Ohio History Journal

CELORON'S JOURNAL.¹

 

 

EDITED BY REV. A. A. LAMBING.

 

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

It is now almost two years since I read a paper before the

Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, on Celoron's expe-

dition down the Allegheny and Ohio rivers in the latter part of

the summer of 1749. The subject attracted considerable atten-

tion at the time, and between those who culled from me and

those who cudgeled me, the local public have become pretty well

acquainted with the movements of the French in this part of the

United States about the middle of the last century. The interest

which the subject attracted determined me to secure a copy of

the Journal itself; the original of which is kept in the archives

of the marine at Paris. I may state, in passing, that I am ex-

pecting other documents from the same and other sources relat-

ing to the operations of the French in this country.

The translation is made as literally as correctness of language

would permit; for Celoron, like many others in his day, was

better able to fight the enemies of France than to write the lan-

guage of France. Notes are appended to illustrate the text, and

reference is frequently made to notes in certain papers in the

first volume of Researches and the Register of Fort Duquesne,

which it was not thought necessaray to reproduce here.* The

Journal will extend through about four numbers of the RE-

SEARCHES.

TRANSLATION OF JOURNAL.

Journal of the expedition which I, Celoron, Knight of the

Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, Captain, commanding a

detachment sent down the Beautiful River by the orders of M.,

the Marquis de la Galissoniere² Governor-General of all New

France, and of the Country of Louisiana.

*These notes are reproduced with the references.

(335)

• 1
 

336      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

I set out from La Chine on the 15th of June with a detach-

ment composed of one Captain, eight subaltern officers, six

Cadets, one Chaplain, twenty soldiers, one hundred and eighty

Canadians, and about thirty Indians, there being as many Iro-

quois as Abinakis.³ I passed the night at Point Claire. The

16th, I set out at ten in the morning and passed the night at

Soulange, with my whole detachment; several canoes were de-

stroyed in the rapids. The 17th, I set out from Soulange, I

ascended the Cedars, the rapids of the lake, to where M. Jon-

caire made shipwreck, his canoe being broken, one man drowned,

and the greater part of the goods lost. The 18th, I stopped at

the entrance of Lake St. Francis in order to get the few goods

dried, which had been gathered up at the foot of the rapids.

The 19th, I passed Lake St. Francis, and ascended the rapids,

called the Thousand Rocks, making the passage without acci-

dent. The 20th, I ascended the long bottom. The 21st, I passed

several rapids, I'll not give the number of them, they are known

to every one. The 22d, 2₃d and 24th, I continued my route with-

out anything remarkable having happened, save that several

canoes were smashed through the ill-will of those who were

guiding them; I got them repaired, and continued my route. I

passed the 25th at a New French establishment which M. the

abbe Piquet⁴ founded, where I found about sixty acres of cleared

land. His stone fort, eight feet high, was not as yet much

advanced. The abbe Piquet lodged in a bark cabin in the Indian

fashion, and had lumber and other materials prepared for his

lodging; he had two Montagnes⁵ Indians who besought me to

take them along with me. To please him I accepted them. This

was all that made up his mission.⁶ The 26th, I set out from M.

Piquet's and passed the night at the Narrows. The 27th, I set

out early in the morning to go to Fort Frontenac⁷ where I ar-

rived at five in the evening. The 28th and 2₉th, I stopped at

Fort Frontenac to repair my canoes, which had been very much

damaged in the rapids, and to give my men a rest. The 30th,

I set out from Fort Frontenac to go to Niagara. At Quinte I

fell in with Monsieur de la Naudiere⁸ who was returning from

the Miamis. He told me that the nations of Detroit, apprised of

my expedition, were ready on the first invitation to come and join

• 2
 

Celoron's Journal.                337

me. I did not count much on the disposition of these Indians;

however, as I had learned on my route that there would be more

people on the Beautiful River than had been reported to M. de la

Galissoniere, I profited, at all risks, by the advice of M. de la

Naudiere, and forced my voyage to rejoin M. de Sabrinois⁹ who

was going as Commander to Detroit: the 6th of July I arrived

at Niagara, where I found him. We conversed together, and

I wrote to M. the chevalier Longeuil¹⁰ what I had learned from

M. de la Naudiere, and I begged him, that if the nations of De-

troit had the intention of coming to join me, not to be slow in

telling them to set out; that I appointed the place of meeting at

Stiotoc from the 9th to the 12th of August; that if they had

changed their intention I would feel obliged to him to send me

scouts to inform me of their plans, so as to know what I ought

to do. The 7th of July, I had M. de Contrecoeur,¹¹ Captain and

second in command of the detachment, to set out with Messrs.

the subaltern officers and all my canoes, to go make the portage.¹²

I stayed at the fort awaiting my Indians, who had taken a differ-

ent route from mine in Lake Ontario. They having rejoined

me, I went to the portage which M. de Contrecoeur had made.

The 14th of the same month I entered Lake Erie, where a strong

gale made me encamp at some leagues above the little rapids;

there I had some squadrons formed to keep sentry, which con-

sisted of forty men commanded by an officer.. The 15th, I set

out at early morning in the hope of having a fine day and of

arriving at the Portage of Chatakuin,¹³ which I was not able to

do; a strong gale having risen, just as on the previous day, I

was obliged to go ashore. The lake is extremely shallow, there

is no protection, and if you did not sail before the wind you

would run the risk of perishing when landing. Large rocks are

found to a distance of more than three-fourths of a mile from

the shore,¹⁴ upon which you are in danger of perishing. I fell

upon one, and without prompt assistance I should have been

drowned with all on board. I landed to repair my canoe which

had been broken in several places. The 16th, at noon, I arrived

at the portage of Chatakuin. As soon as all my canoes were

loaded, I despatched M. de Villiers and M. le Borgne¹⁵ with

Vol. XXIX- 22.

• 3
 

388      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

 

fifty men to go clear a road.¹⁶ The rest of the day I made ob-

servations on the situation of the place, in case that I might

afterwards wish to establish a post there; I found nothing there

of advantage either for the navigation of the lake, or for the

situation of the post; the lake is so shallow on the side of the

south, that ships could not approach the portage but at more

than a league's distance. There is no island or harbor where

they could be moored and put under protection; they must needs

remain at anchor and have boats for unloading them; the gales

of wind are so frequent there that I think they would be in

danger. Besides, there is no Indian village established in this

place; they are at a great distance, the nearest are those of

Ganaouagon¹⁷ and of the Cut Straw.¹⁸ In the evening Messrs.

de Villiers and Le Barque came to pass the night in the camp,

having cleared about three-quarters of a league19 of the road.

Sentinels were placed, and this order continued during the whole

campaign, as much for the safety of the detachment as for form-

ing the Canadians to discipline, of which they stood in need.

The 17th, at break of day, we commenced our portage which

was vigorously prosecuted, since all the canoes, provisions,

munitions of war and merchandise destined as presents for the

nations of the Beautiful River,20 were carried the three-quarters

of a league which had been cleared the day previous. This road

is very difficult by reason of numerous hills and mountains which

are met with thereon; our men were also very tired. The 18th, I

continued my portage, but the bad weather hindered me from

pushing on as far as the preceding day. I consoled myself for

this delay; being only prevented by the rain, it was all that I

wished, so as to have water in the river for passing with the

loads which I had in my canoes. The 1₉th, the rain having

abated I resumed the march, and that day made half a league.

The 20th and 21st, we continued our route with great haste. The

22d, we finished the portage which may be counted as four

leagues, and we arrived at the head of the Lake Chataquin; at

this place I had my canoes repaired, and allowed my men to

repose. At noon on the 22d, I set out and encamped at the

outlet of the lake, which may have been nine leagues.²¹ In the

evening our Indians, who had been fishing in the lake, told me

• 4
 

Celoron's Journal.               339

 

that they had seen people who concealed themselves in the woods

as soon as they had been perceived. The 24th, I departed from

the lake at an early enough hour in the morning, and we entered

the river of Chatakuin.22 The water being rather low I had the

greater part of the baggage transported by hand. The portage

was pointed out to me by the S. de la Saussaye.²³ It was almost

three-quarters of a league. This transport rendered easy the

passage of our canoes which could not have passed with the

loads. We made almost half a league this day by water. The

25th, before setting out on the march, at the representations of

the Indians of my detachment, I called a council composed of

Messrs. the officers and the nations I had with me to deliberate

together upon the measures we ought to take on the occasion

of the vestiges we had found the day before of several cabins

abandoned with so much precipitation that the Indians had left

behind a part of their utensils, their canoes, and even their pro-

visions, to seek the woods. This action gave us proof of the

terror of these Indians, and that they withdrew only through

fear, and that they would consequently bear the alarm into all

the villages, would put them also to flight, or make them adopt

the plan of assembling to form considerable bodies, and lay an

ambush for us. The country was extremely advantageous for

them, and for us of very difficult access on account of the small

amount of water there was in the river. I communicated the

intentions of M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere to the officers,

who saw that it was of great importance for the execution of

the orders with which I was charged, to reassure the nations of

these countries; and the unanimous sentiment was, to send them

word to remain quiet in their cabins and to assure them that I

came only to treat with them of good things and to explain to

them the sentiments of their Father, Onontio.²⁴  I had their

opinions drawn out in writing, which they all signed. The fol-

lowing is a copy of them:

Council held by M. de Celoron with Messrs. the officers of

his detachment and the chiefs, the 25th of July, 1749.

Having discovered on the 2₄th of July at the lower part of

the Lake Chatakuin vestiges by which it appeared to us that

the Indians who were on the hunt in this place had been fright-

• 5
 

340      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

ened at the number of canoes and people that composed our

detachment, having abandoned their canoes, provisions, and

other utensils, and that they had gone to carry the alarm to the

village of the Cut Straw; and as it is important in consequence

of the orders of M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere to speak to

these nations to make known to them his intentions, and not

wishing to do anything without the advice of Messrs. the officers

and the chiefs whom we have with us, we have assembled them

to communicate to them the orders with which we are charged,

so as to adopt together the most suitable measures to dissipate

the terror which our march has spread. The opinions of all

having been received, the unanimous sentiment was, that to reas-

sure these nations and have an opportunity to speak to them, a

canoe should be told off to go to the village of the Cut Straw,

in which should embark M. de Joncaire,²⁵ Lieutenant, with two

Abinakis and three Iroquois to carry them three belts of wam-

pum, and induce them to take courage, that their father came

only to treat with them of good things.

Made at our Camp at the entrance of the River of Chata-

kuin, this 25th of July, 1749. All the officers signed.

As soon as the council was ended, I made M. de Joncaire

set out. This done, I set out and made about a league with much

difficulty. In many places I was obliged to assign forty men to

each canoe to have them pass over. The 26th, 27th and 28th,

I continued my voyage, not without many obstacles; and despite

all the precautions I took to manage my canoes, they often sus-

tained great injury on account of the dearth of water. The

29th, at noon, I entered the Beautiful River. I had a leaden

plate buried²⁶ on which was engraved the taking possession

which I made, in the name of the King, of this river and of all

those which fall into it. I had also attached to a tree the arms

of the King, struck on a plate of sheet iron, and of all this I

drew up an official statement, which Messrs. the officers and I

have signed.

Copy of written record of the position of the leaden plate

and of the arms of the King, deposited at the entrance of the

Beautiful River, together with the inscription:

• 6
 

Celoron's Journal.                341

In the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, we

Celoron, Knight of the Royal Military Order of St. Louis, Cap-

tain commanding a detachment sent by the orders of M. the Mar-

quis de la Galissoniere, Governor-General of New France, on the

Beautiful River, otherwise called the Oyo, accompanied by the

principal officers of our detachment, buried at the foot of a red

oak, on the southern bank of the river Oyo and of Kanaougon,²⁷

and at 42° 5' 23",28 a leaden plate, with this inscription thereon

engraven:

INSCRIPTION.

In the year 1749, in the reign of Louis the XV, King of

France, we Celoron, commander of the detachment sent by M.

the Marquis de la Galissoniere, Governor-General of New

France, to reestablish peace in some villages of these Cantons,

have buried this plate at the confluence of the Ohio and the

Kanaaiagon, the 29th of July, for a monument of the renewal

of possession which we have taken of the said river Ohio, and

of all those which fall into it, and of all the territories on both

sides as far as the source of the said rivers, as the preceding

Kings of France have possessed or should possess them,²⁹ and as

they are maintained therein by arms and by treaties, and espe-

cially by those of Riswick, Utrecht and of Aix la Chapelle; have

moreover affixed to a tree the arms of the King. In testimony

whereof, we have drawn up and signed the present written

record. Made at the entrance of the Beautiful River, the 2₉th

of July, 1749. All the officers signed.

This ceremony over, as I was not far distant from the vil-

lage of Kanaouagon, and as the Indians were notified by M. de

Joncaire of my arrival, they were on the watch to discover me.

As soon as they had descried my canoes, they sent me a deputa-

tion to invite me to come to their villages and to receive there

the compliments of their Chiefs. I treated well those sent. I

made them drink a draught of the milk³⁰ of their Father Onontio,

and gave them tobacco. They returned to their villages, and I

followed a short time after. I passed before the village; they

saluted me with several discharges of musketry; I returned the

salutes, and encamped on the other side of the river. M. de

Joncaire brought the Chiefs to my tent; I received their felicita-

tions, and as this village consists of twelve or thirteen cabins,

I invited them to come to the Cut Straw to hear what I had to

• 7
 

342     Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

• 8
 

Celoron's Journal.               343

say to them on the part of their father Onontio. The women

brought me presents of Indian corn and squashes, for which I

gave them little presents. M. de Joncaire assured me that it was

well that he had gone in advance to dispel the terror which had

seized the Indians; that several had withdrawn into the woods,

and that the others had prepared to follow. I made M. de Jon-

caire set out for the Cut Straw. The 30th, I betook myself to

Cut Straw31 whither I had sent M. de Joncaire the previous

day. The Indians of this place had formed the design of fleeing

into the woods on the report which those had given them, who

had descried us in the Lake Chatakuin, who had told them that

we were a considerable force, and that, undoubtedly, it was our

intention to destroy them. M. de Joncaire found much difficulty

in removing this impression, although they were Iroquois of the

Five Nations which composed these two villages; although he is

in fact adopted by the nation, and they have great confidence in

him. As soon as I arrived the Chiefs assembled and came to my

tent. The following is their opening speech:

Speech of the Sonontouans³² established at the village of Cut

Straw, otherwise called Kachinodiagon, and of Kanaouagon, to

M. de Celoron, accompanied by two belts of wampum, the 30th

day of July, 1749.

"My Father, we come to give testimony of the joy which we

feel at seeing you arrived at our villages in good health. It is

a long time since we have had the pleasure of seeing our Father

in these territories, and the expedition of which we have been

apprised for a month has caused much uneasiness and fear not

only in our villages, but in all those of the Beautiful River.

Thou hast perceived it, my Father, and to reassure thy children,

frightened and without courage, thou hast done well to send us

our son Joncaire to tell us to be calm and to await in our villages

thy arrival, to hear the word of our father Onontio, which thou

bringest us. The belts of wampum have entirely calmed our mind

of all the fears which had seized on us; our bundles were pre-

pared for fleeing, and we were like drunken people. All has

passed away, and we have remained as thou wished it to hear

what thou hast to tell us. We are delighted that our father

Onontio has made choice of thee to make his intentions known

to us. It is not to-day that we know thee; thou didst govern us

at Niagara,³³ and thou knowest that we never did aught but thy

will."

• 9
 

344      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Answer of M. de Celoron to the above speech, accompanied

by three belts of wampum, the 30th of July, 1749:

"I am delighted, my children, that the arrival of M. de Jon-

caire in your villages has calmed your minds, and has dispelled

the fears which my expedition into this country has caused you.

No doubt but it was occasioned by the sinister conduct of people

who always occupy themselves in evil designs. What surprises

me is, that those who have a right spirit, and who have always

listened to the words of their father Onontio, have caused this

fear. By these three belts of wampum I open your ears so that

you may hear well what I have to say to you on the part of your

father Onontio, and that I may also open your eyes to make you

see clearly the advantages which your father wishes to procure

you, if like sensible people you wish to avail yourselves of them.

It is his word which I bring you here, and which I am going to

bring to all the villages of the Beautiful River."

Words of M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere to the first vil-

lage of the Iroquois Sonontuerna, established at the entrance of

the Beautiful River, delivered by M. de Celoron:

"My children, since I began to wage war with the English

I have learned that this nation has seduced you, and that not

content with corrupting your heart, they have profited of the

time of my absence from this country to invade the territories

which do not belong to them, and which are mine; a circumstance

which has determined me to send M. de Celoron to you, to make

known my intentions, which are, that I will not suffer the English

in my territories; and I invite you, if you are my real children,

to receive them no more into your villages. I cut off, then, by

this belt, the commerce which they have lately established in this

part of the country, and I announce to you that I will not suffer

them there any more. If you are attached to me, you will make

them withdraw, and will send them home; by this means you will

always be in peace in your villages.  I will grant you for this

all the aid you have a right to expect from a good father. Come

to see me next spring; you will have reason to be pleased with

the reception I will give you; I will abundantly furnish you with

traders, if you desire it; I will even add officers to them, if that

gives you pleasure, to lead you and to give you courage, so that

you engage only in lawful business. The English have acted all

the mere wrongly in coming into these territories, as the Five

Nations have forbidden them to remain beyond the mountains.

Pay serious attention, my children, to the message which I send

you.  Listen to it well; follow it, it is the means of always

• 10
 

Celoron's Journal.               345

 

seeing over your villages a beautiful and serene sky. I expect

from you an answer worthy of my true children. You will see

suitable marks which I have fixed along the Beautiful River,

which will prove to the English that this land belongs to me, and

that they cannot come into it without exposing themselves to be

expelled from it. This time I desire to treat them with kind-

ness, and if they are wise they will profit by my advice."

Two belts of wampum.

"I am surprised, my children, to see raised in your village

a cabin destined to receive English traders. If you look upon

yourselves as my children you will not continue this work; far

from it, you will destroy it, and will no longer receive the English

at your homes."³⁴

Answer of the Iroquois of the villages of Ganaouskon and

of Chinodiagon, the 31st of July, 1749; with two belts of wam-

pum:

"My father, we thank you for having opened our ears and

our eyes to understand your speech, and see clearly that you

speak to us as a good father.

A belt.

"My father, we are very glad to speak to-day of business

with you. Do not be surprised at our answers; we are people

who have no knowledge of business, but who speak to you from

the bottom of their heart. My father, you have appeared to us

surprised at this that the English came for commerce upon our

lands. It is true our old men forbade their entrance.  You

engage us to go up to Montreal next year so as to speak of

business with Onontio, and we appreciate these favors. We

assure you that we are going to prepare for this during the

winter, and that we will go next spring.

"My father, you have told us that you perceive that the

English came to invade our lands, and that you have come to

summon them to withdraw; that to the end you closed the way

against them. We thank you for your undertaking, and we

promise you no more to suffer them here. We are not a party

capable of deciding entirely on the general sentiment of the Five

Nations who inhabit this river. We await the decisions of the

Chiefs of our villages, as also the villages lower down. For us,

my father, we assure you that we will not receive the English

into our two villages.

Two belts of wampum:

• 11
 

346      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

"My father, you have told us that some little birds had

given you word that a house was being built for the English, and

that if we suffered them to do so, they would shortly raise here

a considerable establishment for driving us away, because they

would render themselves masters of our lands. You have invited

us to discontinue this work. This is what we promise you, and

this house which is almost finished, will serve only for a recrea-

tion place for the youth. We promise you also not to touch the

arms of the King which you have planted on this river, and

which will prove to the English that they have no right in this

part of the country.

Two belts of wampum to the Indians of the detachment.

"My brothers, we are delighted to see you accompany our

father on his voyage; you have told us that you have no other

sentiments than those of Onontio. We invite you to follow the

counsels which he desires to give you, and we have taken the

resolution to do only his will. We thank you for what you have

told us, and we will pay attention to it."

The council over, I made presents to the Indians, which

gave them great pleasure, and in return they assured me anew

that they would never receive the English in their homes, and

that they would go down next spring to see their father Onontio.

The 31st of July I sojourned at this village, having been

delayed by an abundant fall of rain, which gave us a great deal

of pleasure; the river rose three feet during the night. The 1st

of August I set out from the Cut Straw. After having gone

about ten leagues, I found a village of Loups and Renards of

about ten cabins.³⁵ I landed, and found only one man, who told

me that the rest had fled. I told the Indian that his people were

wrong to let themselves be frightened, that I did not come to do

them harm; far from it, but I came to treat with them of good

things, and to encourage the children of the Governor, who were

in need of it. I added that I did not doubt but that as soon as

their fear was over, they would return home; that I invited them

to come to the village lower down, which was not further than

four or five leagues, and that I would speak to them. This same

day I passed by a little village of six cabins,³⁶ the inhabitants

of which I told, as I had the others, to come to the most consid-

erable village, where I would speak to them on the part of their

father Onontio. They arrived there a short time after me. The

• 12
 

Celoron's Journal.               847

2d, I spoke to the Indians in the name of M. the Governor. The

following are the speech and their answer:

A belt.

"My children, the Loups, the reason which determined your

father Onontio to send me into this part of the country, was the

information he had received that the English proposed to form

posts considerable enough to invade one day these lands and to

increase therein in such a way, if they were let do so, that they

would render themselves masters of them, and you would be the

victims. As you have in the past heard with attention the word

which I bring you on his part, the experience you have had, my

children, of the evil intentions of the English in your regard

ought always to be remembered. Remember that you formerly

possessed at Philadelphia, beautiful lands, upon which you found

in abundance wherewith to sustain your families. They drew

near you under pretext of ministering to your wants, and little

by little, without you perceiving it, they established forts and

afterwards towns, and when they grew powerful enough, they

drove you away and forced you to come and establish yourselves

on these lands, to find subsistence for your wives and your chil-

dren. What they did at Philadelphia they purposed doing to-day

upon the Beautiful River by the posts which they wish to estab-

lish there.  It is the knowledge which I have of this, seeing

farther than you, which has determined me to send you M. de

Celoron to make you open your eyes to the evils which threaten

you, and to make you see that it is personal interest alone that

influences the English. I send to summon them for this time

to withdraw, not wishing that they occupy the lands which

belong to me; if they are prudent they will not expose themselves

to be forced to it. The English have much less right to come

since the Kings of France and England have agreed in all the

treaties of peace, and particularly in the last which terminated

the war, that the English should never put their foot on these

lands. You know also, my children, that the Five Nations have

absolutely forbidden them, not only to establish posts upon the

Beautiful River, but even to come there to trade; that they

remain on the other side of the mountains on the land which

they have usurped from you.  To this I am not opposed, but

on my lands I shall not suffer them. For you, my children, you

will lose nothing thereby; far from it, I will give you all the

aid you have a right to expect from a good father. Depute

next spring some persons of your nation with your old men³⁷

to come and see me, and you will see by the reception I will give

you, how much I love you, and that I seek only to do you good

• 13
 

348      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

and to free you from the yoke of the English which they still

wish to impose on you. I will give you traders who will supply

all your wants and put you in such a state as not to regret those

whom I remove from your lands. These lands which you pos-

sess you will be always masters of."

Answer of the Loups the 2d of August:

A belt.

"My father, we pray you have pity on us, we are young

men who cannot answer you as old men would. What you have

said has opened our eyes and given us courage.  We see that

you labor only for our good, and we promise you to entertain

no other sentiments than those of our uncles, the Five Nations,

with whom you seem pleased. Consider, my father, the situation

in which we are placed. If you compel the English to retire,

who minister to our wants, and in particular the blacksmith³⁸

who mends our guns and our hatchets, we shall be forced to

remain without succor and be exposed to the danger of dying

of hunger and misery on the Beautiful River.  Have pity on

us, my father, you cannot at present minister to our wants, let

us have, during this winter, or at least till we go hunting, the

blacksmith and some one who can aid us.  We promise you

that by spring the English shall retire."

I told them, without making them any promise, that I would

make an arrangement which would best suit their interests and

the intentions of their father Onontio. I confess that their reply

embarrassed me very much. I made them a little present, and

induced them to keep the promise which they had given me.

The ₃d I set out on the route. On the way I found a village

of ten abandoned cabins,³⁹ the Indians, having been apprised of

my arrival, had gained the woods. I continued my route as far

as the village at the River aux Boeufs,⁴⁰ which is only of nine or

ten cabins. As soon as they perceived me they fired a salute. I

had their salute returned, and landed. As I had been informed

that there was at this place a blacksmith and an English mer-

chant, I wished to speak to them; but the English, as well as the

Indians, had gained the woods. There remained only five or

six Iroquois, who presented themselves with their arms in their

hands. I rebuked them for their manner of showing themselves,

and made them lower their arms. They made many excuses,

and told me they would not have come with their guns, except

• 14
 

Celoron's Journal.               349

that they had them to salute me. I spoke to them in almost the

same terms as I had done to the Loups, and immediately em-

barked. That evening I had a leaden plate buried, and had the

arms of the king attached to a tree; and drew up the following

official statement of the transaction:

 

OFFICIAL STATEMENT.

In the year 1749, we, Celoron, Knight of the Royal and

Military order of St. Louis, Captain commanding the detach-

ment sent by the orders of M, the Marquis de la Galissoniere,

Governor-General of New France, on the Beautiful River, other-

wise called the Ohio, accompanied by the principal officers of

our detachment, have buried upon the southern bank of the Ohio,

at four leagues distance below the River aux Boeufs, directly

opposite a naked mountain, and near an immense stone⁴¹ upon

which certain figures are rudely enough carved, a leaden plate,

and have attached in the same place to a tree the arms of the

king. In testimony whereof we have signed the present official

statement  Made at our camp the ₃d of August, 1749. All the

officers signed.

 

The inscription is the same as the preceding one, which I

placed at the entrance of the Beautiful River. The 4th, in the

morning, having conferred with Messrs. the officers, and the

principal Indians of my detachment upon the precautions to be

taken for reassuring the nations of the Beautiful River, and to

induce them not to flee, so that we could speak to them on the

part of M. the Governor, it was decided that M. de Joncaire

should go with the chiefs to the village of Attique to announce

my arrival there and induce the nations of that place to await

me without fear, since I came only to speak of good things. He

immediately set out. We made about fifteen leagues that day.

The 5th I set out at a pretty early hour. After having made

from three to four leagues I found a river, the mouth of

which is very beautiful, and at a league lower down I found

another.⁴²  Both of them are to the south of the Beautiful

River. On the highground there are villages of the Loups and

Iroquois of the Five Nations. I camped at an early hour in

order to give M. de Joncaire time to reach the village of Attique.

The 6th I set out about seven o'clock. After having made about

• 15
 

350     Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

five leagues I arrived at the village of Attique,⁴³ where I found

M. de Joncaire with our Indians. Those of the place had taken

flight. This village consists of twenty-two cabins. They are

Loups. M. de Joncaire told me that a chief with two young

men who had remained to spy, seeing him meagerly accom-

panied, had come to him and demanded of him the motives of

his voyage; to which he answered: I come only to speak to the

nations of the Beautiful River, to animate the children of the

(French) government which inhabited it. He induced this chief

to take charge of the wampum belts, which I had given him, to

carry them to the villages lower down, and to tell them to remain

quiet upon their mats, since I only came to treat of affairs with

them, which would be advantageous to them. I re-embarked

and the same day I passed by the ancient village⁴⁴ of the Chaue-

nons, which has been abandoned since the departure of an indi-

vidual named Chartier, and his band, who was taken away from

this place by the orders of M. the Marquis of Beauharnois, and

conducted to the River au Vermillion, on the Wabash, in 1745.

At this place I fell in with six English⁴⁵ soldiers, with fifty

horses and about one hundred and fifty bales of furs, who were

returning from there to Philadelphia. I summoned them in writ-

ing to withdraw to their own territory, that the land whither

they had come on business belonged to the King (of France),

and not to the King of England, that if they came again they

would be pillaged; that I desired this time to treat them with

kindness, and that they should profit of the advice I gave them.

They assured me, either through fear or otherwise, that they

would not come back any more. They acknowledged that they

had no right to trade, a point which I had explained clearly in

the citation. I wrote to the Governor of Philadelphia in these

terms:

46 "Sir. - Having been sent with a detachment into these

parts by the orders of M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere, Gov-

ernor-General of New France, in order to reconcile with it some

Indian nations which had fallen away on the occasion of the war

that is just ended, I have been very much surprised to find some

merchants of your government in this country, to which England

has never had any pretensions. I have treated them with all

possible mildness, though I had a right to look upon them as

• 16
 

Celoron's Journal.                351

 

intruders and mere vagrants, their traffic being contrary to the

preliminaries of the peace, signed more than fifteen months ago.

"I hope, Sir, you will condescend to forbid this trade for

the future, which is contrary to the treaties; and that you will

warn your traders not to return into these territories; for, if so,

they can only impute to themselves the evils which might befall

them.  I know that our Governor-General would be very sorry

to have to resort to violent measures, but he has received positive

orders not to allow foreign merchants or traders in his govern-

ment.                                       I am, etc."

 

This done, I re-embarked and continued my route. The 7th

I passed by a Loup village⁴⁷ in which there were only three men.

They had placed a white flag over their cabins, the rest of their

people had gone to Chiningue, not hazarding to remain at home.

I invited these three men to come along with me to Chiningue in

order to hear what I had to say to them. I re-embarked and

went to the village which is called the Written Rock.⁴⁸ They

are Iroquois that inhabit this place, and it was an old woman of

that nation, who led them.  She looks upon herself as queen⁴⁹

and is entirely devoted to the English. All the Indians with-

drew; there remained in this place only six English traders, who

came all trembling before me. I landed, and when I wished to

speak to them I was much embarrassed, not having an inter-

preter of their language, and they pretended not to understand

others.  However, they yielded, and one among them   spoke

Chavenoun.⁵⁰ I made the same citation to them as to the others.

and I wrote to their Governor. They told me they were going

to withdraw, that they knew well they had no right to trade,

but not having encountered any obstacles up to the present, they

had sought to gain their livelihood; and the more so as the In-

dians had attracted them thither, but that henceforward they

would not return. This place is one of the most beautiful I

have seen up to the present on the Beautiful River. I decamped

and passed the night about three leagues lower down. When

we had landed our Indians told me that when passing they had

seen certain writings on a rock.⁵¹ As it was late I could not send

anyone there till the next day. I begged the Reverend Father

Bonnecamp⁵² and M. de Joncaire to go there in the hope that

these writings might afford me some light. They set out early

• 17
 

352      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

in the morning and brought me back word that they were noth-

ing more than some English names written with charcoal. As

I was only two leagues from Chiningue53 I made the men of my

detachment brush themselves up as well as possible, so as to give

them a better appearance, and I arranged everything for repair-

ing to the village in good order, as I considered this one of the

most considerable villages of the Beautiful River. The 8th, as

I was preparing to embark, I saw a canoe come in sight with

two men. I judged they were persons sent from the village, so

I awaited them. They were only men who came expressly to

examine by my countenance if they could discover my plans.

I received them with kindness and had them drink a cup of the

milk of their father Onontio. Among the Indian nations this

is always the greatest mark of friendship that one can make

them. After having conversed some time they asked me to

let them go back to their villages, and begged me to give them

about an hour in advance so that they might prepare themselves

to receive me. Shortly after their departure I embarked, after

having examined my men's arms, and having ammunition dis-

tributed in case of need; and having to take many precautions

with nations frightened and mad, I ordered that there should be

only four guns charged with powder to each canoe, to answer

the salutes, and eight loaded with bullets; when I was in sight of

the village I discovered three French and one English flag; as

soon as I was descried salutes of musketry were fired from the

village, and, as the current is extremely strong at this part of the

shallow river, there came an Iroquois in front of me to point out

the channel. I was brought there in an instant by the swiftness

of the current. When landing they fired a discharge of balls for

us. This sort of salute is given by all the nations of the south,

and accidents frequently occur from it. This manner of saluting

did not surprise me more than it did the officers of my detach-

ment, still, as I had suspicions of them, and had no confidence in

their good intentions, I had M. de Joncaire tell them to stop

firing in this manner or I would open fire on them. I had them

ordered at the same time to knock down the English tent, or I

would have it taken away myself. This was done immediately, a

woman cut the pole and the flag has not been seen since. I

• 18
 

Celoron's Journal.               353

landed, and, as the strand is extremely narrow, and disad-

vantageous in case the Indians had bad intentions, it being at the

bottom of a slope thirty feet or more in height, I had to place

myself as advantageously as those who might be disposed to

make an attack. I fixed my camp securely near the village, and

made it appear as strong as it was possible for me. I had body

guards placed on the right and the left, I ordered sentinels to

be placed at a short distance from each other, and bivouacked

for the night. Messrs. the officers who were not on guard re-

ceived orders to make the night rounds. These precautions pre-

vented the Indians from executing what they had planned, and

which M. de Joncaire found out a short time afterwards through

the means of some woman of his acquaintance. This village

consists of fifty cabins, composed of Iroquois, Channanous, Loups

and a part of the men of the villages I had passed, who had come

to seek refuge there, and to render them stronger. About five

o'clock in the evening the Chiefs, accompanied by thirty or forty

braves, came to salute me. They complimented me on my ar-

rival at their place. The following is the opening discourse of

the 8th of August, 1749.

Two belts of wampum.

"My father, by these two belts of wampum we come to

testify to you the joy we have to see you arrive in our village

in good health. We thank the Master of Life for having pre-

served you on a route so long and so difficult as that which you

have made. It is a long while since we have had the satisfac-

tion of seeing the French in our village. We behold you here,

my father, with pleasure.  You must have noticed by the flag

which you have seen in our village that our heart is entirely

French. The young men, without perceiving the consequences,

erected the one which displeased you. As soon as we knew it

you saw it fall. It was only put up for show, and to divert the

young folks, without once thinking that the matter would have

displeased you. We invite you also, my father, by these wam-

pum belts, to open your heart to us and show us what can have

displeased you. We believe that you came to speak to us on

the part of our father Onontio.  We are ready to hear his

word, and we pray you to condescend to remain until the chiefs

of the village, whom we are awaiting, shall have arrived."

Vol. XXIX - 23.

• 19
 

354      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Answer of M. de Celoron:

Two belts of wampum.

"I am grateful to you, my children, for the pleasure which

you appear to have at seeing me arrive in your village. I have

only come here, as you see, on the part of your father Onontio,

to speak of good things. It is this which I shall explain to you

tomorrow when you will be all assembled.  You are right in

saying that the English flag which I perceived over your village

displeased me. This mingling of French and English does not

become the children of the Governor, and would seem to indicate

that their hearts are divided. Let it be broken down in such a

manner as to be never raised again.  The young men have

erected it without prudence, the old men have taken it away

with reflection, and they have done well. By these two belts of

wampum I, in my turn, open your ears and your eyes in order

that you may hear well tomorrow what I have to say to you

on the part of your father Onontio."

They retired, and in order to have themselves ready for any

occurence, they passed the night dancing, keeping, however,

their men on the alert. The ₉th, before daybreak, M. de Jon-

caire, whom I had charged, as well as M. his brother, to watch

during the night the maneuvers of the Indians, came to tell me

that he had been notified that eighty braves were on the point

of arriving, and that the resolution to attack us had been taken

in the village. On hearing this, which I communicated to Messrs.

the officers, I gave new orders so that all might be ready in case

we should have to come to close quarters. I had all my men

keep themselves in readiness. I placed Messrs. the officers in

such positions that they could assist and encourage each other

to perform their duty well, and I waited two hours to see how

the resolution of the Indians would be carried out. Seeing that

nothing was attempted, I despatched M. de Joncaire to tell them

that I knew the resolution they had taken, and awaited them

with impatience; and if they did not make haste and put in exe-

cution what they had planned, I would go and attack them. A

short time after the return of M. de Joncaire, the Indians filed

before my camp and made the accustomed salute. They may

have numbered about fifty men, according to what was told me

by several officers who had counted them as they filed by. Many

braves of the village had arrived earlier during the night.

• 20
 

Celoron's Journal.               355

About two hours after the arrival of these braves, the prin-

cipal men with those of the village came to my tent with pipes

of peace to offer me their compliments and to present them to me

to smoke. Before accepting them I rebuked them for their man-

ner of acting, in terms which were thoroughly explained to them

by Monsieur de Joncaire. The following is the discourse I ad-

dressed to them:

Discourse of M. de Celoron to the Indians of Chiningue,

with four belts of wampum, the 9th of August, 1749:

"I am surprised, my children, that (after having the con-

descension to send Monsieur de Joncaire to the Village of the

Cut Straw and Attique to announce to you my arrival in this

part of the country, and to let you know that I was bringing

the word of your father Onontio,) to see you frightened, abashed,

and making manoeuvres which at no time were becoming for

the children of the governor.  I informed you by these belts

of wampum that I came only to do good; they have been sent

you; you should, then, believe me.  You are well enough ac-

quainted with the Frenchman to know that he is sincere, and

never speaks from the lips only.  If I ever had such designs as

you imagine, or such as the evil-minded have told you, I would

have concealed my expedition from you, as that was easy for

me to do, and I would not have arrived so peaceably at your

village as I have done.  I know how to make war, and those

who have made war with us ought to know it, too, so I cannot

act the part of a deceiver.  By these four belts of wampum I

again open your ears, I enlighten your minds and I take away

the bandage which you have over your eyes, so that you may

be able to hear the word of your father Onontio, who is filled

with kindness towards you, though he has had reason to be

dissatisfied with some among you.  Now I desire heartily to

smoke your pipes to prove to you that I have forgotten all you

have done. I shall speak to you to-morrow on the part of your

father Onontio; I invite you to drive away the bad spirit which

seduces you and which will inevitably ruin you if you do not

pay attention."

I smoked the pipes, and they went away well pleased, and

remained quiet the rest of the day and the following night. The

loth of August, about ten in the morning, I made the chiefs and

a part of the braves, assemble in my camp. I had a place pre-

pared for the council, and I told them the word of M. the Gov-

ernor, to which they listened with marked attention.

• 21
 

356      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Message of Monsieur the Marquis de la Galissoniere to the

nations of Chiningue brought by Monsieur de Celoron, the 10th

of August. 1749, A belt.

"The friendship which I entertain for you, my children,

despite your estrangement from me, has induced me to send you

Monsieur de Celoron to bring you a message and induce you to

open your eyes with regard to the projects which the English

form on your territories.  Undoubtedly you are not aware of

the establishments which they propose making thereon, which

tend to nothing short of your total ruin. They hide from you

their idea of establishing themselves therein in such a way as to

render themselves masters of that territory, and drive you away,

if I should let them do so.⁵⁴ I ought, then, like a good father

who loves his children tenderly, and who, though far away from

them, bears them all in his heart, to apprise them of the danger

that threatens them, which is the design that the English have

formed to take possession of your territories, and to succeed in

that they have begun to bias your minds. You know, my chil-

dren, that they have left nothing undone during the last war to

turn you against me, but the greater part of your nation have had

courage enough not to listen to them. I feel grateful to these,

and. like a kind father, I forget the past, persuaded that, for the

future, you will remain quiet in your own territories, no matter

what wars I may have with the English.  It is to your own

advantage to observe the neutrality which you yourselves asked

of me when you came to Montreal; to which demand I deigned

to consent, and by this means you will preserve this peace which

constitutes the happiness of the nations. As I know the English

only inspire you with evil sentiments, and, besides, intend, through

their establishments on the Beautiful River, which belongs to me,

to take it from me, I have summoned them to retire, and I have

the greater right for so doing from the fact that it has been

stipulated between the Kings of France and England, that the

English should never repair thither for trade or aught else. It

is even one of the conditions of the peace which we have just

made together. Moreover, the Chiefs of the Five Nations have

told them not to pass over the mountains which form their

boundaries.  I do not wish to employ violence this time with

regard to the English, I shall tell them quietly my determination

that they should pay attention; for, if afterwards misfortunes

befall them, they can only blame themselves.  For you, my

children, rest on your mats and do not enter into the disputes

I may have with the English. I will take care for all that may

be for your advantage, I invite you to come to see me next

• 22
 

Celoron's Journal.               357

 

year. I will give you marks of my friendship and will put you

in such a condition as not to regret those whom I advise you not

to suffer among you.  I will give you all the assistance of a

kind father who loves you. and who will let you want for noth-

ing. Those whom we shall bring to you will never covet your

territories, either by purchase or usurpation; on the contrary, I

will order them to maintain you thereon in spite of all opposition,

and your interests shall be common with mine, if you behave

well. By this means you will be always tranquil and peace will

reign in your villages. I would, my children, tell you the senti-

ments of your father before speaking to the English, whom I

am going to look for to tell them to retire."

The counsel finished, they appeared well pleased with what

I had told them, and went to their villages to prepare their

answer, which I told them to do for the next day, having a long

way to go, and the season being far advanced. This village is

composed of Iroquois, Chanavaus and of Loups, for which

cause the council lasted for more than four hours. Besides these

three nations there are in this village Iroquois from the Sault

St. Louis, from the Lake of the Two Mountains, and Indians

from the Nepisiniques and the Abanakis, with Ontarios and other

nations. This gathering forms a bad village, which is seduced

by the allurements of cheap merchandise furnished by the Eng-

lish, which keeps them in very bad disposition towards us. I had

the most prominent of the English merchants called to me, to

whom I addressed a summons to retire into their own territory

with all their servants, just as I had done with regard to those

whom I had previously met. They answered like the others,

that they would do so, that they knew well they had no right to

trade on the Beautiful River. I added that their government

was bounded by the mountains, and that they should not pass

beyond what was agreed to. I wrote to the Governor of Caro-

lina in terms similar to those I had employed in writing to the

Governor at Philadelphia.

The 11th of August, the Indians came to give me their

answers. If they are sincere, I believe Monsieur the Governor-

General will be satisfied with them; but there is little reliance to

be placed on the promise of such people, and the more so, as I

have just said, since their personal interests make them look with

• 23
 

358      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

favorable eyes on the English, who give them their merchandise

at one-fourth the price; hence there is reason to think the King

of England or the country makes up the loss which the mer-

chants sustain in their sales to draw the nations to them.⁵5 It is

true that the expenses of the English are not near so considerable

as those which our merchants would be obliged to contract on

account of the difficulty of the route. It is, however, certain that

we can never regain the nations, except by furnishing them mer-

chandise at the same price as the English; the difficulty is to find

out the means ?

These are the answers which the Indians of Chiningue made

to the message of M. the Governor-General, the 11th of August,

1749:

"My father, we are very glad to see you to-day, and (are

pleased) with the manner in which you regard us. The Com-

manders of Detroit and Niagara had told us to go see Onontio;

to-day you come yourself to invite us to go down. One must

be insane not to pay attention to your word. By this string we

assure you that all the nations who inhabit this river will go

down next spring to hear the word of our father Onontio.

Nothing will be able to turn us away from the sentiments which

we now entertain. Even though but one person should remain,

he will have the pleasure of seeing our father. The shoes which

we wear at the thawing of the ice would not be able to carry

us to Montreal: we pray him to make provision on that score so

that we may find some at Niagara when we are passing that way.

My father, have pity on us, we have no longer any ancient chiefs;

it is only young people that now speak to you.  Pardon the

faults which we may commit because you, who are wisdom itself,

also make some.   You have expelled the English from this

territory, and to this we heartily agree; but you ought to bring

with you traders to furnish us with what we need. If you have

pity for us, let us have the English so that they may render us

the assistance which is necessary until spring-time. You see in

what an unfortunate plight we shall be, if you do not show us

this kindness. Do not be surprised at not finding answers to your

belts. Those you behold here are only young men who keep

their pipes;56 when our chiefs and our braves return, we shall

intimate to them your intentions, and the sentiments of our father

Onontio; and, in order that we may be at ease we pray you to

leave with us one of your⁵⁷ children, Joncaire, to conduct us to

our father and assist us."

• 24
 

Celoron's Journal.               359

Answer of Monsieur de Celoron to the demand which the

Indians made of him, to have one of the Messrs. Joncaire:

"My children, it is not in my power to dispose of any of the

officers which your father has confided to me. When you go

down you can ask him one of the Messrs. Joncaire, and I am

convinced he will not refuse him to you."

 

Continuation of the reply of the Indians:

"We thank you for the hope which you give us that our

father will grant us one of your children. We again assure you

that we will do, without reserve, all that you have asked of us.

We would be glad to be able to see you longer, and we thank our

brethren who are along with you for the advice they have given

us, and we shall pay attention to it."

 

When the Council was finished I had the presents brought

forward that I had destined for them. They were considerable

enough. They were much flattered by them. I encouraged them

anew to hold to what they had promised me, and above all to

come to see Monsieur the Governor-General next year, assuring

them that they would have reason to be well pleased with their

reception at the hands of their father Onontio.⁵⁸ My business

finished, I had my canoes launched and embarked to continue

my voyage. About four leagues lower down there is a river

to the south⁵⁹ on which there are several villages. I did not

land there, having spoken to them at Chiningue.

I embarked about six in the morning. Having made from

four or five leagues I fell in with two pirogues laden with pack-

ages and manned by four Englishmen. All that I could get out

of them was, that they were coming from St. Yotoc, whence

they had set out twenty-five days previous. I had no English in-

terpreters, and they did not know how to speak French or Iro-

quois, which was the only language of which I had an inter-

preter. I re-embarked and continued my route until three

o'clock, and having many sick I made my Indians go a hunting

in hope that this Beautiful River, which had been reported to

Monsieur the Governor-General as abounding in buffaloes, might

furnish some to regale my men who were living on nothing but

• 25
 

360      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

sea biscuit. But I was disappointed, my Indians killed nothing

but a few deer which was a poor comfort to hungry and infirm

persons.

The 1₃th I set out early in the morning and fell in with

several pirogues manned by Iroquois who were going to hunt

among those rivers which flow from the territories. At noon I

made a halt, and had a leaden plate buried at the entrance of the

River Kanonuara, to the south of the Beautiful River, and had

the arms of the King attached to a tree, and drew up the fol-

lowing official statement of it.

Official statement of the depositing of a leaden plate at the

mouth of the River Kanonuara.⁶⁰

The year 1749, we, Celoron, Knight of the Royal and Mili-

tary Order of St. Louis, and Captain commanding a detachment

sent by the orders of Monsieur the Marquis de la Galissoniere,

Governor-General of Canada, upon the Beautiful River, accom-

panied by the principal officers of our detachment, have buried

at the foot of a large elm tree at the entrance of the river and

upon the southern bank of the Kanonuara, which empties itself

at the east of the river Oyo, a leaden plate, and have attached to

a tree in the same spot, the arms of the King. In testimony

whereof we have drawn up and signed, along with Messrs. the

officers, the present official statement, at our camp, the 13th of

August, 1749.

The 14th I set out at 7 o'clock, not being able to do so

sooner on account of the fog. I passed two rivers,61 the mouths

of which are very beautiful. The hunting was very fair that

day in deer. The 15th I continued my voyage and buried a

leaden plate at the mouth of the river Jenuanguekouan,⁶² and

drew up the following official statement of it:

Official statement of the depositing of a fourth leaden plate

at the entrance of the river Jenuanguekouan, the 15th of August,

1749:

The 15th of August, 1749, we, Celoron, Knight of the Royal

and Military Order of St. Louis, Captain commanding a detach-

ment sent by the orders of Monsieur the Marquis de la Galis-

soniere, Governor-General of Canada, upon the Beautiful River,

otherwise called the River Oyo, accompanied by the principal

officers of our detachment, have buried at the foot of a maple

• 26
 

Celoron's Journal.               361

tree, which forms a triangle with a red oak and an elm tree, at

the entrance of the river Jenuanguekouan, at the western bank

of that river, a leaden plate, and have attached to a tree on the

same spot, the arms of the King.  In testimony whereof we

have drawn up and signed the present official statement, along

with Messrs. the officers at our camp, the 15th of August, 1749.

The 16th I could not get off before nine o'clock, having

out several hunters, both French and Indians, who had passed

the night in the woods. I made about twelve leagues. The 17th

I embarked about seven o'clock. In the course of the day I

passed two beautiful rivers, which flowed down from the lands,

the one to the north, the other to the south of the Beautiful

River, the names of which I do not know. I landed early for

the sake of a hunt, for all were reduced to the biscuit. The

18th I set out at a pretty early hour. I encamped at noon as the

rain hindered us from continuing our voyage. That same day I

deposited a leaden plate at the entrance of the river Chinodaista,

and had the arms of the King attached to a tree. This river

bears canoes for forty leagues without meeting rapids, and takes

its rise near Carolina.⁶³  The English of that government come

that way to ply their trade on the Beautiful River.

Official statement of the fifth leaden plate, placed at the

entrance of the river Chinodaista, the 18th of August, 1749:

The year 1749, We, Celoron, Knight of the Royal and Mili-

tary Order of St. Louis, Captain, commanding a detachment sent

by the orders of Monsieur the Marquis de la Galissoniere, Gov-

ernor-General of Canada: upon the Beautiful River, otherwise

called L'oyo, accompanied by the principal officers of our detach-

ment, have buried at the foot of an elm tree, upon the southern

bank of the Loyo, and the eastern bank Chinodaista, a leaden

plate, and have attached to a tree in the same spot the arms of

the King. In testimony whereof, we have drawn up the present

official statement, and which we have signed along with Messrs.

the officers at our camp, the 18th of August, 1749.

 

The 1₉th the rain continued so violently that I was forced

to pitch my camp on higher grounds, the bottom lands being

inundated. The 20th I re-embarked and after making a few

leagues, seeing a man standing on the bottom lands I went to

• 27
 

362      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

• 28
 

Celoron's Journal.                363

him; it was a Loup Indian who was returning from a war waged

on the Chien Nation. It was sixteen days since he had set out

alone without food or ammunition.  I gave him as much as

would enable him to reach Chiningue, from which he was still

far distant.  I questioned him with regard to the number of

people there might be at St. Yotoc.⁶⁴  He answered me that

there might be about 80 cabins there, and perhaps 100. I con-

tinued my voyage till three o'clock, and then made my men go

hunting. The 21st the Indians of my detachment came looking

for me to represent to me that they were afraid to go to St.

Yotoc without having previously given notice to the nations of

that place of my designs, because this was a considerable village,

and there was reason to fear that these Indians were apprised

of my voyage and would be restless from the fact that those

who had brought them the news of my arrival might, as in the

case of the villages by which I had passed, have carried them

false reports, which would lead them to lay ambushes for us.

When drawing near the village I assembled the officers to discuss

the part we should take. It was arranged that we should de-

spatch a canoe to St. Yotoc to pacify the natives and rouse their

courage in case some news-mongers might have caused them

trouble. It was Monsieur de Joncaire that I appointed to go

there along with Ceganeis-Kassin and Saetaguinrale, the two

chiefs from the Sault St. Louis, faithful servants of the King,

and three Abenaki chiefs.  Monsieur de Minerville asked per-

mission to go there too, and I let him. I gave those sent some

hours of advance.  Then I embarked about 7 o'clock in the

morning, after having distributed war ammunition to all my

men, and encouraged them to act their part well in case the

Indians wished to attack us. After making about four leagues

I discovered a canoe, armed by from seven to eight men, and

which had a white flag.  As soon as they perceived me they

landed and I went to them. It was Monsieur de Joncaire with

seven Indians, both Chanenoies and Iroquois.  As soon as I

landed the chief came and shook hands with me. The others

did the same, and kept silent for some time. These men seeming

to me to be much disturbed, I asked the reason of this circum-

stance of Monsieur de Joncaire, and he told me that the nations

• 29
 

364      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

of St. Yotoc were frightened out of their wits, and that when

they perceived himself and his companions drawing near, they

fired balls on them and even pierced their flag with three bullets;

that on landing they were conducted to the council cabin, and

when they would explain the subject of their commission an

Indian arose and interrupted them, saying that the French de-

ceived them, and that they came only to destroy them and their

families; that at that instant the young men had rushed to

arms, saying that these Frenchmen should be killed, and that

after they had dispatched their own families to the woods, they

should then go and lay ambushes for the canoes. According

to what Monsieur and the Indians who were in his company

told me, all this would have been carried into execution by them,

were it not for an Iroquois chief who averted the storm, pacified

them and volunteered to come to me along with any others who

were disposed to follow him; and, for security, they retain M.

de Minerville and the Indians.  Finally, after a silence of a

half-hour's duration, the Iroquois chief arose and said to me:

"My father, you behold before you young men without intel-

ligence, who were on the point of embroiling the land in turmoil

forever. Look on us in pity and show no resentment for what

we have done. When you arrive at our village our old men will

testify their sorrow for the fault they have committed. For the

last two months we have been like drunken men, by reason of

the false reports which were brought to us by the villages through

which you have passed."

I answered him thus:

"I do not know what you wish to say to me when I shall

have arrived at St. Yotoc. I shall make inquiry and see what I

shall have to do. I know you have come to meet me with good

dispositions. You would have done wisely in bringing back the

Indians who were with M. de Joncaire. You may go back to

your village, I will go there in a little time. You will give notice

to the young men that they must dispense with saluting me

according to their custom."

I gave him and those along with him a drink and sent them

away, for M. de Joncaire said to me: "I knew right well that

these Indians were badly disposed and much frightened, since

in the space of twice twenty-four hours they had constructed

• 30
 

Celoron's Journal.                365

a stone fort, strongly built and in good condition for their

defense." This caused me to make the most serious reflections.

I was aware of the weakness of my detachment; two-thirds were

recruits who had never made an attack, and who, on first seeing

the Indians of my detachment, had taken flight. It was not in

my power to choose others, and notwithstanding the recom-

mendations made by M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere when

setting out for Quebec, to give me picked men, they paid no

regard to them there. In fine, there was no other course left

me to pursue than to continue my voyage without provisions,

having my canoes unfit for service, without pitch or bark.⁶⁵  I

re-embarked, prepared for whatever might happen. I had excel-

lent officers and about fifty men on whom I could rely. At a

quarter-of-a-league's distance from the village I was descried.

The salutes began immediately, and those Indians discharged

well nigh a thousand gunshots.  I knew the powder had been

gratuitously furnished them by the English.  I landed opposite

to the village and had a return salute fired. The chiefs and the

old men crossed the river and came to me with flags and pipes

of peace; they had the grass cut in order to make seats for us,

and invited me to sit down along with the officers.  They led

back with them Sieur de Minerville and the Indians whom they

had retained.  As we were about sitting down about 80 men

crossed over, armed and accoutred as warriors. I ordered my

detachment under arms.   These 80 men lined a hedge about

twenty paces from us, and leaned on their guns.  I told the

chief that I was astonished at the manoeuvres of these hare-

brained creatures, and that if they did not move out of that

immediately I would fire upon them. He answered me that they

did not come with any bad intention, but merely to salute us

again, and that they should retire since it displeased me. This

they did immediately, firing their guns in the air, which were

only loaded with blank cartridges. Pipes were then presented

to me and to all the officers. After this ceremony a Chaouenous

chief arose and complimented me upon my arrival. I told them

that I would speak to them tomorrow in my tent where I would

light the Governor's fire.  They answered me that they had

in their village a council cabin where they would hear me, if I

• 31
 

366      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

repaired thither with all my officers, with regard to what I had

to say to them on the part of their father Onontio.  I refused

their demand, and said it was their place to come to me to hear

what I had to say to them.   They being much displeased it

would have been a great imprudence to go to their village, so I

held firm to this point and brought them round to my views.

They returned to their village.  We posted guards, and the

rounds were kept up during the whole night very scrupulously by

the officers.  It is to be remarked that since the inhabitants of

this village composed for the most part of Chavenois and Iroquois

of the Five Nations, there were added more than thirty men from

the Sault St. Louis, waste had destroyed the abundance of game,

the cheap merchandise which the English furnished was very

seducing motives for them to remain attached to the latter. The

son of Arteganukassin⁶⁶ is there, and neither his father nor

myself could succeed in taking him away. Besides the men from

the Sault St. Louis, there are also some from the lake of the

Two Mountains, some Loups from the Miami, and nearly all the

nations from the territory of Enhault.⁶⁷ All these taken together

were no better than Chavenois, who are entirely devoted to the

English. The 23d I sent them word by Monsieur de Joncaire

to come to my camp to hear the words of their father. At first

they refused to come, saying that it was in the council cabin they

should be spoken to. I answered by saying that it was the duty

of children to come and find their father where he wished to

light his fire.  After some parleying they came to my camp

and make their excuse in these terms:

Speech of the Indians of St. Yotoc to M. de Celoron, with

four belts of wampum, the 23d of August, 1749:

"My father, we are ashamed to appear before you after the

excesses we committed yesterday with regard to those whom you

sent us.  We are in despair, we ask pardon of you for it, and

of our brethren, and we beseech you to forget this great mistake.

The sorrow we feel for it gives us hope that you will pardon us."

Answer of Monsieur de Celoron to the Indians of St. Yotoc,

the same day.

"My children, no one could be more astonished than I was

when I learned by the canoe which came to me, the reception

• 32
 

Celoron's Journal.               367

which you had given to the chiefs whom I sent to you, to an-

nounce my arrival, and to tell you that I came to bring you the

word of your father Onontio. They had gone to quiet you

with all the signs capable of proving to you that I only came to

your village in a peaceful manner. This sign so honorable for

all the other tribes was not so for you; so you fired on them;

and not content with that, you have shown more deference for

the word of a wicked man in your village, who is a hypocrite,

than you did for mine. I was the more surprised, since believ-

ing for a long time that the Chavenous were men of courage,

they have showed themselves too smart on this occasion in insult-

ing those who were sent to them. What is then become of that

good spirit, Chavenous, which you had, when, ten years ago,

Monsieur de Longueil passed by here on his way to the

Chuachias.68 You came out to meet him, and you showed him

in every way the kindness of your hearts. A company of young

men also volunteered to accompany him, yet he did not give you

notice of his coming. But at that time you had a French heart,

and today you let it be corrupted by the English who dwell among

you continually, and who, under pretext of ministering to your

wants, seek only to ruin you. Reflect on these just rebukes I

am making you, and have no confidence in those bad people who

will turn out, if you do not be on your guard, the ruin of your

nation.

"With four belts of wampum you stuffed my throat on my

arrival. I had no need of this sort of medicine. The heart of

the Governor is always kind towards his children, but as you

stand in need of a stronger proof of this, by these belts of

wampum I dispel all your evil dispositions. The pardon which

you solicit for your fault, and the sorrow which you seem to have

for it, constrain me to pardon you.  Be wiser for the future.

As you ask me, I bury this unhappy affair, and I will ask your

father Onontio, not to keep any remembrance of it. I invite

you to reject all the deceitful talk which may be addressed to

you, and I invite you in future to hear well the speech of your

father Onontio; which I bring to you."

Speech of M. the General to the Indians of the village of

St. Yotoc, brought by M. de Celoron with a belt, the 23d August,

1749:

"My children, the friendship I entertain for you, although

far away, has induced me to send M. de Celoron to open your

eyes and disclose to you the projects which the English are form-

ing in your regard, and that of the territories also which you

inhabit  Undoubtedly you are not aware of the establishments

• 33
 

368      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

that they are thinking of making there which tend to nothing

short of your ruin. They conceal from you their idea, which

is to build on your territories forts sufficiently strong to destroy

you, if I would allow them to do so. I ought then as a kind

father who loves his children tenderly, and who, though far

away from them, always thinks of their good, to give them notice

of the danger which threatens them. You know, my children,

that they omitted nothing in the last war I had with them to

induce you to declare against me. Happy for you that you did

not listen to them, and I am thankful to you for it. Others let

themselves be drawn away, I have pardoned some of them, per-

suaded that they will be more prudent for the future, and will

no more listen to these evil spirits who seek only to trouble the

land. But to shield you completelyfrom their seduction I have

sent to summon them to withdraw immediately from off my

territories wherein they never had a right to enter, the kings of

France and England having agreed in the treaties of peace, that

the English should never come for trade or aught else upon the

Beautiful River. I did not wish to employ force on this occasion;

though I had the right to have them pillaged, I notified them

peacefully to pay attention; if another time misfortune befall

them, they have only themselves to blame. For you, my chil-

dren, remain quiet in your wigwams and do not enter into the

contentions I may have with the English; I will take care for all

that may be for your advantage. I invite you to come see me

next year, I shall then give you marks of my friendship, and

shall put you in such a state as not to regret those whom I

remove from my territories. I shall afford you all the assistance

which you have a right to look for from a kind father who loves

you and will not let you want for anything.  Those who will

bring you this assistance, will not invade your lands nor drive

you away from them; on the contrary, I have given them orders

to maintain you therein, and your interests and mine shall always

be the same.

A belt.

"For the two years that I have been in the country I have

been entirely taken up in finding out the interests of my children,

and all that could be of advantage to them. I have learned with

regret the affair which transpired between you and the Illinois;

as you are equally my children and I have the heart of a father

for you, I charge M. de Celoron whom I send into the villages

of the Beautiful River, to carry my speech, and to present you

with this belt on my part in order to induce you to become

reconciled with your brethren the Illinois.  I have taken the

same steps with them, having despatched to the commander of

• 34
 

Celoron's Journal.                 369

 

that post an order to speak with them on my part, and to tell

them to remain quiet.  I hope, my children, that you, one and

all, will hear my speech with pleasure, and that you will strive

to live in peace and harmony as my real and true children. I

do not enter into the subject of your quarrel, I am even ignorant

as to who is the aggressor; but no matter how that may be, it is

his place to make the necessary advances for a reconciliation, and

the offended party should forget the injury received. I shall be

much obliged to them for so doing, and the more so as I seek

only to procure them that which is most advantageous."

Whilst we were in council a Chanenous entered with a very

frightened look and told the chief that all the nations of Detroit

(or the narrows) were coming to fall upon them, and that whilst

I was amusing them, they were going to see their villages de-

stroyed.⁶⁹ I saw that the Indians were excited; I asked the

cause of it, and having learned it, I calmed their fear and so

encouraged them that the council was interrupted but for a

short time.  After having explained to them the intentions of

M. the General, I gave them a cup to drink. They went back

to their village. As soon as they were gone, I sent M. de Jon-

caire to get information with regard to the news that had just

arrived.  It was not long till he came back and reported to me

that it was three Ontarios who had arrived at a village in the

territory at a distance of ten leagues from St. Yotoc, and that

couriers had set out immediately to bring us the news; that the

Ontarios would not arrive for two days. I conjectured that they

were the couriers that M. de Sabrinois sent me to give me

notice of the dispositions of the people of Detroit.

The 24th. The Indians hesitated, after having raised some

difficulties, to come and give their answer in the French camp, but

seeing that I persisted with firmness in my manner, they came,

and here is their answer very badly explained, their interpreter

being very ignorant.

Answer of the Indians of St. Yotoc, to the speech of M.

the General, the 2₄th of August, 1749, with six belts of wampum:

"My father, we come to tell you that we have listened to

the speech of our father Onontio, with great pleasure, that all he

has told to us is true and intended for our good, and that we

Vol. XXIX-24.

• 35
 

370      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

ourselves and our brethren who are here present will conform

to it, having but one and the same mind.  By these belts of

wampum we assure our father Onontio, that all who dwell in our

village will no more play an evil part and will no longer listen

to bad talk. My father, we render you our thanks for wishing

to reconcile us with our brethren, the Illinois. We promise you

to labor at bringing this about. That speech has afforded much

pleasure to our entire village.  My father, by these belts of

wampum we thank you for the manner in which you have spoken

to us; we encourage you to continue your route, and to animate

all your children, so that the land may be at peace for us

Chananaous, and we assure you that we shall labor henceforth

only in what is right."

The 25th. I had all the chiefs assemble, and bestowed on

them a present on the part of M. the General, and urged them

to keep the promise they had given me. A little while after I

summoned the English traders to appear and commanded them

to withdraw, making them feel that they had no right to trade

or aught else on the Beautiful River.  I wrote to the Governor

of Carolina,⁷⁰ whom I fully apprised of the danger his traders

would expose themselves to, if they returned there. I was

ordered to do this in my instructions, and even to plunder the

English, but I was not strong enough for that, the traders having

established themselves in the village and being well sustained

by the Indians, I would be only undertaking a task which would

not have succeeded, and which would only have redounded to the

disgrace of the French. The Ontarios, sent by M. de Sabrinois,

arrived and brought me two letters in which he informed me

that there was nothing in what M. La Naudiere⁷¹ had told me

with regard to the dispositions of the Indians of Detroit; that it

was rather the contrary; for notwithstanding several efforts

made by M. Longueuil and himself to urge them to march, they

had constantly refused.  I gave the couriers some provisions,

which were at present very much stinted, and I wrote to M. de

Sabrinois and besought him to keep twenty canoes in reserve

for me at the foot of the narrows, with provisions for my detach-

ment, against the beginning of October.

The 26th. I set out at ten in the morning from St. Yotoc;

all the Indians were under arms and fired a salute when I passed

before the village. The 27th of August I arrived at the White

• 36
 

Celoron's Journal.              371

River⁷² about six in the evening. I knew that at a distance of

three leagues in the country there were cabins of my friends,

and that influenced me to pass the night in this place. The 28th,

I sent M. Devillier and my son to these cabins in order to tell

those Indians to come and speak with me. They brought them

back with them, and I induced them to come with me to the

village of the Demoiselle,73 whither I was going to bring the

word of their father Onontio.  They gave their consent and

asked (to be permitted) to remain till the next day in order to

have time to prepare for the journey. There are in this village

two cabins of Sonontouans. It is the policy of these nations to

have always along with them some (other Indians) who serve

as a hostage.  I induced one of these Sonontouans who spake

Miami very well, to come with me to the Demoiselle, for I had

need of him, having no interpreter, though I had to treat with

these people on matters of importance.

The 2₉th. I wrote to M. Raimond, captain and commander

among the Miamis, and besought him to send me the so-called

royal interpreter with as many horses as he possibly could, to

transport our baggage over a portage of fifty leagues. The 30th

the Indians of the White River having arrived, I embarked to

gain the Rock River,⁷⁴ and at the entrance I had a leaden plate

buried, and the arms of the King attached to a tree, of which

I drew up an official statement.

Official statement of the sixth leaden plate⁷⁵ buried at the

entrance of the Rock River, the 31st day of August, 1749.

The year 1749, we, Celoron, Knight of the Royal and Mili-

tary Order of St. Louis, Captain, commanding a detachment

sent by the orders of M. the Marquis de la Galissoniere, Gov-

ernor-General of Canada, upon the Beautiful River, otherwise

called the Ohio, accompanied by the principal officers of our

detachment, have buried at the point formed by the right bank

of the Ohio and the left bank of Rock River, a leaden plate, and

have attached to a tree the arms of the King. In testimony

whereof, we have drawn up and signed with Messrs. the officers,

the present official statement.

The inscription is always the same.

7th September.76  This done, I embarked; owing to the

scarcity of water in this river, it took thirteen days in ascending it.

• 37
 

372      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

The 12th. The Miamis of the village of the Demoiselle

having learned that I was on the point of arriving among them,

sent four chiefs to meet me with pipes of peace to have me

smoke; as the half of my people were on land, there not being

water enough in the river to float the freighted canoes.  I was

informed by M. de Courtemanche, the officer of the detachment,

of the arrival of his messengers, I landed at the place where they

were, and when we were all seated they began the ceremony of

presenting the pipe.  I accepted it.  They then brought it to

M. de Contrecoeur, second captain of the detachment, and to all

the officers and the Canadians, who, worn out for a smoke, would

have wished that the ceremony had continued longer. The hour

having come for camping, we passed the night in this place.

The messengers remaining with us, I was obliged, despite the

scarcity of provisions then in my possession to give them supper.

The 1₃th. I arrived at the village of the Demoiselle. I

pitched my camp, placed my sentinels, and awaited the arrival of

the interpreter I had asked of M. de Raimond.  During this

interval, I sounded their minds in order to learn if they were

disposed to return to Kiskakon,⁷⁷ for that is the name of their

ancient village. It seemed to me that they had not much objec-

tion. They had two English soldiers in their village whom I

obliged to go away before speaking to these people. Those who

had spent the summer there trading, had already departed over-

land with their effects; they had ways of communication from

one village to another.

The 17th.  Wearied at the fact of the interpreter not ar-

riving, and because my provisions were being consumed while

thus waiting, I determined to speak to the Demoiselle by means

of an Iroquois who knew Miami well. I showed them magnifi-

cent presents on the part of M. the General to induce them to

return to their villages, and I explained to them his invitations

in these terms:

Speech of M. the General to the Miamis of the band of the

Demoiselle, established at Rock River, and at the Baril located

at the White River, brought by M. de Celoron, 17th of Septem-

ber, 1749, with eight belts of wampum for the two villages:

• 38
 

Celoron's Journal.               373

"My children: The manner in which I behave toward you,

despite all you have done to the French whom I sent you to

maintain your wives and your children, ought to be a sufficient

proof of the attachment which I have for you and the sincerity

of my feelings. I forget what you have done to me, and I bury

it in the depth of the earth in order to never more remember it,

convinced that you have acted only at the instigation of a people

whose policy is to trouble the land and destroy the good disposi-

tion of those with whom they have relations, and who avail

themselves of the unhappy ascendency which you have let them

get over you. They make you commit faults and they incite you

to an evil course without their seeming to have any part in it,

in order to ruin you in my estimation.

"It is then to enlighten you that I send you my message;

listen carefully to it, and pay attention to it, my children; it is

the word of a father that loves you, and in whose eyes your

interests are dear. I extinguish by these two belts of wampum

the two fires which you lighted during the last two years, both

at the Rock River and at White River.  I extinguish them in

such a way that not a single spark can escape."

 

A belt to the Demoiselle and to the Baril.⁷⁸

"My children: I have just told you that these are belts of

wampum with which I extinguish the fires that you lighted, both

at Rock River and at White River. By these belts I lift you

from your mats and I lead you by the hand in order to bring you

to Quiskakon, where I light your fire and make it more enduring

than ever.  It is in this country, my children, that you will

enjoy a perfect peace, and where I will be ever at hand to give

you marks of my friendship; it is in this country, my children,

that you will enjoy the pleasures of life, it being the place where

repose the bones of your ancestors, and those of M. de Vin-

cennes,⁷⁹ whom you loved so much and who always governed

you in such a way that your affairs were ever in good order. If

you have forgotten the counsels which he gave you, these ashes

shall recall to you the memory of them; the bones of your

fathers suffer from your estrangement. Have pity on the dead

who call you back to your village.

"Follow, along with your wives and your children, the chief

whom I will send to bring you my message, and who will again

light your fire at Quiskakon in such a manner that it shall no

more be extinguished. I will afford you all the assistance which

you have a right to expect from my friendship, and remember,

my children, that I am doing for you what I have never done

for any other nation."

• 39
 

374      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Another speech with four belts of wampum for the

Demoiselle, and two for the Baril:

"By these belts of wampum I set a boundary to all passages

which lead to the Beautiful River, so that you go there no more,

and that the English who are the ringleaders of every evil work

may no longer approach this land, which belongs to me. I open

for you at the same time an easy road to lead you to Kiskacon,

where I will light your fire.  I break off all trade with the

English, whom I have notified to retire from off my territories;

and if they come back there again they will have reason to be

sorry for it."

Two belts of wampum to the Demoiselle, and two to the

Baril.

"My children: When you shall have done what I have

demanded of you, and which is only for your own advantage, I

invite you to come to see me next year, and to receive from my-

self special marks of my friendship. I have extended the same

invitation to all your brethren of the Beautiful River, and I

hope that you will, one and all, have courage enough to respond

to this invitation, as you ought; and in order to begin to give

you a proof of my friendship, I send these presents to clothe

your wives and your children.  I add to them gunpowder and

bullets, so that they may supply themselves more easily on the

journey which you are going to make to Quiskacon. Abandon

the land where you are; it is injurious to you, and avail your-

selves of what I do for you."

The council over, every one retired.  They carried away

the presents to their village where they assembled to deliberate

on their answer.

The 18th. About nine A. M., they came to give their answer.

Answers of the Demoiselle, chief of Miamis, established at

the Rock River and of the Baril, established at White River, the

18th of September, 1749, with pipes of peace:

"It is an ancient custom among us when one speaks of

agreeable affairs to present, first of all, pipes.  We earnestly

entreat you to listen to us. We are going to answer what you

have asked of us. This pipe is a token of the pleasure which we

have in smoking with you, and we hope to smoke the very same

pipe with our father next year.

A belt.

• 40
 

Celoron's Journal.               375

"My father: Yesterday, we listened with pleasure to your

speech. We have seen clearly that you are come only on a good

mission.  We have none other but good answers to give you.

You have made us recall to memory the bones of our fore-

fathers, who mourn to see us in this place, and who remind us

continually of it. You have made us a good road to return to

our ancient home, and we thank you for it, my father, and we

promise you to return thither immediately after the coming

spring.  We thank you for the kind words which you have

addressed us. We see clearly that you have not forgotten us.

Be convinced that we will labor to deal fairly with the Chaua-

nones. We still remember the good advice which M. de Vincennes

gave us. My father, you have to treat with people without spirit,

and who are, perhaps, unable to answer you as well as you

hoped; but they will tell you the truth, for it is not from the lips

that they speak to you, but from the bottom of their heart. You

have bid us reflect seriously upon what you told us. We have

done so, and we shall continue to do so during the whole winter.

We hope to have the pleasure of making you a good speech this

spring if the hunting is abundant.  We will correct our faults,

and we assure you, my father, that we will not listen to evil

counsel, and that we will pay no attention to the rumors we hear

at present."

 

Answer to the Demoiselle and the Baril in the same council,

by M. de Celoron:

 

"I have listened to you, my children, and I have weighed

well your words. Whether you may not have understood me,

or that you feign not to have done so, you do not answer to what

I asked of you.  I proposed to you on the part of your father

Onontio, to come with me to Kiskakon to light there your fire

and to build up your wigwam, but you put off doing so till next

spring.  I would have been delighted to be able to say to your

father Onontio that I had brought you back. That would have

caused him great pleasure on account of the interest he takes

in all that concerns you. You give me your word that you will

return there at the end of the winter. Be faithful then to your

promise.  You have assured him of this, because he is much

stronger than you, and if you be wanting to it, fear the resent-

ment of a father, who has only too much reason to be angry

with you, and who has offered you the means of regaining his

favor."

• 41
 

376      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Answer to Celoron's speech by the Demoiselle and the Baril:

"My father, we shall be faithful in carrying out the promise

that we have made you, and at the end of the winter we shall

betake ourselves to our ancient habitation, and if the Master of

Life favors our hunting, we hope to be able to repair our past

faults; so be convinced that we do not speak from the end of

our lips but from the bottom of the heart. We could not at

present return whither you would have us go, for the season is

too far advanced."

 

The council ended, I detained some of the old men for the

purpose of finding out if what they had just said was sincere,

so I spoke with these Indians who assured me that both the vil-

lages would return in the spring to Quiskakon, and all that kept

them back was the fact of having no cabins built where I would

conduct them, and that whilst hunting through the winter they

were approaching their villages, and that they would return there

absolutely. Rois, (the interpreter,) whom I had asked of M. de

Raimond, arrived.

The 19th. I remained to endeavor by the agency of Rois,

to induce the Demoiselle, along with some other chiefs, to come

with me to light their fires and make their wigwams at Quis-

kakon, but I could not succeed in this. They kept always saying

and assuring me that they would return thither next spring.

The 20th. All being ready for our setting out, we broke up

our camp.   After having burned our canoes, which were no

longer of service for transportation, we set out on the march

by land, each one carrying his provisions and baggage, except

Messrs. the officers, for whom I had procured horses and some

men to carry theirs. I had arranged all my men into four com-

panies, each one of which had an officer at the right and another

at the left.  I led on the right and M. de Contrecoeur on the

left.

We took only five days and a-half to accomplish this portage,

which is thought to be fifty leagues.⁸⁰

The 25th. I arrived at M. de Raimond's, who commanded

at Quiskakon.  I stayed there only as long as was necessary to

buy provisions and canoes to convey me to Detroit.

• 42
 

Celoron's Journal.                   377

The 26th.   I had called to me Cold Foot,⁸1 chief of the

Miamis established at Quiskakon, and some others of note, to

whom I repeated, in presence of M. de Raimond and the officers

of my detachment, what I had said at the village of the

Demoiselle and the answers I had got from them. After listen-

ing with much attention, he rose and said to me: "I hope I am

deceived, but I am sufficiently attached to the interests of the

French to say that the Demoiselle is a liar. It is the source of

all my grief to be the only one who loves you, and to see all the

nations of the south let loose against the French."

The 27th.   I set out from  M. de Raimond's, not having

found  a sufficient number of canoes for all my men, one part

went by land under the conduct of some officers and the Indians

who were to guide them through the woods. I took eight days

to reach the lower part of the narrows, where I arrived on the

6th of October, and found canoes and provisions for my detach-

ment. I would have set out the same day if my Indians had fol-

lowed me, but they amused themselves drinking in the lower

part of the River Miami.    I waited for them the 7th and 8th,

and finally they arrived.

 

NOTES ON CELORON'S JOURNAL.

1. Although the existence of Celoron's Journal was known,

yet Hon. O. H. Marshall was the first to draw special attention

to it, which he did in an article in the Magazine of American

History, vol. II., pp. 129-150. The following are the certificates

that accompanied the copy of the Journal which I had made at

Paris.  The first is that of the copyist, the second that of the

Secretary-General of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost, to

whose courtesy I am much indebted for the copy.

"This copy is made in every particular in accordance with the

manuscript, with all the errors of orthography and French."

Paris, 24th March, 1885.               Edmond De. Hennetot.

"I, the undersigned, Secretary-General of the Congregation of the

Holy Ghost and of the Holy Heart of Mary, certify, that the present

copy of the Journal of Celoron was made from the original preserved

in the Archives of the Department of the Marine and of the Colonies,

at Paris, and that it was executed with care, and afterward carefully

collated with the original by a person worthy of all confidence."

Paris, March 24, 1885.

L. S.                                              Barillac.

• 43
 

378      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

For a notice of Celoron, see Researches, vol. I, p. 13, note.

Also Montcalm and Wolfe, Parkman, vol. I, chapter II.

2. Poland Michel Barrin, Marquis de la Gallissoniere, was

born at Rochfort, France, November 11th, 1693; Governor-Gen-

eral of New France 1747; returned to France late in 1749; and

died at Nemour, October 26th, 1756.

3. Mr. Marshall translates this (p. 130) "Thirty Iroquois

and twenty-five Abnakis."  The French expression is: "et

environ trente sauvages tant Iroquois qu' Abnakis," which shows

that there is no foundation whatever for Mr. Marshall's transla-

tion. I make this remark because I have been accused of draw-

ing information from that gentleman, and then showing my in-

gratitude by criticizing him. This is but one instance.

4. The Rev. Francis Piquet was born at Bourg-en-Bresse,

France, December 6th, 1708.  He studied at the seminary of

St. Sulpice, Paris, and was admitted into that Congregation.

Having received Holy Orders, he was sent in 1733, to Montreal,

where the Sulpicians had a house. He was soon after placed in

charge of the Iroquois mission, which had been originally on

the mountain, but which was at that time, 1740, at the Lake

of the Two Mountains.   He accompanied the Indians in their

wars, and found many of the Iroquois in New York ready to

listen to his instructions; an evidence that the teaching of the

saintly Father Jouges and his companions had not been altogether

forgotten, nor had their blood been shed in vain. He proposed

to found a mission at Oswegatchie, a work in which he met with

great difficulties; but being protected by the Marquis de la Gallis-

soniere, Governor-General, and Francois Bigot, Intendant, or

Superintendent of Justice, Police, Finance and Commerce, he

began his work on the site of the present city of Ogdensburg,

New York, in 1749, with only six Christian families. The Mo-

hawks burned his mission buildings a few months after, but he

persevered, and in two years had no less than 3,000, chiefly from

Onondaga and Cayuga, all eager to receive Christian instruction.

His enemies were now convinced of his prudence and zeal. In

May, 1752, a Bishop for the first time conferred any of the

Sacraments within the present limits of the State of New York,

baptizing 120 converts, confirming many and administering Holy

Communion. In 1759 the Abbe Piquet had to abandon Oswegat-

chie owing to the successes of the English against the French.

He retired with his converts to Grande Isle des Galops, where

he built a chapel. His register closes July 2₃d, 1760. He then

returned to Europe where he was highly esteemed by the French

Bishops and the Pope.  He died at Verjon, July 15th, 1781.

The Catholic Family Almanac, 1877, pp. 60, 61. Montcalm and

Wolfe, Parkman, vol. 1. Considerable allowance must be made

• 44
 

Celoron's Journal.                379

 

for the anti-Catholic bias of this author, which gives an undue

coloring to his account of this zealous missionary.

5. The Montagnes, or Lower Alonquins, dwelt on the north

side of the St. Lawrence, below Quebec, in the early part of the

seventeenth century.- Drake's Indians of North America, p.

13; Shea's Charlevoix, vol. II, pp. 8, 9, note.

6. The small number of Indians may be accounted for by

the fact that the mission was just then established, and also that

in certain seasons the Indians are accustomed to leave their

villages to hunt or wage war.

7. Fort Frontenac, also called Catarocouy, stood at the

outlet of Lake Ontario; was built about 1692, and named in

honor of the then Governor-General of New France, Count

Frontenac. -Shea's Charlevoix, vol. III., pp. 175, 176.

8. I have not been able to learn anything of this officer.

9. Mention is made of M. de Sabrinois as taking part in the

campaign of Lake Champlain, in 1757, and as a person familiar

with forest life and Indian customs from childhood. - Mont-

calm and Wolfe, vol. I., p. 486.

10. This officer was long engaged in the French wars in

America where he rose to be provisional Governor-General. -

See Montcalm and Wolfe, passim.

11. See Register of Fort Duquesne, p. 15, note. Also

Montcalm and Wolfe, passim.

12. Around the falls and rapids of Niagara.

13. Like other proper names in the Journal, the orthog-

raphy of this word is not uniform; but in all cases is given as in

the original. Mr. Marshall is at fault in his statement as to the

manner in which Celoron spelled the word. - Magazine of Amer-

ican History, vol. II., pp. 135-138. Note, in referring to this

article of Mr. Marshall's, whether in the text or in the notes, I

shall merely give the page. The Catakuin here mentioned is the

creek which empties into Lake Erie at this point, not the lake of

that name. For the meanings of the word, see Marshall, as above.

14. Literally, "at more than thirty acres in width." It is

very difficult to give a literal translation of some of the expres-

sions found in the Journal. Here it is a measure of distance, and

I have adopted Mr. Marshall's translation.

15. For a notice of the former of these officers, see Register

of Fort Duquesne, p. 16, note; of the later I have not been able

to learn anything.

16. From Lake Erie to Chautauqua Lake. Says Mr. Mar-

shall (p. 134): "It is a little over eight miles in a direct line

from the mouth of Chautauqua Creek on Lake Erie to the head

of Chautauqua Lake. . . . The difficulties they encountered

• 45
 

380      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

must have been exceedingly formidable. Chautauqua Lake is

726 feet above Lake Erie, and in order to reach the water shed

between the two lakes, an ascent of at least one thousand feet had

to be overcome. Although at that early day, when the forests

were yet undisturbed, Chautauqua Creek flowed with fuller banks

than now, yet even then but little use could be made of it by

loaded canoes, except near its mouth."

17. For a notice of this village see p. 388.

18. See further on p. 343.

19. There were two leagues in use in France as measures

of distance on land: the legal post league was 2.42 English

miles, and the other 2.77 English miles. -- American Cyclopaedia,

Article, League. "The league, as used by Celoron, may be esti-

mated," says Mr. Marshall, (p. 141), "as containing two miles

and a half." "Although," as he says: "distances are almost

always overstated by the early French voyageurs in America,"

(p. 135).

20. See Register of Fort Duquesne, pp. 9-12, notes, for a

lengthy notice of La Belle Riviere, the Beautiful River, by which

was meant the Allegheny and Ohio.

21. Lake Chautauqua is eighteen miles long; it lies 1,290

feet above the Atlantic Ocean, and 730 feet above Lake Erie.-

American Cyclopaedia, vol. IV., p. 346.

22. The river of Chatakuin is Conewango Creek, which

connects Chautauqua Lake with the Allegheny river at the present

town of Warren, Pa., 188 miles above Pittsburg; but from the

Journal no definite idea of its length can be ascertained.

"Conewango is corrupted from Guninga, signifying, They have

been a long time, they stay a long time. The etymology is:

Gu-ne-u, long. Gunax-u, it is long. Gu-ni, a long while. Gu-

na gi-a, he stays long." Indian Names, etc., Heckewelder, p. 21.

"By means of this creek and its outlets there is boat naviga-

tion from the Gulf of Mexico to within ten miles of Lake Erie.

-American Cyclopaedia, vol. V., p. 221."

23. I have not been so fortunate as to find any reference to

this officer in my reading.

24. This name, though sounding strange at present, was as

familiar as a household word in the days of the French occupa-

tion of Canada. Its origin is simple. Charles Huault de Mont-

magny, Knight of Malta, was the first Governor-General of

Canada.  The Huron and Iroquois Indians taking the literal

signification of the name, Great Mountain, translated it into their

languages in which it was expressed by the word Onontio; and

from that time every Governor-General was known to the Indians

as Onontio. It is also spelled Ononthio. - Shea's Charlevoix,

vol. II., p. 124, note.

• 46
 

Celoron's Journal.                381

25. Chabert de Joncaire, or, Joncaire-Chabert. See Reg-

ister of Fort Duquesne, pp. 16, 17, note.

26. The burial of leaden plates as an evidence of taking

possession of new countries was peculiar to the French and was

frequently resorted to in the New World.

27. Another name for Conewango Creek.

28. "This observation," says Mr. Marshall, (p. 150,) "like

most of those taken by Father Bonnecamps, is incorrect. Either

his instruments were imperfect or his methods of computation

erroneous. The true latitude of the mouth of the Conewango is

less than 41^° 50'."

29. Their title to this territory was based on the alleged

discovery by La Salle in 1669-1670; and as forming part of the

basin drained by the Mississippi and its tributaries, to all of

which the French laid claim.

30. Brandy.

31. The village of Cut Straw, stood on the right bank of

the Allegheny river at the mouth of Broken Straw Creek, which

falls into the river from the west six miles below the present

town of Warren, or 182 miles above Pittsburg, on or near the

site of what is now Irvineton.

32. Whether the orthography is incorrect, or the tribe so

insignificant as not to find a place in history, I know not; but I

have never before met the name.

33. Celoron assumed command at Fort Niagara in October,

1744.

34. While we cannot but admire the simplicity of the

several speeches and replies, we must equally admire the prudence

of the Indians, with whom it was the custom never to give an

immediate answer, but to defer it to the next day, the better to

consider it.

35. Loups and Renards, literally "Wolves and Foxes." The

Loups were Mohegans. - Shea's Father Jogues' New Nether-

lands, pp. 49, 50, note. The Foxes were a tribe of Indians of

the Algonquin family, noted in history as turbulent, daring and

warlike. They were of two stocks, one calling themselves Outa-

gamies or Foxes, whence our English name; the other Mus-

quakink, or men of red clay, the name now used by the tribe.

They lived in early times east of Detroit, and as some say, near

the St. Lawrence, so that we may conjecture them to be the

Outagwami of the early Jesuit narratives. - American Cyclo-

paedia, vol. V., p. 362.

36. It is difficult to fix the precise location of these several

villages; but they can be approximated with sufficient accuracy

from the distances given in the Journal.  Father Bonnecamps

on his map of the expedition represents four villages between

• 47
 

382      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Cut Straw and the Riviere au Boeufs, or French Creek, a dis-

tance of 58 miles, the first being on the left bank, the others on

the right.

37. The French word is oncles, uncles.

38. John Frazer. -History of Venango County, p. 42.

39. A village of Loups is marked on the west side of the

river in Father Bonnecamp's map.

40. Of what tribe this village was composed the Journal

does not state.  For the name Riviere au Boeufs -French

Creek-see Researches, vol. I., p. 17, note.

41. This rock has long been known as "The Indian God."

Mr. Marshall (p. 141) says: "It is nearly twenty-two feet in

length by fourteen in breadth."  I have seen it at different times,

and am certain that it is not half so large. Indeed, a number of

citizens of Franklin lately contemplated lifting it from its bed

and carrying it to their town, a distance of nine miles.  It is

exactly 115 miles above Pittsburg.

42. These streams must have been Red Bank and Mahon-

ing creeks, both of which are marked on Father Bonnecamp's

map.   There is also another stream entering from the east,

marked on the same map as the "Riviere au Fiel," which must

have been Clarion creek. The distances given by Celoron do

not, it is true, correspond with actual measurements, but there

are no other streams that will answer even so well. Clarion is

thirty-two miles below "The Indian God," Red Bank fifty-one

and Mahoning sixty.-Researches, vol. 1, pp. 18, 19, note.

Having been born and raised in the immediate vicinity of Kittan-

ning, I have been at all these places times without number.

43. The question of the location of the village of Attique,

and its identity, or not, with the village of Kittanning, which was

discussed in the Researches, (vol. I., pp. 26-30,) to which the

reader is referred, again comes up for treatment. In the essay

on Celoron's expedition, of which that forms a part, I main-

tained, and was perhaps the first to maintain the identity of these

two places; and now, upon further research, and with Celoron's

Journal before me, I find nothing to modify or retract, except

the statement that Kittanning was only on the east side of the

Allegheny.  It was on both sides, though principally on the east.

-Pennsylvania Archives (New Series), vol. VII., p. 405. The

question is one of considerable local interest.  Among those

denying this identity is Mr. Marshall, who says (pp. 141, 142):

"From this station ("the Indian God") Celoron sent Joncaire

forward to Attigue (Celoron spells it Attique) the next day, to

announce the approach of the expedition, it being an Indian

settlement of some importance on the left bank of the river,

between eight and nine leagues further down, containing twenty-

• 48
 

Celoron's Journal.                383

two cabins."  The Journal does not say on what side of the

river the village was. "**** Attigue was probably on or near

the Kiskiminetas river."  But Mr. Marshall's evidence on this

point is worth less than nothing; for so far from stating the fact,

it misleads.  Celoron's Journal, from which he professes to de-

rive his information, instead of making it eight or nine leagues,

makes it, as the reader sees, twenty-four or twenty-five. An

anonymous writer, with whom I had some newspaper controversy

on the subject, asserts, apparently on Mr. Marshall's authority,

"that Attigue was at the mouth of the Kiskiminetas is just as

sure as that Fort Duquesne was at the mouth of the Mononga-

hela." In reply to this another person well versed in our local his-

tory writes me: "Your critic will search in vain for evidence on

any map, of any Indian village at the mouth of the Kiskiminetas."

Certainly Father Bonnecamp's map gives neither river nor village.

But with the existence, or not, of a village there I am not at

present concerned. The same writer continues: "The Kittan-

ning or Adigo on the Ohio, of the Fort Stanwix treaty; the

Attique of Celoron; the Attiga of Trotter, 1754, the Kittanny

Town of Barbara Leininger, 1755, were the same, with a probable

variation of a few miles as to exact location at different dates,

as is usual with all Indian villages.  One name, Attique, is

probably Seneca; the other, the Delaware name for the same

place."  Another person writes me two letters in which he en-

deavors at length to prove that Attique was located on the west

side of the river where Freeport now stands, seventeen miles

below the present Kittanning.  I shall not give the arguments

on which he attempts to base his theory, as it is believed sufficient

evidence will be brought to prove the position here maintained.

By comparing the French account of the attack upon Attique

with Colonel Armstrong's official report of the destruction of

Kittanning, the point wi1l, I think, be placed beyond question.

Says Mr. Parkman: "The report of this affair made by Dumas,

commandant at Fort Duquesne, is worth nothing. He says that

Attique, the French name for Kittanning, was attacked by 'le

General Wachington,' with three or four hundred men on horse-

back; that the Indians gave way; but that five or six Frenchmen

who were there in the town held the English in check till the

fugatives rallied; that Washington and his men then took to

flight, and would have been pursued but for the loss of some

barrels of gunpowder which chanced to explode during the

action.  ****  He then asks for a supply of provisions and

merchandise to replace those which the Indians of Attique had

lost by the fire."-Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. I., pp. 426, 427.

And he quotes as his authority a letter of Dumas a Vaudreuil,

September ₉th, 1756, cited in Bigot au Ministre, 6th October,

• 49
 

384      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

1756, and in Bougainville, Journal. Colonel Armstrong, in per-

fect harmony with this, says: "During the burning of the houses,

which were nearly thirty in number, we were agreeably enter-

tained with a quick succession of charged guns gradually firing

off, as they were reached by the fire; but more so with the vast

explosion of sundry bags and large kegs of gunpowder, where-

with almost every house abounded.  The prisoners afterward

informing us that the Indians has frequently said they had

sufficient stock of ammunition for ten years, to war with the

English. **** There was also a great quantity of goods burnt,

which the Indians had received but ten days before from the

French."-Annals of the West, p. 143. Comparing these two

accounts of the engagement, we have the French statement that

the commander of the colonial forces had three or four hundred

horsemen, and the statement of the Americans that they had three

hundred, (Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. 1., p. 423); the French

confessing the loss of some barrels of gunpowder, which chanced

to explode, and Col. Armstrong's account of "the vast explosion

of sundry bags and large kegs of gunpowder;" the French

acknowledgment of the loss of provisions and merchandise, and

Armstrong's assertion that, "there was also a large quantity of

goods burnt." The date of the two documents is a still further

confirmation of the point here maintained.  Dumas writes on

the ₉th of September, 1756, that Attique has been attacked; Col.

Armstrong writes his official report, on the 14th of September

of the same year, of the destruction of Kittanning on the 8th.

Now, frontier history gives no account of any other notable

engagement having taken place at or about that time and place.

Hence the evidence is conclusive that Attique and Kittanning

were one and the same place. The statement of Dumas that the

attack was led by Washington makes for nothing; for the Indians,

having been completely routed, had no means of knowing by

whom the colonists were commanded; and Washington being

already known as a frontier leader, it was natural to suppose

that so great an achievement was due to him. This, I think,

puts this vexed question to its final rest. The Collection De

Manuscripts, &., lately published in Quebec throws no light, so

far as I can find, on this point.

44. Chartier's Town stood at or near the mouth of Bull

creek, on the west side of the Allegheny, not far from where

Tarentum is now located. A mile above Chartier's creek empties

into the river on the opposite side.

45. English speaking colonists.

46. This letter has been made the subject of no little dis-

cussion. Mr. Marshall says (p. 143): "On reaching Chiningue

Celoron found several English traders established there, whom

• 50
 

Celoron's Journal.                385

he compelled to leave. He wrote by them to Governor Hamil-

ton, under date of August 6th, 1749, that he was surprised to

find English traders on French territory," etc. As it was known

that Celoron was not at Chiningue on the 6th, but on the ₉th,

it was attempted to reconcile Mr. Marshall's statement with the

facts by supposing a typographical error, in which the 9 was

inverted and thus became a 6.  But this was met by the fact

that the date was not given in figures, but was spelled out in full.

Another writer in the Magazine of Western History (August,

1885, pp. 369, 378,) after discussing the question at some length,

says, "It is possible that he (Celoron) inadvertently dated his

letter the sixth instead of the seventh of August.  We have no

other conjecture to hazard."  This cannot, of course, be ad-

mitted, because it is a mere conjecture in the face of a letter

bearing a different date; because such a style of reasoning would

be subversive of all historical accuracy, and because Celoron was

keeping a journal with daily entries, not only for his own con-

venience, but also for the information of the authorities in Can-

ada and for the home government.  Celoron was at Chartier's

Town on the 6th, on the one hand, and the letter was not written

from Chiningue at all, on the other, as Mr. Marshall states. A

letter was also written to the Governor of Pennsylvania on the

7th, but the Journal furnishes no copy of it. The date of this

letter, as given in the Colonial Record, vol. V., p. 425, is the

best, and the correct evidence of the time and place at which it

was written. It is "De notre camp sur la Belle Riviere, a un

ancien villages des Chaouanous, le sixieme Aoust, 1749."

47. As Celoron does not give the distances, it is impossible

to locate this or the next village. It was most probably Sewick-

ley's Indian town, marked on the Historical Map of Pennsylvania,

about opposite the mouth of Pucketty Creek, seventeen miles

above the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers.

48. "Rocher ecrite." It was most probably Shannopin's

Town, which stood on the east bank of the Allegheny river about

two miles from the point, and is noted on the Historical Map of

Pennsylvania.  But why it should have been called "Written

Rock," I have no means of determining. Mr. Marshall speaks of

but one town.  The passage is not very clear; but I give it as

it is. He says, (p. 142): "They reached Attigue on the sixth,

where they found Joncaire waiting.  Embarking together they

passed on the right an old 'Chaouanons' (Shawnees) village. It

had not been occupied by the Indians since the removal of

Chartier and his band to the river Vermillion in the Wabash

country in 1745, by order of the Marquis de Beauharnois.

Vol. XXIX-25.

• 51
 

386      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

Leaving Attigue the next day, they passed a village of Loups, all

the inhabitants of which, except three Iroquois, and an old

woman who was regarded as a Queen, and devoted to the Eng-

lish, had fled in alarm to Chiningue. This village of the Loups,

Celoron declares to be the finest he saw on the river. It must

have been situated at or near the present site of Pittsburg." The

reader can compare this extract with the Journal, as above.

49. Aliquippa. See Researches, vol. I., p. 21, note 43.

50. All proper names are spelled as they are found in the

Journal.

51. Probably M'Kee's Rocks, about two miles below Pitts-

burg on the south side of the Ohio. Strange that Celoron makes

no mention of the Monongahela river.

52. The Librarian of Parliament, Ottawa, Canada, writes

me: "In reference to Father Bonnecamp, who accompanied

Celoron, I find that he came to Canada in 1742, having arrived

at Quebec on the 21st of July. He returned to France in 1759,

and remained there till his death." Rev. J. Sasseville, Cure of

Ste. Foye, near Quebec, adopting a different orthography, says:

"Louis Ignatius Bonnequant, a Jesuit, arrived at Quebec, July

21st, 1742, and returned to France in April, 1759.  He was

professor of mathematics and hydrography in the Jesuit College

at Quebec. He left behind him the reputation of a distinguished

mathematician and astronomer." - Archives of the Marine at

Paris; Chronicle of the Canadian Clergy.

53. The location, etc., of the village of Chiningue will be

discussed later.

54. This was beyond question the intention of the English

who aimed at the permanent possession of the country to the

exclusion of the natives; while the French, bent rather on traffic

with the Indians, cared for little more than simple possession to

the exclusion of other Europeans without any desire at least for

immediate settlement. It was this mistaken policy of the home

government that eventually lost France her possessions in North

America.

55. This, like many other passages in the Journal, it is

almost impossible to translate; but the rendering given in the

text conveys the idea of the Celoron.

56. The meaning seems to be that these young men were

not as yet sufficiently distinguished in their tribe to present the

pipe to strangers, which was part of the formality customary in

making treaties.  But here it is a subterfuge resorted to the

better to conceal their leaning towards the English.

57. The Indians usually called the Joncaire brothers "our

children." For a notice of them, see Register of Fort Duquesne,

p. 16, notes 19 and 20.

• 52
 

Celoron's Journal.                   387

58. The reader is presented with Mr. Marshall's account of

Celoron's transactions with the Indians at Chiningue, which he

can compare with the Journal, and account for the extraordinary

discrepancies as best he can.  There are almost as many errors

as there are statements; and it would have been much better for

himself and for the cause of correct historical investigation, if

he had never written his article. I know how difficult it is for

a person to take even copious notes of any document, and after-

wards weave them into an article. I have not yet succeeded

in securing Father Bonnecamp's Journal of the expedition, which

I am daily expecting.  But it cannot so modify the official Jour-

nal of Celoron as to go any way towards clearing up the errors

or Mr. Marshall. His account is as follows, (p. 143):

 

"On reaching Chiningue Celoron found several English traders

established there, whom he compelled to leave. He wrote by them to

Governor Hamilton, under date of August 6, 1749, that he was surprised

to find English traders on French territory, it being in contravention of

solemn treaties, and hoped the Governor would forbid their trespassing

in future. De Celoron also made a speech, in which he informed the

Indians that 'he was on his way down the Ohio, to whip home the Twight-

wees and Wyandots for trading with the English.' They treated his

speech with contempt, insisting that 'to separate them from the English

would be like cutting a man into halves, and expecting him to live.'

(Reference is here made to N. Y. Col. Doc., VI. pp. 532-3, and the ac-

count continues.) The Indians were found so unfriendly to the French,

and suspicious of the objects of the expedition, as to embarrass the

movements of de Celoron. His Iroquois and Abenaki allies refused to

accompany him further than Chiningue. They destroyed the plates

which, bearing the arms of the French king, had been affixed to trees as

memorials of his sovereignty."

 

As to the location of Chiningue, I take it to have been iden-

tical with the Indian village known to the English as Logstown,

on the north bank of the Ohio river about eighteen miles below

where Pittsburg now stands.    This is well known to have been

the most important trading post and place of negotiation between

the Indians and the English.   There were other villages on the

Ohio and its tributaries, especially on the Big Beaver river, as all

students of our early history need not be told. Mr. Parkman,

(Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. I., p. 46,) also embraces this opinion.

I have never heard it questioned except by a gentleman who is

led to think, as he writes me, that Chiningue stood where the

town of Beaver is now located; and he founds his argument on

the disparity of the number of houses stated by Father Bonne-

camp and that known to have existed at Logstown. But it is

• 53
 

388      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

difficult to deduce anything from the size of an Indian town. It

is of too temporary a character to remain long the same if there

are reasons for changing it. Again, he says that, "Joncaire had

the best reason in the world for not stopping at Logstown. This

was an Indian town much in the interest of the English, and in

September, 1748, Weiser had been there with a large present, and

confirmed them in the old friendship to the English.  Joncaire

was too vigilant an officer not to know this, and not wishing at

that time to have any difficulty, quietly passed the place." But

Celoron clearly states and shows that the Indians were under

the influence of the English, and had received presents from

them; and no difficulty was avoided, for the French had con-

siderable, and had it not been for the strength of their forces

they would have had more. Besides, Celoron was sent expressly

to drive away the English, and it would be strange, indeed, that

he should pass by a place simply because there were English

there.  The writer also refers to certain passages in the Pa.

Archives, Colonial Records, History of Western Pa., &, but I

cannot see that they make more for the one place than for the

other. As to the derivation of the name, it would seem to be

identical with Shenango, a tributary of the Beaver. The latter

is said to be a Tuscarora word meaning "Beautiful flowing

water."

59   I am of opinion that this should be north instead of

south; for, although Celoron's computation of distances is not

very accurate, and this would answer for Raccoon Creek on the

south almost as well as for the Big Beaver on the north, still

our frontier history, as is well known, makes mention of a num-

ber of villages on the Beaver, while, so far as I am aware, there

is no reference to any on the other stream, which itself is very

unimportant. The Beaver valley was one of the routes from the

Ohio to the western part of New York, the home of the Senecas,

that portion of the Six Nations which figured most prominently

in the affairs of the Ohio valley.

60. Mr. Marshall (p. 143) followed by Mr. Parkman

(Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. I., pp. 47, 48) conjectures that this

place was near the mouth of Wheeling creek. It is impossible

to determine the precise spot from the Journal.

61. It would be to little purpose to conjecture what streams

these were, as Celoron neither gives all the distances, nor men-

tions all the principal rivers he passes.

62. There can be no doubt that this plate was deposited

at the mouth of the Muskingum river, as it was found there

by some boys in 1798.  But Celoron spells the name of the river

Jenuanguekouan, Mr. Marshall gives it Yenanguakonnan, on the

• 54
 

Celoron's Journal.                389

authority of Father Bonnecamp. The place is 171 miles below

Pittsburg.

63. "Fortunately the discovery of the plate in March, 1846,"

says Mr. Marshall, (p. 145,) "leaves no doubt of the inscription.

It was found by a boy while playing on the margin of the

Kenawha river. Like that at the mouth of the Muskingum, it

was projecting from the river bank, a few feet below the surface.

The spelling of the Indian name of the river differs slightly

from the Journal, that on the plate being Chinodahichetha.

Kenawha, the Indian name of the river in another dialect is said

to signify 'the river of the woods.'" The place is 263 miles

below Pittsburg. The name, as given in my copy of the Journal

is distinctly spelled "Chinoudaista."

64. With regard to this place Mr. Marshall says: "The

name, St. Yotoc, seems to be neither French nor Indian. It is

probably a corruption of Scioto.  Father Bonnecamp calls it

Sinhioto on his map. . . . Pouchet, in his Memories sur la

derniere guerre, French edition, vol. III., p. 182, calls the river

Sonhioto. This village of St. Yotoc, or Scioto, was probably

on the north bank of the Ohio, a little below the mouth of the

Scioto, now the site of Alexandria. Its principal inhabitants

were Shawanees."  Mr. Parkman also identifies the place with

the present Scioto. Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. I., p. 48. The

present town of Scioto dates from the settlement of a French

colony some forty years later. It is 354 miles below Pittsburg.

65. This refers rather to the making up of the expedition

at Montreal, although Mr. Parkman (p. 49) refers the cowardice

of the young men to the present emergency.

66. This and the other names of chiefs found here, which

are given as in the Journal, are unknown to me.

67. The same must be said of this place.

68. I have not met with any reference to Longeuil so early

as this, although his name is found later in French colonial

affairs. Chuachias is probably Cahokia on the east bank of the

Mississippi, nearly opposite St. Louis.

69. The wars which the Indian tribes constantly waged

with each other are well known to the student of American

history, and need not be discussed in this place.

70. The Kanawha River was, as we said above, (Re-

searches, vol. II., p. 140) the stream by which traders were

accustomed to penetrate to the west from Carolina.

7I. See Researches, vol. II., p. 64.

72. Riviere la Blanche, probably the Little Miami.

73. La Demoiselle, (the Young Lady). This singular name

was given -- for what reason it would be difficult to conjecture---

to the great chief of the Miami Confederacy, whom the English

• 55
 

390       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

called Old Britain, and who was their steadfast friend. His

village, which stood near the confluence of Loramie Creek with

the Miami and was named after him, was the scene where much

trouble to the French was brewed a few years later, and in which

the Demoiselle was the leading spirit. Notwithstanding his fair

promises, he had no thought of quitting his village for Kiskakon,

as the French soon learned to their cost.  But the end of this

noted chief was tragic enough, and it was due to this same

Celoron, when, three years later, he was commander of the

French fort of Detroit. Charles Langlade, a French trader who

had married an Indian squaw, led the combined forces, and falling

upon the village of the Demoiselle in June, 1752, when most of

the warriors were on the hunt, they took the place, and, killing

the Demoiselle, they showed their cannibalism by boiling and

eating him. - Montcalm and Wolfe, Parkman, vol. I., pp. 84, 85.

The reader will not fail to notice the difficulties in which Celoron

is becoming more and more deeply involved, owing to the sym-

pathies of the Indians with the English.

74. Riviere a la Roche, the Great Miami, where Celoron

left the Ohio River.

75. This was the last leaden plate buried by the expedition.

76. This is apparently a mistake for the 1st.

77. An Indian village most probably occupying the site of

the present city of Fort Wayne. "It undoubtedly took its name,"

says Mr. Marshall, (p. I47,) "from a branch of the Ottawas,

that removed to this place from Michillimackinac, where they

had resided as late as 1682." The reader will note a lack of

uniformity in the spelling of this and other proper names in the

Journal, but they are given as they are found.

78. Baril, the village a few miles from the mouth of White

River, apparently named after the chief who lived there, and to

whom Celoron sent messengers.

79. "John Baptist Bissot, Sieur de Vincennes, officer in a

detachment of the marine service, was the tenth child of Francis

Bissot, and was born at Quebec in January, 1668. Louis Joliet

married his sister, Clara Frances.  Vincennes, in 1696, married

at Montreal, May Margaret Forestier. . . . The statement in

some Western writers that his name was Morgan is unfounded."

He was taken prisoner in an expedition against the Chickasaws

in 1736, with some of his men, and was burned at the stake the

day of the battle along with the Jesuit missionary, Father Senat,

and others.- Shea's Charlevoix, vol. VI., pp. 121, 122.

80. From the head of canoe navigation on the Miami to

the head of navigation on the Maumee. The names of these two

streams, which are the same in the Indian language from which

they are derived, afford a fitting illustration of the manner in

• 56
 

Celoron's Journal.               391

which a name can be changed by adopting the vocal sounds of

the French or the English, and will serve to explain other in-

stances of the same kind. "To the French explorers there were

two rivers known as the Miami - the Miami of the Lakes and

the Little Miami, one emptying into Lake Erie and the other into

the Ohio.  Schoolcraft speaking of what is known to us as the

Maumee, calls it 'the Miami of the Lakes,' preserving the old

spelling. In the course of time this 'Miami of the Lakes' has

been spelled as the English would have spelled it to make it

conform to the French pronunciation--Maumee. To the French,

Mi-a-mi would be the same as to us would be Mee-au-mee. The

people on the lakes have conformed the spelling to the sound,

while on the Little Miami, the French spelling has been pre-

served with the English pronunciation. The same has happened

to the Ohio." - Russell Errett in Magazine of Western History,

vol. II., p. 55, note.

81. Pied Froid, who was of a pusillanimous nature, and

appears to have been faithful to neither the French nor the

English.

82. See Researches, vol. II, p. 63.

83. Most probably for Goiogouen, the name of the Cayugas,

one of the Six Nations. - Shea's Jogues' New Netherlands, p.

48.

84. He had succeeded the Marquis de la Galissoniere as

Governor-General of New France.

85. It is here difficult to determine what tribe of Indians is

here meant; but it could not have been that which is now known

as the Flat-Heads.

86. French, Les chats, loutres, et peeous (or pecous.) I

am at a loss to know what animal is meant by the last term.

That the French word chat, commonly translated wild cat, means

rather a raccoon will appear, I think, from the following: The

name of Lake Erie and the tribe of Indians that once inhabited

its shores, is derived from the Huron word Tiron; or Tu-era-kak,

the Onondaga name of the raccoon. Contrast the two subjoined

passages. Dr. O'Callaghan says: "There is in one of these

islands" - in the western end of Lake Erie - "so great a num-

ber of cats that the Indians killed as many as nine hundred of

them in a very short time."-Memoirs of the Indians, 1718,

N. Y. Co. Doc. IX, 1886. Col. Smith, a man of no mean in-

telligence, who was on the spot some forty years later, says:

"Some of the Wyandots or Ottawa, frequently make their winter

hunt in these islands"-the same islands. "Though excepting

wild fowl and fish, there is scarcely any game here but rac-

coons, which are amazingly plenty, and exceedingly large and

• 57
 

392        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

fat, as they feed upon the wild rice which grows in abundance in

wet places round these islands. It is said that each hunter in

one winter will catch one thousand raccoons." And, again, "As

the raccoons here lodge in the rocks, the trappers make their

wooden traps at the mouth of the holes; and as they go daily to

look at their traps in the winter season, they generally find them

filled with raccoons." - Col. Smith's Captivity, pp. 81, 82.

87. Joncaire?

 

REFERENCES TO REGISTER OF FORT DUQUESNE.

Because the Register of Fort Duquesne is out of print and very

rare, the following observations on previous notes may prove helpful:

 

NOTE II.

Following is an abbreviation of this note: "In the present Register,

the officer here mentioned is called 'Monsieur Pierre Claude de Contre-

coeur, Esquire, Sieur de Beadey, Captain of Infantry, Commander-in-

Chief of the forts of Duquesne, Presqu' Isle and the Riviere au Bouefs'.

He was in command of Fort Niagara at the time of which we are now

speaking; but he afterward succeeded to the command of Fort Duquesne.

Whether he was in command of the fort at the time of Braddock's De-

feat is disputed. * * * What became of him after his retiring from

Fort Duquesne, I have not been able to learn."

 

NOTE 15.

There were seven brothers of this family, six of whom lost their

lives in the Canadian wars. This one commanded an expedition against

Fort Necessity in June, 1754. He was afterward taken prisoner by the

English at the capture of Fort Niagara.-Mag. Amer. Hist., Vol. 2, p.

130; The Olden Time, Vol. 2, p. 152.

 

NOTE 20.

This lengthy note in the Register of Fort Duquesne has reference

to the origin and meaning of the words Ohio and Allegheny. It opens

thus: "It is well known that in early times both the French and English

regarded the Allegheny and Ohio rivers as but one stream. The name

given then by the French, 'La Belle Riviere,' 'The Beautiful River,' is

but a translation of the Seneca name of the stream, 'Ho-he-ju,' changed

by both the English and French at a later day into the present name,

'Ohio'." Then follows a discussion of the etymology of the word Alle-

ghen.

NOTES 25 AND 27.

This note refers to the elder Joncaire and quotes from Parkman's

Frontenac, p. 441: "The history of Joncaire was a noteworthy one. The

Senecas had captured him sometime before (the year 1700), tortured his

companions to death and doomed him to the same fate. As a prelim-

inary torment an old chief tried to burn a finger of the captain in the

bowl of his pipe, on which Joncaire knocked him down. * * * The

warrior crowd were so pleased with this proof of courage that they

adopted him as one of their tribe, and gave him an Iroquois wife. He

• 58
 

Celoron's Journal.                 393

 

lived among them many years and gained a commanding influence which

proved very useful to the French." He died in 1740, leaving two sons,

Chabert Joncaire and Philip Clauzonne Joncaire, both of whom were in

Celoron's Expedition. The former took the most prominent part.

ADDITIONAL NOTES BY REV. A. A. LAMBING.

I am indebted to Mr. L. P. Sylvani, one of the Librarians

of Parliament, Ottawa, Canada, for the following learned notes,

which throw considerable light on Celoron's Journal:

Pierre-Joseph Celoron, sieur de Blainville, (whom you call

Bienville de Celoron, p. 13, 1St vol., after Marshall, I suppose;

our historians, Garneau, Ferland, Suite and the parochial reg-

isters of Montreal, unanimously call him de Blainville,) was

born at Montreal, on the 29th of December, in the year 1693.

His father was Jean Baptiste Celoron, sieur de Blainville, lieu-

tenant of a detachment of marine, and son of a Conseiller du

Roy; his mother was Helene Picote de Belestre, widow of An-

toine de la Fresnaye.  They were married at Lachine, near

Montreal, on the 29th November, 1686, and had a large family.

Pierre-Joseph, who was the fifth child, married, first, Madeleine

Blondcau, in 1724, and for the second time, Catherine Eury de

la Perelle, 1₃th October, 1743. After the death of Celoron, his

widow entered the convent of the Grey Nuns, of Montreal, where

she took the holy habit, in 1777, under the name of Sister Marie

Catherine Eurrie.  She died on the 4th of November, 1797, at

the age of 74 years. In 1739, Mr. de Bienville, governor of

Louisiana, having decided to march against the Chickasas, to get

rid of them if possible, solicited the help of the Quebec govern-

ment. Consequently troops were sent to his help, under the

command of the Baron de Longueuil, with Celoron as captain.

Sabrevois de Bleury, whom Celoron mentions in his Journal, and

of whom I shall speak later on, was one of his lieutenants. Quite

a considerable number of well known Canadian officers, and a

party of Indians, joined the expedition under Celoron's orders.

The rendezvous was in the vicinity of the spot where now

stands the city of Memphis, in the State of Tennessee. The

Canadian contingent arrived there in August, and under the

direction of Celoron built the fort of l'Assomption, this being

the day on which it was completed.* De Bienville's tardiness

was the cause that nothing was done that winter. Early in

the spring of 1740 he retreated with all his troops. Celoron,

who had come all the way from Canada, was not to go back

without dealing a blow. Consequently, on the 15th of March,

with his Canadian troops, and from four to five hundred Indians,

he started to march against the Chickasas. Frightened at his

*August 15.

• 59
 

394      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

arrival with such an army of troops, the Chickasas begged for

peace, which was granted them by Celoron. Before leaving for

home he destroyed the fort which he had erected the previous

year, and then returned to Quebec. (See Gayarre Histoire de la

Louisiane.) In 1741 he was sent to Michillimackinack to pacify

the Indians.

As a fitting reward for the ability that he displayed in that

campaign, Celoron was sent by M. de Beauharnois, to command

at Detroit, with the rank of Major, and remained there from

1742 to 1743. In 1744 he was commanding at Niagara, and in

1747, at Fort St. Frederick,* from where he sent an expedition

against New England.

About this time, the Indians in the vicinity of Detroit show-

ing hostile intentions, Mr. de Longueuil, who was commanding

there, requested the newly arrived governor, De la Galissoniere,

to send him reinforcements. One hundred French soldiers and

some Indians were dispatched from Quebec under the command

of Celoron, to protect a convoy of traders who were going to

Detroit. Indefatigable in his exertions, Celoron returned imme-

diately to Quebec, where he arrived on the 5th of September of

the same year.

In 1749, De la Galissoniere sent him to the Ohio river to

take possession of the country west of the Alleghanies, in the

name of the King of France.  His Journal relates that expedi-

tion. Having returned to Canada he was a second time appointed

commander of Detroit, where he remained from February, 1751,

to March 1754.

Celoron had no sooner returned from that distant post

which was definitely called Detroit under his administration, (see

Farmer's History of Detroit, p. 222.) than the French governor,

Marquis Duquesne de Menneville ordered him to go to Fort

La Presentation, (now Ogdensburg,) under the command of

Chevalier Benoist, (April 15th, 1754). A few months later, the

Indians of Sault Ste. Marie having visited the Five Nations to

ask them to keep neutral in the event of war between their allies,

the French, and the English, Celoron went to Quebec to make

the governor acquainted with these transactions.

In the following year, 1755, Governor Duquesne knowing

the value of Celoron's presence amongst the Indians, ordered

him to command a body of troops which were sent to La Presen-

tation, (see dispatch from Governor Duquesne to Chevalier

Benoist, dated Montreal, March 3d, 1755.)  He cannot have

remained there very long as he formed part of a body of five

hundred men sent to Fort Duquesne to support de Contrecoeur,

*At the head of Lake Champlain.

• 60
 

Celoron's Journal.                395

who was threatened with an attack by Braddock. In a list of the

officers who distinguished themselves at the famous battle of

Monongahela, Chevalier de Celoron's name appears with the rank

of ensign.

In 1756, Celoron lived in Montreal enjoying quietly his ap-

pointments without taking any part in the active service. He was

greatly missed by the Canadian officers, who knew him to be

brave, intelligent and well qualified to command.  Through

jealousy, his enemies were the cause of his disgrace, but he was

too proud to humiliate himself in pleading his own cause.

In a letter from M. de Vandreuil to M. de Machault, it is

said that Celoron was killed in a skirmish near Fort Cumber-

land, in the summer of 1756. (See New York Hist., Doc. Vol.

10; but Ferland says that Celoron having been recalled to Quebec

in 1756, took a prominent part in the trial of Stobo, the English

prisoner. On the 28th of November, Stobo was ordered to ap-

pear before a court-martial, presided over by the Governor de

Vandreuil, and Celoron is mentioned as being there in the capacity

of attorney-general, (procureur-general pour le Roy.)

After having played an important role during the last years

of the French regime in Canada, Celoron de Blainville disappears

from the scene, and I must confess that I cannot find any record

of his death.  Perhaps some readers of this historical magazine

will be able to finish this notice, which I would have desired

more complete.

The manuscript Journal of Celoron rectifies an error about

the number of Indians that accompanied him. Mr. Marshall,

and all our historians, have made the same mistake about it.

Lanaudiere- M. de Lanaudiere, mentioned by Celoron in

his Journal, (page 64), played a conspicuous role in his day. I

subjoin a short sketch of him. Charles-Francois-Xavier Tarieu

de Lanaudiere, was born near Quebec, in 1710, and was appointed

Aide-Major of Quebec, in 1743. A few years later he was

charged by the Governor, M. de Beauharnois, to transact the

exchange of prisoners sent by Shirley, Governor of Boston. In

1748, he was sent by M. de la Galissonniere to the fort of the

Miamis to settle difficulties which arose from the murder of a

Frenchman, by the Miamis of La Demoiselle, alluded to by

Celoron. He was on his way home after a voyage, for which

he deserved the thanks of the Governor, when he was met by

Celoron, at Quinte. He was then promoted to the rank of

Captain. Five years after, he was at Oswego, where he dis-

tinguished himself. At the battle of Carillon, (Ticonderoga) he

was commanding a company of Canadians. His services on this

occasion were rewarded by the Cross of St. Louis. In 1759,

• 61
 

396      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications. when Wolfe was besieging Quebec, Lanaudiere was ordered by the Governor to look after the safety of the inhabitants from the vicinity of the town. After the conquest he was appointed a Legislative Councillor, and died in 1776, leaving a large family, whose descendants occupy prominent positions in Lower Can- ada. See Daniel, Histoire des grandes families du Canada. Sabrevois de Bleury, (Jacques-Charles, not Sabrinois, Re- searches, Vol. II, p. 64) whom Celoron met at Niagara, on the 6th day of July, had made the campaign against the Chick- asas with Celoron as lieutenant, 1739. He had acted as French commandant at Detroit. from 1734 to 1738, and was on his way there for the second time when Celoron met him at Niagara. It is likely that he commanded at Detroit, till 1751, when Celoron replaced him.

• 62