them. This man had a son, a lad of about 13 years,

who was to be the principal actor in the snaring of John. The

scheme was arranged on Sunday. Monday morning the boy came

into Oberlin with a horse and buggy. He found John and offered

him large wages to go with him into the country to dig potatoes.

It was now September the 13th, 1858. John accepted and rode

off with the boy. They had proceeded but a mile or two out

of town and were driving along at a leisurely gait, when a car-

riage driven at a fast pace overtook them. In the carriage were

three men. They stopped the buggy, pulled John out and with

threats and a great pointing of weapons, compelled him to enter

their carriage, which was then driven rapidly off along the

diagonal road two miles east of Oberlin which leads to Welling-

ton nine miles south. The three men were the gallant Kentuc-

kian, Mitchell, and his two official assistants. The boy was

paid $20.00 for his share in the cowardly proceedings. So far

their plan had worked out to a nicety; but from now on they

were doomed to failure. Two men coming from Pittsfield met

the carriage with its helpless victim. They reported the fact

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302      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

in Oberlin. Some of the colored people had already been sus-

picious of the three strangers, and now the news spread like

wild-fire; and without concerted action whites and blacks alike,

started on a mad race toward Wellington. Every manner of

conveyance was pressed into service. Probably 200 or 300 people

went to Wellington that afternoon. Wellington also furnished

its share of the crowd, so with those who fell in with the Oberlin

folks along the way, the throng that surrounded the hotel of

a Mr. Wadsworth, where the kidnappers held their prey, was

of such numbers that it might well strike the slave-hunters with

fear. They took John to a room in the garret to await the

coming of the first train south. Though no gun was fired, quite

a number appeared. The Kentuckian later claimed at least 500

guns were in evidence; other people to whom the weapons would

have brought no harm estimated the number as about fifty. It

is not certain that any of the weapons were loaded. The crowd

had no leader and did not act in unison; but thronged the hotel

rooms, as well as completely surrounding it outside. Some of

them wished to let the man-hunters proceed with their captive;

but the great majority insisted on a rescue. Different persons,

among them a magistrate and a lawyer of Wellington, were

shown the warrant in the hands of the marshal for the arrest

of John. Patton, an Oberlin student, read the warrant of Lowe's

to the crowd. Not one word of the power of attorney was heard

of at Wellington. The throng still surrounded the hotel. The

train for the south came. It puffed away again, and still the

southerners with their prisoner were in the Wellington hotel,

around which the crowd surged and murmured. The sun was

about to set as a little group of men who had gathered around

John in the garret of the hotel, started down the stairs. In their

midst was John. Once outside the crowd passed him on to a

buggy standing near, he was lifted in, the buggy started rapidly

off towards Oberlin.

President Fairchild had been out driving with his family

that afternoon. He never had seen or heard of John, but he

too was now to be implicated in the affair. James Monroe and

James M. Fitch went to Mr. Fairchild and asked him to take

the poor fellow in. He did so. For three days and nights John

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.   303

 

was hidden in a back room; but no suspicion fell upon the house

and no United States Marshal ever made a call of inquiry. John

Price was then sent on to Canada.

The Fugitive Slave law was supposed to be vital to the

maintenance of the Union. This law had been violated; and

since the Union must be upheld, the government at once set

about to punish the offenders. A trial in the United States

Court at Cleveland was determined on. Judge Willson brought

the case before the grand jury with an elaborate charge. In

conclusion, he said: "The Fugitive Slave law may, and unques-

tionably does, contain provisions repugnant to the moral sense

of many good and conscientious people; nevertheless, it is the law

of the United States, and as such should be recognized and exe-

cuted by our courts and juries, until abrogated or otherwise

changed by the legislative department of the government." The

grand jury, influenced by this charge, made out 37 indictments

against 24 citizens of Oberlin and 13 of Wellington. In both

towns some of the leading men were included in these indict-

ments. Among the Oberlin names were those of Prof Peck, of

the College; J. M. Fitch, superintendent of the large Sunday-

School; Ralph Plumb, a lawyer; and others of good standing.

No time was wasted. That same day, Marshal Johnson

appeared in Oberlin to make the arrests. He went first to Prof.

Peck and asked him to introduce him to the other men whose

names were on his list. This was done, and the Marshal received

the promise of each one to appear in court at Cleveland the next

day. In Wellington, without the aid of Prof. Peck, the Marshal

found but few of those he sought. These few he requested to

appear in court the next day, and himself left for Cleveland

empty handed.

At 10:40 A. M., December 7th., fifteen of the Oberlin men

left the station amid the cheers of a large throng of ladies and

gentlemen who had assembled to see them off. "A considerable

number of the most prominent men of the village, including

Mayor Beecher, volunteered to accompany the prisoners and see

them comfortably quartered or safely returned. Marshal John-

son was in waiting when they left the cars, and pointing the

prisoners to omnibuses bound for the Bennet House, directed

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304       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

them to take good care of themselves and be ready for a call

at 2 o'clock. After dinner, the Hon. R. P. Spalding, the Hon.

A. G. Riddle, and S. O. Griswold, Esq., who had volunteered

their services for the defense, free of charge, were called in for

consultation. Soon after 2 o'clock, the parties proceeded to the

courtroom." 3

The trial was begun. Judge Spalding, acting for the defense

entered a plea of not guilty, in behalf of all. He gave notice

that the accused were ready, and requested trial immediately

The District-Attorney, Belden, (he was assisted in the prosecu-

tion by Judge Bliss), begged that the trial be postponed till he

could send to Kentucky for witnesses. He would need at least

two weeks. "Judge Spalding thought that citizens of Ohio might

think two weeks some time to lie in jail for the convenience of

citizens of Kentucky." 3 The defendants declined to give bail

and were finally allowed to leave upon their own recognizance

of $1,000.00 each. The case was adjourned, first to March 8th,

and again to April 5th.

The "Felons' Feast" was the next event of public interest

The Cleveland Morning Leader said of the affair: "A strange

and significant scene for this enlightened and Christian age, and

in our boasted Free Republic, transpired at the peaceful and

God-serving village of Oberlin on the afternoon of Tuesday, the

11th of January, 1859. It was literally the 'Feast of Felons,

for the 37 good citizens of Lorain county, indicted by the Grand

Jury of the United States District Court of Northern Ohio under

the Fugitive Slave Act, for the crime of a conscientious and faith

ful observance of the Higher Law of the Golden Rule, sat down

with their wives and a number of invited guests to a sumptuous

repast at the Palmer House (in Oberlin). It was in the best

sense a good social dinner, followed by a real 'feast of reason

and flow of soul.' The entertainment was given by the indicted

citizens of Oberlin to their brethren in bonds, as will be seen

by the following card of invitation: At a meeting of the citizens

of Oberlin who had been indicted by the Grand Jury of the

United States District Court at Cleveland, charged with rescuing

the negro boy John Price, held on the evening of January 4, 1859,

it was Resolved, That it is expedient for the whole number of the

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    305

 

citizens of Lorain county who have been thus indicted, to meet for

the purpose of consultation, and agreement as to the course to

be pursued in the present emergency and for mutual comfort, and

for this purpose to meet at the Palmer House on Tuesday, Janu-

ary 11, at 2 o'clock P. M., for dinner, and such other good things

as may follow, and that we invite the citizens of Wellington

implicated with us, to participate on the said occasion as our

guests.³

"JAMES M. FITCH, Chairman.

"JACOB R. SHIPHERD, Secretary."

 

On the 5th of April, the trial commenced, and continued

with slight interruptions up to the middle of May, when the

cases were put over to the July term.

At 10 o'clock in the forenoon the case of Simeon Bushnell

was called.

Before the organization of the jury, the District Attorney

told the court that he should need a writ of habeas corpus and

testification in behalf of Jacob K. Lowe, a witness for the gov-

ernment. For Lowe had been arrested at Grafton the evening

previous on his way from Columbus to Cleveland, by Richard

Whitney, a deputy-sheriff of Lorain county, under a warrant

issued by the Lorain County Court of Common Pleas on an

indictment for kidnapping which was found by the Grand Jury

of Lorain county at its last session. Lowe was at this time

confined in the Lorain county jail at Elyria. While the court

was considering this matter, Lowe walked in, having been dis-

charged on the bond of Mayor Sampsel, of Elyria. This bond

was for $1,000.00, and Lowe was to appear for trial on the

17th of May following.

"The political aspect of the trial was very obvious in the

fact that, with the exception of three members of the petit jury,

every person connected with the court and prosecution, from the

judge on the bench down to the claimants of the fugitive, was

a member of the predominant party in the government. Within

the court room the Fugitive Slave Law had full sway. Without

Vol. XX-20

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306      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

in the city and the State, the sympathies of the people were with

the men in jail." 20 The prisoners were tried separately.

Some striking evidence in favor of the defense brought out

by the lawyers for the prisoners was the following: Mr. Riddle,

one of the Oberlin lawyers, said: "And will you mark it well,

gentlemen, that this man Jennings, being only an agent and not

the actual owner, although clothed by his power-of-attorney with

full authority to arrest the boy with his own hands, or by posses,

in his immediate presence, had no power to confer upon another,

either by parole, or writing, the authority vested in himself to

seize and arrest this boy John." "I know, gentlemen, that this

man Mitchell, sent to Ohio for the express purpose of acting

as a witness, says that the power of attorney was actually shown

to John. A most gracious favor that, indeed, especially since in

the next breath he tells us that he thinks John didn't read it,

because he couldn't and hadn't time if he could; and Mr. Jen-

nings swears positively that, at the time Mitchell avers he showed

it to John (when the arrest was made), it was in his own (Jen-

nings), breast pocket, in the Russia House (a hotel run by a

Mr. Wack), at least two miles from the affecting interview be-

tween John and his old friend Mitchell. But who seizes John?

It matters nothing in law, to be sure, since it is not Jennings,

the only man who could seize him, or direct it to be done for

him." "Can there be a particle of a reasonable doubt concerning

the real capacity in which Lowe acted? He came as a marshal

armed with a warrant to be served by a marshal, went out with

his assistant and did serve it, and arrested John and held him

as a marshal; which he cannot and dare not deny."

"The owner comes up here and swears that when he (John),

left Kentucky at the age of 18, he was 5 feet, 8 or 10 inches

high, and would weigh 165 or 170 pounds, and was copper colored.

At Oberlin they arrest a John who is positively sworn by a

number of unimpeachable witnesses, who have the best means

of knowing, to have been not over 5 feet, 5 or 6 inches tall,

weighing 135 to 140 pounds, and so black that he shone. Even

Jennings swears the John they captured was black. If they

say the Kentucky boy and the Oberlin boy were both Johns, they

don't come any nearer; for the Kentucky boy was simply John,

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    307

 

while the Oberlin boy was John Price. In no solitary point do

the descriptions agree. Slaves never have more than one name.

They are all Boys till they get to be Uncles. Do we then, gentle-

men of the jury, claim too much in claiming that the boy cap-

tured at Oberlin by no means answers to the description of the

boy who ran away from John G. Bacon in 1856? Certainly, if

evidence is worth anything, it has most clearly established a

glaring discrepancy here."

In spite of all this evidence and a great deal more to the

contrary, Bushnell, the prisoner who first came up for trial, was

found guilty, convicted and sentenced. He received in sentence

60 days' imprisonment, a fine of $600.00, and costs of prosecu-

tion. This latter fine (cost of prosecution), was understood to

be about $2,000.00 more. Charles Langston was the next case

called. The same jury was kept to try all the cases. The lawyers

for the defense made a great outcry at this outrageous ruling, but

the Court would not change. The defense then said that they

would not call any more witnesses for the defense, and that they

would not appear by attorney before such a jury, that the District

Attorney could call up the accused as fast as he pleased. The

Court then ordered the marshal to take the prisoners into custody.

The Oberlin men agreed to give no bail, enter no recognizance,

and make no promises to return to the court. They were there-

fore taken to the Cleveland jail where they were confined. They

were well cared for, provided with apartments in that part of

the jail kept as a private dwelling, were well fed, and treated

kindly.  Indeed, Sheriff Wightman treated them  with every

courtesy. Great numbers of people visited the prisoners. On

Sunday afternoon April 17th, Prof. Peck spoke to the other

prisoners and a throng of visitors who packed the jail yard and

every point of vantage. Prof. Peck read his text from Matthew

9:9, then preached an able sermon.

The next conviction that was made before the cases were

put over till the July term, was that of Charles H. Langston, a

colored man. When asked if he had anything to say for himself,

he made an eloquent speech, so thrilling to all those who heard

that the courtroom thundered with the applause, and the sentence

was made a light one. He concluded his speech with the fol-

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308      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

lowing fiery declaration: "And now I thank you for this leniency,

this indulgence, in giving a man unjustly condemned, by a tribunal

before which he is declared to have no rights, the privilege of

speaking in his own behalf. I know that it will do nothing

towards mitigating your sentence, but it is a privilege to be al-

lowed to speak, and I thank you for it. I shall submit to the

penalty, be it what it may. But I stand up here to say, that if

for doing what I did on that day at Wellington, I am to go in

jail 6 months, and pay a fine of $1,000.00 according to the Fugi-

tive Slave Law, and such is the protection the laws of this country

afford me, I must take upon myself the responsibility of self-

protection; and when I come to be claimed by some perjured

wretch as his slave, I shall never be taken into slavery. And

as in that trying hour I would have others do to me, as I would

call upon my friends to help me; as I would call upon you,

your Honor, to help me; as I would call upon you (to the District

Attorney), to help me; and upon you (to Judge Bliss), and upon

you (to his counsel), so help me God. I stand here to say that

I will do all I can for any man thus seized and held, though

the inevitable penalty of 6 months' imprisonment and $1,000.00

fine for each offense hangs over me. We have a common hu-

manity. You would do so; your manhood would require it and

no matter what the laws might be, you would honor yourself for

doing it; your friends would honor you for doing it; your chil-

dren to all generations would honor you for doing it; and every

good and honest man would say, you had done right." 3 There

was great and prolonged applause, in spite of the efforts of the

Court and the Marshal, as Langston finished.

Langston was sentenced to a fine of $100.00, to pay the

costs of prosecution, and to be committed to the jail for 20 days.

Langston's trial completed, the cases were, as has already

been stated, postponed to the July term. Several of the indicted

from Wellington entered a plea of nolle contendre, and were

sentenced to pay a fine of $20.00 each, costs of prosecution, and

an imprisonment of 24 hours in the jail; the same being con-

siderable less than Langston had been sentenced to. One old

man from Wellington wished to stay by the other unjustly im-

prisoned men so much, that it was nearly with entreaties that he

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    309

 

was at last prevailed on to go home. Thus all that remained

were 14 Oberlin men, and those convicted. From the 15th of

April on, they lay in jail.

The unjust ruling of the Court regarding the calling of a

new jury, was afterwards recalled, and the prisoners were notified

that their own recognizance would be accepted as before; but a

false record had been made which put the defendants in the

wrong and the court would not correct it. The discussion arose

concerning the placing in jail of the prisoners (already de-

scribed), when they were fulfilling what was expected of them

when they gave their recognizance; for a person who has given

his recognizance is not supposed to be placed in custody. The

Oberlin men would not give bail or renew their recognizance,

and therefore they remained in jail.

During the recess of the court an attempt was made to free

the prisoners by appealing to the State courts. One of the Judges

of the Supreme Court, granted a writ of habeas corpus ordering

the sheriff to bring Bushnell and Langston before the court,

that the reason for their imprisonment might be considered. For

a week the case was argued before a full bench, at Columbus;

but the court in a vote of three to two declined to grant a release.

President Fairchild points out that if the vote had gone in

favbr of the prisoners, Ohio would have been placed in conflict

with the general government in defense of State Rights, and that

"if the party of freedom throughout the North had rallied as

seemed probable, the War might have come in 1859 instead of

in 1861, with a secession of the Northern instead of the Southern

States.  A  single vote apparently turned the scale."  (23:

127, 128).

During this recess of the court, a mass meeting was held in

Cleveland on May 24th, to express the sympathy that was felt

for the imprisoned Oberlin men, and their condemnation for

the Fugitive Slave Law. A great procession, with banners,

passed through the streets, around the square, and in front of

the jail. Many noted men addressed the people. Among these

speakers were Joshua R. Giddings, and Salmon P. Chase. Mr.

Chase was at this time Governor. Numerous resolutions were

adopted in favor of State Rights. The closing feature of the

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310       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

day were speeches in the jailyard by Langston, Peck, Fitch, and

Plumb, in behalf of the prisoners. The meeting had no immediate

result in favor of the prisoners, and no result was expected;

but it was simply a declaration that the Fugitive Slave Law

would no more be executed in Northern Ohio.

The Oberlin prisoners now settled down to the monotony

of their confining life.

 

THE 'RESCUER.'

This publication was edited and printed in the Cleveland

jail by the Oberlin prisoners. It is a paper about the size of

the 'Saturday Evening Post;' (the exact dimensions are 18

inches x 12 1/2 inches); there are four pages in all; the print

is clear and black; the letters are of medium size; the style of

its contents is witty, bright, and very much in earnest; it makes

interesting reading.2

Regarding the foundation of this paper let us quote from

its own pages: "After the 'political prisoners' had remained in

jail for 75 days, they began to find themselves possessed of

'thoughts that breathed and words that burned.' We not only

wished to utter them, but we wished to print them. Could the

thing be done? We looked around for printers and found among

the prisoners two rusty and dilapidated 'typos,' one of whom

had not handled a 'stick,' for 15 years. Would the sheriff allow

us a corner of the jail for a printing-office? We asked him.

Generous as ever, he replied, 'certainly and I'll help you too if

I can.' 'Oh, where shall type be found?' we next inquired. The

generous purchasers of our old printing office responded by

lending us a font of small pica, and the liberal publisher of the

Cleveland Daily Leader, (the very paper which would please

you, gentle reader), added more, with other things. For a 'plane,'

we used a carpenter's with the irons knocked out. A policeman's

club answered for a 'mallet,' in taking 'proof,' and for other

purposes we would select a pounding instrument from a large

pile of shackles which lay at our feet. A fellow prisoner supplied

us with 'side sticks,' 'quoins,' and 'reght,' made from a white-

wood board. Another prisoner sawed up a fence board to make

a 'rack,' (quite like a felon that, but we must settle it with the

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.      311

 

Commissioners). For a 'shooting stick'-not the dangerous kind

which we have understood 'rescuers,' sometimes use, but a simpler

instrument,-we hewed out a piece of stone, and the door-stone

answered for a 'table.'

"Thus furnished and with the ample space of just 5 feet

by 10 feet for a printing-office, we proceeded to establish the

'Rescuer.' If we labor under difficulties it is but appropriate for

'Rescuer,' always do. We forgot to express regret that we could

not procure italics. Many were needed.    We must ask our

readers to supply the emphasis according to taste."

The front page of the Rescuer, is like this:

THE RESCUER.

 

DELIVER HIM THAT IS SPOILED OUT OF THE HAND OF THE OPPRESSOR.

Vol. 1.        Cuyahoga County Jail, July 4th, 1859.  No. 1.

THE RESCUER

will be published at the

Cuyahoga County Jail,

every alternate Monday, by the

Political Prisoners there confined.

Five thousand copies of the first number

will be issued. Price 3 cents per copy.

The Rescuer was thus named, "because we rather like the

idea it conveys. To be rescued is to be saved, often from serious

evil, and even death. Many an innocent man would have gone

into helpless slavery, but for the timely and determined aid of

some friendly 'rescuer.' Indeed there is so much rescuing to be

done, that we intend to spend our lives at the business."

In another part of the paper is an article by one of the

prisoners which shows clearly what the imprisoned men thought

of the people who were striving for their conviction. This gentle-

man writes: "That the Marshal and District Attorney felt re-

freshed when they fancied they could procure the indictment

of 37 citizens of Lorain county, we cannot doubt, since the

expected fees accruing to these great sticklers for obedience to

law must reach thousands of dollars."  He goes on to say, "it

is well known that the names of such persons as it would be

desirable to have indicted were furnished by a certain govern-

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312       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

ment official, and that the names of Messrs. Peck, Plumb, and

Fitch were on the lists, and further, that the Grand Jury took

a recess for some ten days, after agreeing to inflict all except

these three, to gain time to find some testimony against them.

Not one of these men, viz., Peck, Plumb, and Fitch, were within

nine miles of the spot when the rescue took place that day. Nor

is there truthful testimony in existence on which any of them

could be convicted by a court of justice. But the plan would

utterly fail of its object if these devoted men should escape

indictment, so the faithful jury met again, and one Bartholomew

(a tin peddler, who has since been indicted for perjury committed

in these trials, and left the State), was produced and furnished

the required testimony, and thus the great object of the honorable

court was secured, and these 'Oberlin Saints', as the District At-

torney called them, were indicted. We cannot close this article

without alluding to the fact, that Democrats were well known

to have been actively engaged in the rescue, and were not in-

dicted, while two of the indicted proving to be good Democrats,

were nolled, on motion of the District Attorney. We should

also state that the suits were commenced without the knowledge

of the kidnappers, if their own statements can be relied on."

It thus appears that the trial was merely a political move

of the Democrats against the Republicans and was not conducted

solely in upholding the Fugitive Slave Law, as was claimed by

the Democrats.

Regarding the life of the prisoners, the Rescuer tells us:

"Our quarters are in the third story of the prison. We have

a sitting room 18 feet by 12 feet; two bedrooms about 12 by 10

feet; and three cells of about the same size. Unfortunately for

us, Ohio is guilty of keeping her incurably insane in her jails,

and we have upon the same floor, with, and separated by a thin

partition from ourselves, six lunatics, who, for a habit, 'bay

the moon', early and late with howlings and ravings which do

not promote the sleep of those who are near. Our lodgings are

kept as neat as they can be by ourselves and our excellent jailer.

Our food is good and is served with neatness. Our 'landlord',

Sheriff Wightman is as noble a man as ever drew breath, and

has treated us with fraternal kindness. Jailer (Henry R.) Smith

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    313

 

is like the sheriff. We daily maintain morning and evening

prayers and divine worship twice on the Sabbath. We add to

reading, writing, and waiting on our abundant company (which

together has made an army not less than 4,000 strong), useful

labor. Our shoemaker makes shoes; our saddler, harness; our

cabinet makers, furniture; our lawyers, 'declarations'; and our

ministers, sermons. Occupation keeps us contented".

On July 2d, 400 Oberlin Sunday-school children made a visit

to the prisoners in the jail. Mr. Fitch was their superintendent

and had held this position for 16 years. Now he was in jail

his faithful little flock came loyally to him. The Oberlin Sab-

bath School was the invited guests of the Plymouth Church

Sabbath School of Cleveland. There were brief addresses by

the prisoners, and music. The program lasted for an hour.

The little people not only expressed their sentiments by

visiting the prisoners in the jail, but they wrote their superin-

tendent notes of indignation at his imprisonment and hope for

his speedy release. Sixty letters were received by him in a

single day. The contents of all these notes were much like the

following examples: "I think it is very wrong for those horrid

men to keep you there." Another wrote: "I have often won-

dered if those wicked men ever had such a faithful teacher as

you have been to us to teach them the 'Golden Rule'."

The Rescuer had accounts of all the foregoing, and also

many articles dealing with anti-slavery in other parts of the

country. Only the one number was ever published as the pris-

oners were released before another alternate Monday, which was

their day of publication, had come around.

The release of the Oberlin prisoners came about in the fol-

lowing manner: The four men who had endeavored to kidnap

John Price were indicted in Lorain county for kidnapping. Their

trial was set for July 6th, six days before the resumption of

the trials in the U. S. court at Cleveland. The four slave-hunters

were out on bail till near the time of their trial at Elyria. "Then

a writ of habeas corpus was obtained from a judge of the United

States court and an attempt was made to deliver up the four

men to the sheriff of Lorain county that the writ might be served

upon him, and his prisoners be released by order of the U. S.

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314       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

judge." Various circumstances hindered this plan. The hour

of trial was at hand, when the writ would be useless. The four

men became frightened. Through their counsel, Hon. R. H.

Stanton of Kentucky, the U. S. attorney was asked to capitulate

with the counsel of the Rescuers. It was finally agreed to pro-

pose to the Oberlin lawyers that the suits on both sides should

be dropped. This was consented to; the marshal went to the

Cleveland jail and told the Oberlin prisoners that they were

free. This took place on July 6th.

In the afternoon of the same day the Rescuers prepared

to leave the jail. But just before they went out into the street,

they stepped into the parlor of the jail, where were present their

attorneys, Messrs. R. P. Spalding, A. G. Riddle, F. T. Backus,

S. O. Griswold, Sheriff D. L. Wightman, Jailer J. B. Smith,

and H. R. Smith who had rendered the Oberlin men so many

services. With these gentlemen were their wives and numerous

friends. Mr. Plumb, in behalf of the prisoners, presented the

ladies for their husbands, each a beautiful silver napkin ring,

fork and spoon, engraved with the initials of their husbands,

and "From Rescuers; Matthew 25: 36."

About 5 o'clock a hundred guns were fired on the square,

and several hundred people gathered at the jail to escort the

Oberlin men to the depot. "At half past 5 the whole company,

headed by Hecker's Band, marched two and two to the depot,

through Superior and Water Streets, the band playing 'Hail

Columbia', 'Yankee Doodle', etc." After speeches at the depot,

the train pulled out for Oberlin amid the cheers of the great

crowd who had come to see them off.

At Grafton, for in those days the railroad passed through

that village, the wives of Peck, Plumb, Fitch, and Watson

boarded the train, while the returning prisoners gave them cheer

after cheer. As they drew into Oberlin the whole town appeared

to be out to meet them. "A sea of heads could be seen extending

for a long distance on both sides of the track."³

Nearly 3,000 people joined in the great shout of welcome

that went up as the Rescuers came down the steps of the train.

There were speeches and much cheering. Then the returned

prisoners were escorted to the Church where until midnight the

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     315

 

people gave vent to their feelings in song, prayer, and talking

over what had just transpired

The Oberlin-Wellington Rescue was a thing of the past,

but its effects remained, for no more did the slave-hunter ever

venture to pursue his victim into the domains of these people

where Jennings and his associates had fared so badly. (2); (3);

(23: 119-132); (20).

 

OBERLIN IN THE CIVIL WAR, 1861-1865.

The quiet of Oberlin was not to be left unbroken for many

months to come. Fort Sumpter was fired upon. The United

States Government issued a call for troops. The enemies of

Oberlin tauntingly declared "Oberlin has been valiant in words,

let us see how she will stand when it comes to deeds." They

were not left long in doubt. Though the college authorities never

urged the students to enter the army, still when the time came

they offered no obstacles to their doing so of their own free

will. The first act of the Faculty was to suspend the law, long

in force, which stated that no student should be a member of

any military company.²⁷

Friday evening, April 19th, 1861, a meeting of the students

was called in the College Chapel, and was addressed by speakers

from each of the regular college classes who urged their fellow

classmates to rally to the defense of the Union. A committee

of five were appointed to get volunteers.

Saturday Prof. Monroe arrived from Columbus, for at this

time he was a member of the State Senate. A meeting was

called in the First Church and was addressed by Prof. Monroe

and Col. Sheldon from Elyria. At the close of the meeting the

muster-roll which lay on the pulpit, it was announced, was opened

for enlistments. The great, crowded church was very still. It

was no easy matter to enlist. To go from a town where peace

and quiet reigned supreme, to the horrors of the battle field, and

to go calmly, knowing what was before them, required a sublime

devotion to the cause in which they were asked to enlist. If

they went up there to the pulpit and placed their names on that

roll of paper, they would do it not because honor and advance-

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316       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

ment lay before them, but because they saw it to be God's Will.

*  *   *  And now a man got to his feet and started towards

where lay that roll of blank paper. Then from     all over the

Church the boys came, and as they passed down the aisles friends

leaned forward, some urging them on to do their duty, others

to persuade them to stay at home by mention of parents whose

sole support were these boys who, it was thought, were going

to their death. The first to enroll was Lester A. Bartlett. Forty-

nine names were secured that evening; $10,000.00 were pledged

to equip and sustain the Company.

During the next day, Sunday, the enlistment continued and

people thought it nothing strange that this should be so. At 8

o'clock, Monday morning, it was announced that no more could

be received. Before noon the Company had become partially

organized. The Faculty required all under 21 who wished to

enlist, to first secure the consent of their parents or guardians.

One hundred and thirty names had been enrolled but the num-

ber was cut down to 100 as that was the number of men required

to form a single company. For two days college exercises were

suspended and the class-rooms were occupied by ladies from

the college and town who made such things as a soldier was

supposed to need.

Copy of a letter written by W. W. Parmenter, Sergeant in

Company C, to his mother telling of his enlistment, and of the

sentiment of the college boys toward the war:

 

OBERLIN, April 22, 1861.

MY DEAR MOTHER:

Saturday evening the people here raised about $5,000.00 for the

benefit of those who go from here, and agreed to take care of all fam-

ilies of persons who go. Mary (his sister) says you were afraid I

would volunteer, and urged me not to do so. Your feelings are the

main thing which hold me back, and so I wrote Saturday, before I re-

ceived Mary's letter, asking the opinion of all of you at home upon this

subject. Now I wish to say a little more about it.

The Government, which has protected our family for thirty years

and has furnished the means for all our material prosperity and happi-

ness, now calls for help, and calls loudly, too.

If you had stayed in England, some of your family would have

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.           317

 

been obliged to go in the service of the Government long before this.

Here only those are wanted who are willing; because it is expected all

will be willing. Now, when the best men throughout the land are volun-

teering, would you wish a son of yours, no better than other sons

everywhere, should stay at home, through fear or through your feeling

on his account? I really would not disgrace you by thinking such a

thing. This is not a mere sentiment of patriotism, either. Christian

people throughout the North have been praying for this time, and God

has answered their prayers. The conflict is now between Liberty and

Slavery, Christianity and Barbarism, God and the Prince of Darkness.

There never was a time when Christians were so united in one common

cause, and there never was a cause which received so many prayers

from praying people. No man is worthy the name of Christian, who

shrinks from any duty which the Lord places before him. The Lord

holds all nations in his hand, and will surely bring good out of these

times, but He will try the faith of His people.

One company has been formed in Oberlin composed mainly of stu-

dents and another is nearly formed. These two will contain about 160

men. A half dozen or more Theologues are going, as many Seniors,

Juniors, also Sophomores and Freshmen, preparatory, and everybody.

Now, I have been wanting to know your opinion, but I cannot

doubt what it would be. "Go, do your duty to your country, and God

speed the right." I have long ago consecrated my life to the service of

God, to do anything, to be anything, to suffer anything, for the further-

ance of His cause upon earth. Now, when duty plainly calls, I cannot,

I will not shrink, and I am going. This is just what I want to tell and

have not known how. Now, rejoice, my mother, that you are able to

do your share, and I know I shall have your prayers.

Our company is the first one formed, and is composed mainly of

Christians.

Tutor Shurtleff (at that time an instructor in Oberlin College, later

made Brevet Brigadier General), is our Captain.

I was the twenty-fourth to enlist. I subscribed Saturday night.

About a hundred first joined, and then a committee of the Faculty cut

off the number down to go. Notwithstanding my size, (he was short),

I was kept on, which I consider somewhat of an honor. We have en-

listed for three months, when we can be discharged if we wish it. The

Seniors will be graduated just the same as if they stayed.     We

will first go to "Camp Taylor," Cleveland, where we will stay several

weeks. There is where you may direct to me. Institution is doing

nothing now. Those few who stay will organize and go when wanted.

We have a brave, strong, God-fearing Company, and we are all in the

best of spirits. We go to Cleveland, Wednesday morning. May God

be with us and sustain us, and may His cause be glorified through us.

Now I hope you will not be cast down by what I am doing, but rather

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318       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

be thankful. Everyone will be comfortably furnished by the people here.

I have no time to write more now. Write to me every day or two,

some of you.

Your affectionate son,

WILLIAM.

On Thursday, April 25, the Company took the cars for

Camp Taylor, Cleveland, Ohio. About the entire town went to

the depot to see them off. Prof. Ellis and others made speeches,

the sad farewells were said, and the train pulled out of the

station, which in those days was situated a little east of where

the freight depot now stands.

A second Company had been formed, composed of those

who had not been able to enroll in this first Company. This

second Company was not accepted and it soon disbanded.

The Company that left for Camp Taylor was mustered into

the U. S. service for three months at Camp Taylor, April 30,

1861; that being the length of time for which they had enlisted.

G. W. Shurtleff, a tutor of Latin in Oberlin College, was elected

Captain. The Company was assigned to a place as Company C

in the 7th Regiment of Ohio Volunteer Infantry. This regiment

was put under the command of Col. E. B. Tyler, Lieut. Col.

Wm. R. Creighton, and Maj. Jno. S. Casement.

Sunday morning, May 5th, the regiment left Cleveland for

Camp Dennison, Cincinnati. It reached Columbus at 4 P. M.

and spent the night there; Company C, quartering in the State

House. The following day at noon it arrived at its final destina-

tion, Camp Dennison. This camp occupies a beautiful valley on

the line of the Little Miami Railroad, about 17 miles northeast of

Cincinnati. The valley is slightly curved, more than a mile in

extent, with the railroad bordering it on the east, while on the west

lies a line of hills rising to 100 or 200 feet. Near the foot of

these hills were the barracks, in a triple, compact row, with the

kitchens for the soldiers immediately behind the barracks. Farther

back were the tents of the officers. In front of the barracks was

the parade ground; while on the east was an irregular range

of hills.⁴⁰ In this valley were gathered about 8,000 men - Ohio

Volunteers -undergoing drill, preparatory to the work which

lay before them. The letters written from this camp to their

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.      319

friends at home by the soldiers, have printed on the envelopes

pictures of camp life, pictures of soldiers marching, of soldiers

standing guard, etc.; making a rather striking contrast to the

envelopes of to-day.

Although far from the influences of Oberlin, the Company

held daily prayer-meetings, usually in the street between the

barracks. Often men from outside companies would gather

around, and much good was done to men other than of Company

C. The Company was as a whole in favor of religion. It was di-

vided into messes of about 16 men each. A chaplain was ap-

pointed to each mess. He saw to it that morning and evening

service were observed. This practice was continued in most

of the messes throughout the war. The Oberlin boys were ridi-

culed by a great number in the camp for their religious customs.

The sneers of "There goes an Oberlinite," or, "There is one

of that praying-company", were often heard. The Company

was nick-named "The Praying Company". Indeed the contrast

between the Oberlin men and the mass of the others in the camp

was striking; the former, educated, cultivated; with genteel,

polished manners; none of them drank, only a few smoked or

chewed; and the majority of the volunteers from the other com-

panies, common, uneducated, crude and rough of manner, swear-

ing, drinking, smoking, chewing. But despite the jeers hurled

at them, the Oberlin men continued to live upright, Godly lives.

One of the statements made of Company C, was that, "such

soldiers could never be valiant in battle, nor endure the severities

of military service, in the camp and on the forced march." (7: 6,

7). These statements were never made after the first battle,

and the first few marches, however.

In the latter part of May, the Governor of Ohio, invited the

7th Regiment to re-enlist for a three years service. He promised

to date their muster roll back to their first enlistment for three

months. This promise was later broken by the Government, the

regiment not being allowed to be mustered out until July 6, 1864.

On May 2₃d, at 9 P. M., the Company was marched out of

the lines and up the grassy hill at the east of the camp. Here

they were addressed by Gen. Cox and Prof. Monroe with re-

gard to entering the service for three years. The question was

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320      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

a serious one, for to re-enlist meant to give up one's aims and

chances of the success in life which were only just opening to

them. The Seniors were to be graduated the same as though they

had remained in Oberlin; this had been promised on the first en-

listment. But some had parents dependent on them; some were

not fitted physically to endure the hardships of a prolonged cam-

paign; and thus for one reason and another some of the men

did not re-enlist when they were a few days later given the

chance. Most of these men who did not re-enlist in Company C

did so in some other company before the war closed. Those who

did re-enlist were given a furlough of 10 days. When they re-

turned to camp they brought with them enough new recruits

to fill the company to the required number. In the re-election

of officers that took place, G. W. Shurtleff was once more made

Captain. (7: 9).

The Regiment remained at Camp Dennison until June 26,

when they were ordered to Western Virginia. Then commenced

for Co. C the hardships of a field campaign. They made many

forced marches, but with the exception of the wounding of Cor-

poral Adams while on picket, the Company had not come under

fire when on the 15th of August it encamped at Cross Lanes

on a beautiful, sloping meadow.

Here the regiment remained drilling until August 21st, when

in the evening an order was received to march to Gauley Bridge.

In an hour they were on the way. At 10 A. M. of the next day

they reached Twenty-Mile Creek, where a halt was made. At

this place the 7th Ohio encamped until the 24th, notwithstanding

the fact that Gen. Cox, at Gauley Bridge, ordered it back at

once to Cross Lanes.

The reason for these marches and counter-marches was this:

Cross Lanes was the point of intersection of the road from Sum-

mersville to Gauley Bridge with one from Carnifex Ferry which

is on the Gauley River near the mouth of Meadow River. The

7th Ohio was withdrawn to Twenty-Mile Creek to guard a road

passing to the rear of the force under Gen. Cox. As soon as

the attack which had been made on Cox was repulsed, the 7th

had been ordered back to Cross Lanes to watch the roads and

river crossing there. Tyler, Colonel of the 7th Ohio, delayed

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    321

 

fulfilling this last command by remaining at Twenty-Mile Creek

to issue shoes and clothing to his men. When he did approach

his former position at Cross Lanes he found that Floyd, the

Confederate general, was reported to have crossed the Gauley

River at Carnifex Ferry. Without waiting to reconnoitre, Tyler

retreated several miles to Peter's Creek. It was afterward

learned that Floyd had crossed by raising two small flatboats

which Tyler had sunk but had not entirely destroyed. He used

these as a ferry, crossed the river and entrenched where he was

afterward attacked by Rosecrans. In the hope that only a small

force had made a crossing, Cox ordered Tyler to "make a dash

at them". Cox writes, "I added, 'It is important to give them

such a check as to stop their crossing.' Meanwhile my advance-

guard up New River was ordered to demonstrate actively in front

and on the Sunday Road, so as to disquiet any force which had

gone towards Tyler; and I also sent forward half a regiment to

Peter's Creek, (6 miles from Cross Lanes), to hold the pass

there and secure his retreat in case of need. But Tyler was new

to responsibility and seemed paralyzed into complete inefficiency.

He took nearly the whole of the 25th to move slowly to Cross

Lanes, though he met no opposition. He did nothing that even-

ing or night, and his disposal of his troops was improper and

outpost duty completely neglected." (29: 78-97).

Regarding the final advance of the 7th Ohio to Cross Lanes,

Sergt. W. W. Parmenter writes in his diary: "We went on

and reached Cross Lanes just before dark. Several companies

were already there. In the advance a hanger-on to the regiment,

who was ahead, was shot by the enemy's pickets. At Cross

Lanes seven or eight slaughtered oxen were captured. This to

me was sufficient evidence that there was a large force of the

enemy somewhere near. When our companies all came up, we

had a force of about 600 men. Company A went up a hill near,

and exchanged several shots with some of the enemy on a neigh-

boring hill. Soon after dark, pickets were sent out, and the com-

panies were lodged around, several companies in a church, and the

rest scattered around in little log houses some distance from each

other. It was difficult keeping warm. The house our company

Vol. XX-21

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322      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

was in was overflowing, and some had to stay outdoors. These

last built a fire along towards midnight and afterwards were

comfortable. In the morning we were up bright and early. Two

wagons had come on in the night, and we had pilot bread, beef,

and roasted ears of corn for our breakfast. While we were in

the midst of this work, some roasting pieces of beef, others cook-

ing corn or filling canteens and all as little prepared as could

be, firing was heard in the direction of the river. Shots which

at first were scattered, soon became rapid and continuous, and

evidently near at hand. We had no time to form the Company,

but pushed off rapidly towards the firing in any order we chanced

to fall in. Company A was ahead of us on the same road a few

rods, having slept near us in this direction. We had gone but a

short distance, when we began to receive the fire of the enemy who

were advancing at a double quick through the open fields and

woods to the northeast of the road." 15 (End of Parmenter quo-

tation.)

In the gray light of the dawn the lines of gray clad men,

moving swiftly forward in perfect order, could be distinctly seen.

Over the sombre ranks a battle flag, slanting forward, gave a

touch of color to the grayness of the scene. Down the road came

Major Casement, riding at breakneck speed. "Company A, take

that hill"; "Company C, take that hill", he cried, pointing to two

hills about 200 yards distant from the road. Company C turned

off the road, and at a run made for the ridge. Across an open

field they rushed, here receiving the first severe fire from the

enemy. They climbed a fence and started to ascend the hill which

had a gradual slope towards the road. A battalion of rifle-men,

concealed in a cornfield on the same side of the road as Company

C, and close at hand, opened with deadly effect. The bullets which

before had whizzed by their ears, now rained on them in a con-

tinuous stream, tearing the ground all around them, and wound-

ing many. Jeakins was the first one struck. He had his arm

shattered. Almost immediately, Sheldon staggered backward,

a bullet through his breast. Kellogg caught him and helped him

and Jeakins part way up the hill to a wheat stack. "Sheldon,

when last seen, was lying on his face spitting blood. He was no

doubt mortally wounded."  (18a).

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    323

 

The rebels had set up a fiendish yelling, and this added to

the deafening roar of the musketry, made the din indescribable.

Biggs of Elyria, dropped part way up the hill. Burns, though

with a ball through his body, struggled to the crest of the ridge

and fired his gun. Here and there a man would stop, turn, and

with deliberate aim, return the fire of the enemy. At last the

crest was reached. The Company took shelter behind what few

trees and stumps there were; many laid down on the further

side of the crest, thus escaping to some extent the storm of

bullets which was continuously poured into them. And now

they added to the uproar, their muskets, loaded with one bullet

and three buck-shot, making a great crash at each discharge. A

wall of grayish smoke rose before the Company; now and then,

a gust of air rent the cloud apart, sending it drifting upward in

feathery, fog-like streamers. Through the rift the dense masses

of the enemy could be plainly seen. They fired by battalion,

pouring in a ceaseless hail of lead. Then the smoke would settle

down; a wall of gray, pierced and slashed by yellow flame, would

rise before the regiments. Avery, squatting behind a stump,

was just aiming his musket when a bullet hit his shelter, sending

chips of wood flying in his face. He went white with fright,

but fired his gun. Collins was shot through the body, and fell

mortally wounded. A detachment opened upon the little band

from a hill close on their right. At first it was thought to be

Company A, mistaking Company C for the enemy, but it soon

became apparent that Company A had retreated and their places

been taken by the Confederates. While ascending the hill, heav-

ing firing had been heard over by the church where the other

companies had bivouacked, but this had now ceased, and all

was still save where on the hill Company C withstood the Rebel

Army. The men dropped oftener now. Jones received a bail

through the lungs and fell severely wounded; Sergt. Morey was

struck by a ball on the side of the head, cutting through the flesh

but not injuring the skull; Noble, of Bowling Green, received a

flesh wound in the leg; Claghorn had the face of his thumb shot

away; Stephen Cole had a slight flesh wound in the thigh. Lieut.

Cross was hit in the left arm, wounding him severely. He cried

out, "Boys, I'm hit; but fire away, don't mind me." Sergt. Orton

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324      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

while stepping from behind a tree to fire, was shot through the

thigh, and fell, dangerously though not mortally wounded. He

shouted to Captain Shurtleff that the enemy were coming over

the hill to the right. Shurtleff stepped out from behind the

tree which a minute before had sheltered Orton. A volley of

bullets whizzed by him on every side; one passed through his

blouse. But the brief glance was enough. On an eminence to

the right was a detachment of the enemy who were advancing,

firing as they came. The position was now well nigh untenable.

Advancing on their front was one regiment; on the right an-

other, together with a battery of artillery; still another over on

the left at the corners cutting off retreat by the road; and sev-

eral companies over by the church to the left of their rear. They

were nearly surrounded. The rest of the 7th Ohio had retreated,

and were entirely separated from Company C, who were keeping

back a full regiment commanded by Col. Heath, an old army

officer. In a moment more the position would be swept by the

cannon of the foe. Shurtleff turned to Sergt. Parmenter, whom

he considered the best drilled soldier in the Company, and one of

the best in camp. "Sergeant, the enemy are pressing upon our

right flank, the regiment I think must be retreating, what do you

advise, shall we hold our position and all die, or shall we retreat ?"

Parmenter was as cool as though at drill. "I see no advantage,

Captain, in fighting so strong a force." He spoke very calmly.

Without waiting longer, Capt. Shurtleff ordered a retreat. "So

great was the din, and so much were the boys interested in what

was going on, that after the captain had started with most of

the Company,"¹5 Parmenter had to run over to the left and call

several by name to induce them to leave. They retreated in

good order through the woods to the rear. The enemy suppos-

ing they had gone to the left fired several rounds of grape-shot

in that direction, wounding slightly one of their own men.

On the field of battle were left Cross, Orton, Jeakins, Shel-

don, Collins and Jones, all severely wounded. The Company,

with Shurtleff and Parmenter at the head, wandered for some

hours in the woods. At length about noon (the Company re-

treated into the woods about 6 A. M.), while going along single

file up a moderate hill, they came suddenly upon half a regi-

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     325

 

ment of the enemy, and were within four paces of them before

they made them out. They were ordered to surrender. After

parleying a sufficient length of time to enable those of Company

C hidden by the hill to escape, Capt. Shurtleff surrendered with

14 of his Company. The men not captured made their way

back to the main Union Army as best they could. They suf-

fered extreme hardship and in spite of the greatest carefulness,

some of them were taken prisoner.

Joseph Collins died the day after the battle. He was buried

on the field. Burford Jeakins lived until 10 o'clock Sunday even-

ing, Sept. 22d., when he, too, passed away. Lieut. Cross, Sergt.

Orton, Sheldon, and L. J. Jones were recaptured by Gen. Rose-

crans in the battle at Carnifex Ferry, Sept. 10.

After the stragglers had all come into camp, it appeared

that 29 of Company C had been taken prisoner. In the entire

Union forces engaged in this battle 15 were killed and 50 wounded,

the latter with some 30 others falling into the enemy's hands.

The Confederates had in the action about 4,000 men. They

claim a loss of 125. (13); (27); (4p); (4q); (18a); (21);

(29: 78-97); (15); (7: 12-14); (23: 164).

The "Dispatch", a Richmond newspaper, in its Sept. ₇th

issue, had the following letter from a correspondent with Floyd's

Command. It is dated Camp Gauley, Floyd's Brigade, Aug. 28,

1861. "On yesterday, I attended one of our Yankee captain

prisoners to the hospital to see the wounded men. It is on the

opposite side of the Gauley, distant, two miles. His meeting

with his men was quite affecting. Shaking them by the hand,

he said he was glad to see them, 'under any circumstances.' He

was a tutor in one of the Ohio colleges, and among the most

dangerously wounded were four of his old scholars. One of

them died before we left, and some of the rest will".

The prisoners not in the hospital were put in an enclosure

of rails, like so many cattle. August 28th, the day of their Col-

lege Commencement, officers tied their arms preparatory to the

journey to a southern prison. They were poorly fed and suf-

fered from exposure. They were marched on foot, and trans-

ported by rail to Richmond, Virginia. Many of their guards

wanted nothing better than a chance to shoot the Oberlin men.

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326       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

As Mr. Stephen Cole expresses it, "They thought we had horns,

and hair on our teeth."   But before the journey was com-

pleted these guards were the best of friends with their pris-

oners. They admitted they did not know what the principle

was for which they were fighting. All they knew was what

their politicians had told them, and that the Northerners were

invading their land.

In Richmond they were put in tobacco houses where they

remained until they were taken to more Southern prisons. A

good number of the Oberlin boys were sent to Parish Prison,

New Orleans.

It is interesting to note the difference in account of the

version in Parmenter's diary, and that in a New Orleans news-

paper, concerning the entrance of the Union prisoners into New

Orleans. Sergt. Parmenter writes, and we can easily believe

his story to be the true one: "At the depot was a battalion of

soldiers, a large force of police, and an endless crowd of people.

We were mustered from the cars and arranged in fours, a rank

of soldiers marching each side of us. In advance was a troop

of cavalry, followed by a body of infantry. In the rear was

a large force of infantry. Outside of the soldiers were the

police. In this order they marched us under the broiling sun,

through a number of the principal streets, so as to give the

immense crowds a chance to look at us. I noticed in passing,

the famous St. Charles Hotel and other buildings. The sol-

diers who escorted us were men finely uniformed and well

drilled, in fact the best appearing body of soldiers I had seen

in the Confederacy. There was a good deal of hurrahing and

jeering at us. Many looked at us as the most arrant cowards,

and thought they could see in our features marks of all kinds

of depravity. One Texas ranger remarked that he could whip

fifty such as we were. Before we reached our destination we

were heartily tired of the turn out. After some time we ap-

proached a large grey building with grates to the windows which

we soon learned was the famous Parish Prison, our destination.

We were marched in through a grated door, into a vestibule,

thence through a door with 'Assault and Battery' over it, into

a yard about 100 feet long by 25 feet wide. At one end was

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    327

 

an apartment labelled 'Kitchen'; in another was a hydrant and

tank. In three sides were galleries, 3 stories high, opening into

cells. The fourth side is a wall as high as the building. So we

seem to be in a pit, the only opening being at the top. We

were soon sent to our cells. In the one I occupy, there are 24.

The size of it is about 12 x 18 feet. There are two little semi-

circular ventilators (grated), and a grated hole in the heavy

door. The walls are solid, apparently stone."  In this place

the men remained from Oct. 1, 1861, to Feb., 1862, when they

were removed to Salisbury, N. C., for exchange.

Let us now consider the viewpoint of the people of New

Orleans as expressed in one of their papers, a clipping of which

was brought North in Parmenter's pocket-book after his death,

when his belongings were carried to his relatives. The item in

brief is the following: An enormous crowd waited all morning

at the depot to see the arrival of the Yankee prisoners. At last

a train drew in. Among the ordinary passengers were several

Confederate soldiers in uniform. The crowd took these to be

the guard, and the passengers to be the prisoners. They began,

forthwith, to yell at the passengers and to make uncomplimentary

remarks about their looks. They soon learned, however, that

this train contained entirely Southern people and that their re-

marks had been wasted on their own partisans. As the morn-

ing wore on some bales of cotton caught fire, the crowd not

being careful where they threw their cigars. The fire department

was called, but before they arrived the fire was extinguished.

They waited with the others to see the prisoners, and thus helped

swell the numbers of the crowd. The special train arrived

about noon; and under a heavy guard the Yankees were marched

through the streets to the prison. On their debarkation from

the train, the people crowded forward to get a glimpse of these

curious men. The crush became terrific. The newspaper states

that "Numerous hoops exploded" in the jam. It further says

that as the Yankees passed, a silent decorum was maintained

by the onlookers. This last is somewhat different from the ac-

count given in Parmenter's diary. It illustrates, however, the

difference in the point of view between the spectator and the

captive.

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328      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

While in Parish Prison the men were not half fed. They

were so crowded in their cells (where they were locked during

the night, in the day they were allowed in the court), that they

had to lie spoon fashion. There were hardly any blankets among

them, and their bodies became nearly raw from lying on the

hard floor. In the morning besides washing in the tank in the

yard, one of the necessary things to do, was to turn one's clothes

inside out and kill the vermin which had collected since a like

operation the day before. The surroundings were unhealthy.

Parmenter died of typhoid fever, and was buried in the cemetery

of St. Vincent de Paul in New Orleans.

While in Parish Prison the Oberlin boys helped edit a paper.

They wrote on any piece of paper they could find, then these

slips were kept after being read, and on being restored to free-

dom they were published in a book, called "The Stars and

Stripes", which was the name it bore while only written on

fragments of paper. It was published in the prison weekly.

The organization getting this paper out was the society of the

"Union Lyceum of Parish Prison, New Orleans". This society

held debates. These debates were on subjects such as "Resolved,

That the present war will be ended by the Spring of 1862." In

the Nov. 28, 1861, issue, we find this announcement: "There

will be a prayer-meeting in cell No. 4 on Sunday A. AM., at 9

o'clock; and in cell No. 2 Wednesday at 2 P. M. A Bible-class

is held in cell No. 8 each Sunday at 1 o'clock P. M. All are in-

vited to attend." We read in a later number, "One of the most

beautiful sights we have ever witnessed is to be seen every Sun-

day morning in one of the cells of this prison where formerly

nothing but blasphemy and vileness ascended and reached the

ears of the Recording Angel; now in this place a band of de-

voted disciples of Christ meet and adore their Redeemer where

the name of the Deity is only mentioned with reverence and

love."

We thus see that even in prison, Oberlin did not cease in

its works of good to her fellow men.

Some of the Oberlin men studied French, German, etc.,

from books which they had been able to secure. They made

bone ornaments for which the more wealthy Southerners paid

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.    329

 

a high price. Military companies were formed to give the men

exercise.

The heading of the "Stars and Stripes", in one of the issues

is the following: "The Stars and Stripes. A Weekly Publica-

tion Devoted to Literature, Science, the Arts, and General In-

telligence. Published every Thursday in the Parish Prison, New

Orleans. Price, Attention."

On May 21st, at Salisbury, N. C., they were paroled, prom-

ising not to fight against the Confederacy in any way whatsoever

until they had been exchanged. The war went on and it was not

long before these men had been exchanged and joined their

Company or one in some other regiment. In the fighting that

ensued Company C was ever in the fiercest of the action, always

bearing itself with marked credit.

Let us take a look at what was transpiring in Oberlin while

her boys were engaged in the desperate struggle with Slavery.

The first war funeral in Oberlin was for a member of the

class of '65. His class-mates, such as were there, sat in a body

behind the mourners; and his intended bride, in deep mourning,

sat with the family. In the next few years, death was to be

a not unfrequent visitor to the quiet town.

The girls of the town and college, as well as the older ladies,

did their share towards the winning of the conflict. They made

woolen socks, in the toe of each of which they tucked a piece

of paper bearing the name, address and some message to the

boys so far away.⁶ They also scraped lint for the wounded,

of whom there were far too many.

One day while the ladies were thus working in the Chapel,

a great commotion suddenly started out of doors. It was the

only mob that Oberlin has ever seen. A man shouted, "Hurrah,

for Jeff Davis". He was seized. A crowd sprang up from no-

wheres. A rope was called for, but fortunately for him, a flag

was brought instead. He was made to carry the flag, and hur-

rah for Lincoln, much to the delight of the crowd.⁶

The girls of those days had privileges such as have never

been granted before or since. There were nights when not only

the 7 o'clock rule was suspended but 10 o'clock had no meaning

to them; when great mass-meetings in the First Church or

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330      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

demonstrations in "Tappan Hall Yard", held the crowds till near

mid-night.⁶

While these events were occurring in Oberlin, Company C

was rapidly becoming a veteran body of troops. Among the bat-

tles in which they took part are Winchester, Port Republic, Cedar

Mountain, Chancellorsville, Antietam, Gettysburg, Lookout

Mountain, Mission Ridge, Ringgold, and Resaca. (27). During

these three years 150 students were at various times members

of this Company. (23: 167). Of these only three died of

disease; two of them of typhoid fever in Parish Prison, New

Orleans. Twenty-eight fell in battle and 15 were discharged on

account of serious wounds. It was their temperate habits and

upright lives that kept them so free from the ravages of disease.

They remained in action as well as in name throughout the en-

tire war, "The Praying Company". The history of this com-

pany in summary is this: "The whole number of names on the

three-months and three years rolls, is 179. The number on the

three years roll, is 148. The Company marched 2,400 miles,

and traveled by rail and steamers 4,800 miles. It encamped 194

times. Thirty-one men lost their lives by battle, 7 by disease

and one was drowned." (7: 83). This death by drowning was

especially sad. Trembley, Company C, had fought in every battle,

except one, in which his regiment had been engaged, and had

suffered no harm. He was on his way home. He had written

to his mother telling her to worry no more, for their fighting

was all over, and he would soon be with her at home. A few

miles below Cincinnati, he slipped on the deck of the steamer,

fell into the river and was drowned. His comrades recovered

the body and bore it to his mother. (23: 172).

Others beside those in Company C. went from Oberlin and

did their full share in the war. A company from Oberlin joined

the 41st Ohio Volunteer Infantry; and about this same time,

quite a number of Oberlin townsmen and students entered the

Second Ohio Cavalry. Among these men was A. B. Nettleton.

He started as a private, rose to the command of his regiment,

and helped win the battle of Five Forks.

In 1862, another company went from Oberlin. They joined

the 103d O. V. I. This same year, when Kirby Smith threatened

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.     331

Cincinnati, nearly all the college students who were able to bear

arms, with many of the Preparatory students and citizens of

the town, marched on a few hours' notice to the defense of the

city. When the peril had passed they returned to Oberlin. The

year that Gen. Banks was driven down the Valley and Wash-

ington was in danger, a company went directly from Oberlin

to the scene of action. They had several skirmishes, and at last

were included in the surrender of Gen. Miles at Harper's Ferry.

In 1864, when Grant was smashing his way toward Rich-

mond, Oberlin sent a second Company C into the field. They

formed part of the 150th Regiment of National Guards. They

were almost the only company of the National Guards in Vir-

ginia who were under fire, for the Oberlin Company helped repel

Gen. Early's attack upon the fortifications near Washington.

Besides these companies which went from Oberlin, every call

for troops was answered by students and citizens. They went

as privates and as officers. The alumni of the college enlisted

from all over the land. They served as officers, chaplains, and

privates. One, J. D. Cox, rose to the rank of Major General.

During 1861, the first year of the war, out of 166 men in

the four college classes, 100, or 60%, were in the army as sol-

diers. Of alumni and undergraduates 197 were in the army.

Among these were two Major-Generals, one Brig.-General, ten

colonels, and officers of lower rank in larger proportion. Taking

graduates, undergraduates, and preparatory, it is estimated that

at least 850 Oberlin College and Academy men served at one

time or another in the army.

Of those who went from Oberlin, about one in every ten

never returned.

We have spoken of Trembley's death as he was nearing Cin-

cinnati on his journey home. Another loss at the final moment

should be mentioned. It is that of Tenney, of the Second Ohio

Cavalry, who was killed by almost the last shell that exploded

in the vicinity of Richmond. (27); (23:172).

 

The Chapel bell tolled ceaselessly. Hour after hour, hour

after hour, it sent its solemn message out over the town. The

flag on the corner was at half mast. Still the bell tolled on, and

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332        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

the people of Oberlin with one accord, unsummoned, gathered

at the Church to weep and pray. Lincoln was dead.6

And now the War was over. The armies disbanded. The

men came home.

At Oberlin the number who returned were pitifully few

compared to those who had gone, and of these few many were

maimed and crippled for life. But they did not complain; they

had saved the Union; they had freed the slave, and in so doing,

had completed Oberlin's part in the Slavery Conflict.

 

REFERENCES TO OBERLIN'S PART IN THE SLAVERY

CONFLICT.

 

PRIMARY REFERENCES.

Reference

Number.

1. Oberlin Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society Records, Sept. 14,

1851-Aug. 13, 1853.

2. Oberlin -Wellington Rescue Case: The Rescuer, Vol. 1, No.

1, July 4, 1859. Cuyahoga County Jail.   Published by the Prisoners

who assisted in the rescue of a fugitive slave at Wellington in 1859.

3. History of Oberlin-Wellington Rescue, By J. R. Shipherd.

4. Oberlin Evangelist, Vol. 1-21.

The Oberlin Evangelists, from which material has been especially

procured are the following:

4a. Oberlin Evangelist, July 16, 1856; An address before the La-

dies' Anti-Slavery Society of Oberlin, delivered May 13, 1856, by Prof.

J. H. Fairchild.

4b. Same as 4a.

4c. Oberlin Evangelist, Jan. 8, 1850.

4d. Oberlin Evangelist, Sept. 11, 1839.

4e. Oberlin Evangelist, Aug. 15, 1855.

4f. Oberlin Evangelist, Aug. 15, 1855.

⁴g. Oberlin Evangelist, Aug. 18, 1852.

4h. Oberlin Evangelist, Aug. 15, 1860.

4i. Oberlin Evangelist, Dec. 20, 1843.

4j. Oberlin Evangelist, Jan. 30, 1856.

4k. Oberlin Evangelist, July 16, 1856.

41. Oberlin Evangelist, Jan. 30, 1856.

4m. Oberlin Evangelist, Jan. 19, 1848.

4n. Oberlin Evangelist, June 4, 1856.

40. Oberlin Evangelist, June 5, 1861.

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Oberlin's Part in the Slavery Conflict.            333

 

Reference

Number.

4p. Oberlin Evangelist, Sept. 11, 1861.

4q. Oberlin Evangelist, Aug. 27, 1862.

5. Oberlin Church History (Early Annals of the Oberlin Church),

By Rev. D. L. Leonard.

6. Reunion of the War Classes, Held at Oberlin, Ohio, June 20-24,

1903. "The Women of the War," pp. 5-8. By Mrs. L. A. M. Bosworth.

7. History of Company C, 7th Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry,

By Theodore Wilder.

8. Oberlin and Its College (A newspaper item of Aug. 9, 1876).

9. Newspaper Articles on Early Oberlin, By Mrs. M. E. P. Rose.

10. Soliciting Circular issued in 1860. (Soliciting funds for Ober-

lin College).

11. General Catalogue, 1833-1908; including an account of the prin-

cipal events in the History of the College.

12. Interview with Mr. W. T. Henderson of Oberlin, on the Col-

ored People of Early Oberlin.

13. Interview with Mr. Stephen Cole of Oberlin, on Company C,

of which he was a member.

14. The Stars and Stripes in Rebeldom. A Series of Papers writ-

ten by Federal Prisoners (Privates) in Richmond, Tuscaloosa, New Or-

leans and Salisbury, N. C.

15. Diary of Sergt. W. W. Parmenter of Co. C, 7th Reg. O. V. I.

(Written in prison in Richmond and New Orleans).

16. Letter from Sergt. W. W. Parmenter to his mother, telling of

his enlistment in Co. C, at Oberlin; and interview with Miss Parmenter.

17. Clipping from a New Orleans newspaper giving an account of

the arrival of the first Yankee prisoners in that city.  (Among these

prisoners were many from Co. C, of Oberlin). This clipping was found

in Sergt. Parmenter's wallet after his death, and brought North with

his wallet.

18. Items in the Oberlin News, regarding events in the war in

which Oberlin men took part. (These items were printed at the time).

18a. In Oberlin News, a letter dated Gauley Bridge, W. Va., Sept.

1, 1861, written to the Junior Class of Oberlin College, by J M. Ginn.

19. Interview with Prof. Root of Oberlin College.

20. The Underground Railroad, By J. H. Fairchild. Tract No.

87, Vol. 4, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio.

21. A newspaper clipping, a letter dated Charleston Jail, Dec. 1,

1861, written to Tutor Merrell, by Capt. Shurtleff.

22. Clipping from the "Dispatch," a Richmond newspaper, in the

Sept. 7, 1861, issue of this paper.

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334        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.   Secondary References. Reference Number. 23. Oberlin: The Colony and the College, By Rev. J. H. Fair- child. 24. Oberliniana, By Shumway and Brower. 25. Historical Sketch of Oberlin College, By Fairchild. 26. Oberlin: Its Origin, Progress and Results, By Fairchild. 27. Oberlin and the American Conflict. An address delivered be- fore the Alumni of Oberlin College, at their reunion, Wednesday, Aug. 23, 1865. By Prof. J. M. Ellis. 28. The Story of Oberlin, By Leonard. 29. Military Reminiscences of the Civil War, Vol 1. By J. D. Cox. 30. Jubilee Notes, 1883-1884. 31. Oberlin Jubilee, 1833-1883, Gen. Cox's address. 32. Oberlin Jubilee, 1833-1883, Narrative of the Personal Expe- riences of the Rev. Amos Dresser. 33. How the Way Was Prepared, By Calvin Fairbank. 34. Prison Life and Reflections, By George Thompson. 35. Oberlin Unmasked, By De'lazon Smith. 36. The American Ten Years' War, By Snider, D. J.

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