STEPHEN M. MILLETT
Charles E. Ruthenberg: The Development
of an American Communist, 1909-1927
The Communist Party of America was the
product of native radicalism and a foreign
ideology that inflamed extremists world
wide after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917
in Russia. In the United States, many
Socialists who had resisted American involve-
ment in the First World War on moral and
ideological grounds later saw the Bolshevik
experiment as man's only hope for
international peace, class fraternity, and social
amelioration. One such radical was
Charles Emil Ruthenberg of Cleveland, Ohio.
Since he joined the movement in its
infancy and became an important leader, an
examination of his political career can
shed important insights on the character of
early Communism in America.1
"C. E." Ruthenberg became the
first Executive Secretary of the Communist Party
of America at its conception in
September 1919. He was neither a Russian emigrant
nor a Soviet agent from Moscow but was
born in Cleveland, July 9, 1882, of German
immigrant parents. Ruthenberg had been
an American Socialist party leader of ten
years' experience before he was
persuaded by the Leninist ideology. His conversion
was not sudden but, rather, was the
logical development of his thoughts from utopian
idealism to political revolution. He
joined world Communism because he saw in it
the fulfillment of the socialist ideals
to which he had dedicated his adult life.
Ruthenberg, like many of the Bolshevik
revolutionaries, was not a laborer, but a
middle-class social nonconformist who
had lofty ideals for a new social order. His
father had been a cigar maker in Germany
and an activist in the German Social
Democratic party but was not politically
involved after he left Europe. The father
had four sons by a first marriage and
three daughters by a second before his arrival
with his family in Cleveland, only four
months before the birth of his last child,
Charles. At first, August Ruthenberg
found work as a longshoreman on the ore
docks, but later, he managed a saloon.
Everyone in the Ruthenberg family worked
1. The only published biographical
studies of Ruthenberg have been by Communists. The
principal eulogy of his career is by
Oakley C. Johnson, The Day Is Coming: Life and Work of
Charles E. Ruthenberg, 1882-1927 (New York, 1957). Other biographical sketches are Jay
Lovestone, Ruthenberg: Communist
Fighter and Leader (New York, 1928), Robert Minor, "Our
C. E.," The Communist, XIV
(March 1935), 217-226, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Debs,
Haywood, Ruthenberg (New York, 1939). The Ruthenberg Papers at the Ohio
Historical Society
were opened to the public in 1969. See
Stephen M. Millett, "Charles E. Ruthenberg and Amer-
ican Bolshevism, 1917-1921"
(unpublished M. A. thesis, The Ohio State University, 1970), for a
study based on these papers.
Mr. Millett is an instructor at the Air
Force Institute of Technology.
|
except Charles. The child was his mother's favorite, usually escaping chores and unpleasant tasks--much to the chagrin of his older siblings. Charles spent much of his time reading, and consequently did very well in school. He thought common work was distasteful, and bragged to his older brother August, "I'll never carry a dinner pail."2 Ruthenberg's earliest ambition was influenced by his mother's desire that he become a Lutheran minister. In 1896, at the age of fourteen, he graduated from the Trinity Evangelical [German] Lutheran School in Cleveland. His instructors remem- bered him as being shy and serious to the point of rarely laughing. Ruthenberg, however, did not pursue the clergy, for either lack of money or interest. Instead, he went to work in a picture frame factory, but did not care for a laborer's life. Then he got a job in a bookstore, where his childhood interest in books and his new interest in salesmanship led him to a new career in business. He attended Berkey and Dyke's Business College in the Standard Building at nights. Ruthenberg began his business career as a bookkeeper and salesman for the Cleveland district office of the Selmer Hess Publishing Company of New York after he graduated from business college in 1898. He achieved the position of assistant manager supervising about forty salesmen.3 As a young man struggling for a living in the commercial world, Ruthenberg believed in the ideals of laissez-faire capitalism and Social Darwinism that were popular at the time. He continued to read widely. His favorite authors were Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Henry David Thoreau, but their ideas of freedom, justice, and personal dignity were hard to reconcile with the materialistic values of the profit motive in business. Through these writings Ruthen- berg became more aware of social problems and the need for political reforms. In
2. Ruthenberg family data compiled by Oakley C. Johnson based on private communications to him from friends, acquaintances and relatives. Box 1, Ruthenberg Papers. 3. Ibid. |
Charles E. Ruthenberg
195
1901 he enthusiastically supported the
candidacy of reformer Tom Johnson for mayor
of Cleveland; his first political
experience came from middle-class Progressivism.4
By the age of twenty-three, Ruthenberg
was a family man and a businessman with
every promise of advancement. In 1904 he
had married a Cleveland girl of German
origin and a year later their only son
was born. He continued his intellectual interests
by holding discussions in his home with
friends and business associates. About this
time Ruthenberg became interested in
socialism through an associate at Selmer Hess,
MacBain Walker who was at the time an
admirer of the British Socialist Robert
Blatchford. Ruthenberg found it
difficult to refute Walker's socialist arguments in
numerous debates, so he read Karl Marx's
Das Kapital. He was so impressed with
the book that he too began to advocate
socialism.5
The Socialist Party of America was
organized at Indianapolis in 1901. There was
a small party organization in Cleveland
founded soon after. In 1908 Ruthenberg
began to correspond with the leader of
Local Cleveland of the Socialist party, Robert
Bandlow, editor of United Trades and
Labor Council's paper, the Cleveland Citizen.
When Bandlow concluded a letter with
"For the social revolution in our time,"
Ruthenberg replied, "For the social
evolution, may it reach socialism in our time; for
history, as I read it, allows me no
other hope." The point of disagreement between
Bandlow and Ruthenberg was whether Mayor
Tom L. Johnson's Progressive admin-
istration was a right step toward
socialism. Ruthenberg felt strongly that Johnson's
platform of the municipal ownership of
utilities was a vital step toward public
ownership of industry in general, and he
opposed Bandlow's threat of labor strikes
against the mayor. In 1909 Ruthenberg
joined the Socialist party.6
The socialist doctrines originating in
Europe were not generally popular with
Cleveland's European-born immigrants,
who made up one-third of the city's elec-
torate, because of their rapid
assimilation into the conventional parties. Local Cleve-
land grew quickly from 342 members in
1909 to nearly a thousand a year later, but
it never became a serious threat to the
city's two political party machines. In 1909
Local Cleveland consisted of eight
English-speaking and fourteen foreign language
branches. Ruthenberg's rapid rise in the
party was probably due to his unique
qualifications: a German-American born
in Cleveland, fluent in English, articulate
public speaker, and an efficient party
manager. Only one year after joining the party,
Ruthenberg became a member of its City
Central Committee.7
Ruthenberg was a moderate during his
early Socialist period. The central theme
of his speeches and pamphlets was that
the capitalist economic system was failing to
provide for the needs of the workers
because of inefficiences in production and dis-
tribution. "What society wastes
to-day through lack of a conscious effort to make
the means serve the end in view,"
he wrote in 1911, "would raise the millions who
live in the quagmire of want and misery
to a plane where they might enjoy some of
the comforts of life."8
Ruthenberg's goal for Socialism was the
elimination of industrial waste by a
change of the motive force behind
production. He argued that ownership by the
4. Ibid. Daniel Ruthenberg showed his father's books with his
own underlinings to the author
during an interview in Cleveland, April
25, 1970.
5. Ibid.; McBain Walker to Oakely Johnson, June 7, 1944. Box 1,
Ruthenberg Papers.
6. Charles Ruthenberg to Robert Bandlow,
May 28, 1908; Bandlow to Ruthenberg, May 29,
1908; Ruthenberg to Bandlow, June 2,
1908. Box 1, Ruthenberg Papers.
7. Wellington G. Fordyce,
"Nationality Groups in Cleveland Politics," Ohio State Archaeo-
logical and Historical Quarterly, XLVI (April 1937), 119; Johnson, Ruthenberg, 31.
8. Voices in Revolt: Speeches and
Writings of Charles E. Ruthenberg (New
York, 1928), 25.
196 OHIO
HISTORY
people of land and raw materials as well
as production and distribution would
efficiently eliminate the waste of
competition so that goods could supply the require-
ments of society. Whereas capitalism
appealed to the selfish and greedy traits of man,
he asserted, Socialism called for the
personal satisfactions that come from service
rather than profit. "It would give
to all the opportunity of living happy, healthy
lives, which would be an incentive to
each individual to give the best that is in him
to the service of society," he
wrote in May of 1911. Essentially, what he was arguing
was that "Capitalism stands for
individualism gone to seed," and that Socialism
"would make its appeal to all those
qualities which capitalist ethics glorify theoretically
but ignore in practice."9
In his early Socialist period,
Ruthenberg opposed Communism, which he char-
acterized as a system in which all
property was owned in common. The important
distinction between Socialism and
Communism, he wrote to the Cleveland Citizen
in November 1909, was that the former
offered personal fulfillment through a
democratic process of public ownership
of property for the public welfare. Ruthen-
berg particularly emphasized the use of
the popular initiative ballot, the referendum,
and suffrage for women.10
From 1909 to 1914 Ruthenberg's political
thought shifted from the right wing
(moderate) of the Socialist party to its
left wing (radical). In 1910 he argued that
present economic forces of
overproduction and under consumption, not the Socialists,
were creating conditions which would
lead to a social revolution. The work of the
party was to educate the masses to
understand these changes, "so that the revolution
may not be a revolution of force, but a
revolution through evolution." Later he
changed his emphasis from social
education to legislative reform of the economic
system. In this campaign for reform, the
Socialist party was to be the political organ
of the workers which would work to
"abolish capitalism." By June 1912, Ruthenberg
began to become more militant. He
rejected economic reform and he identified
Socialism with the class struggle of
workers against capitalists "for social ownership
of the already socialized means of
production."11
Ruthenberg was never an anarchist or a
syndicalist. In 1911 he publicly debated
with Emma Goldman on anarchism versus
socialism. He opposed sabotage and
violence as tactics in class liberation,
although he agreed that Socialism was essentially
the politics of class conflict. In the
process of changing society, Ruthenberg believed
the Socialist party had a unique
political role to play. It would not act like the
conventional political parties, which
placed leaders in offices that tempted them with
personal gain and perpetuated the evils
of the political system. Rather, the role of
the Socialist party was to propagandize
society through the campaign process. The
goal of the party was to change social
attitudes, not elect public officeholders. "The
capitalist system stands for industrial
slavery," he wrote in October 1912. "We are
not going to place in the hands of an
individual the power to wreck our work ... the
organization shall control the
individual for party purposes." The objective of the
party, then, was not to elect officials
who would direct the party for personal gain but
to secure members who would pledge
themselves to work for the abolition of the
capitalist system and "set up a
socialist society, with justice, freedom and plenty for
9. Ibid., 15, 24, 28.
10. Ibid., 15.
11. Ibid., 29-33; Ruthenberg to
editor of the Cleveland Citizen, January 29, 1910. Box 2,
Ruthenberg Papers.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
197
all."12 As long as he
was in the Socialist party, however, Ruthenberg was confused
as to how capitalism could be ended
without using either terrorism or bourgeois
parliamentary politics. He would find
the solution to this dilemma in V. I. Lenin's
concept of revolution by an elite party
and the Communist dictatorship of the
proletariat.
In 1912 the right and left wings of the
Socialist party clashed over the issue of
tactics. Ruthenberg, who had become the
Recording Secretary of the Ohio Socialists,
tried to play the role of mediator. In
an article for the New York Call, a Socialist
daily, he argued that as long as the
party's goals remained lofty there was room in it
for tactical differences. While he
opposed violence, he refused to condemn those
who advocated "direct action,"
as did the International Workers of the World
(IWW). He abhored the intolerance of the
party's right wing for the IWW, and he
pleaded for party unity in the common
effort against capitalism.13
At the 1912 presidential nominating
convention held at Indianapolis in May, the
leaders of the right wing (Morris
Hillquit, Victor Berger, and Eugene V. Debs)
proposed to amend the party's membership
qualifications to exclude the left-wing
proponents of violent revolution,
particularly the IWW. Their motion passed 187 to
90, with Ruthenberg voting with the
minority. Later that year, the New York state
party initiated a mail vote for the expulsion
of William ("Big Bill") Haywood, the
IWW leader, from the party's national
executive committee. This motion carried
also, with Ruthenberg voting with the
majority.14
As a national party member and editor of
the Cleveland Socialist, Ruthenberg be-
came the principal Socialist figure in
Cleveland within only four years of having joined
the party. At the same time that he
preached class conflict, Ruthenberg continued
his own private career in business. He
left Selmer Hess in 1908 and held several dif-
ferent salesmanship jobs until he became
a principal manager in the Printz-Bieder-
man Company, manufacturers of ladies'
garments. Not until 1917 did he abandon
private enterprise to devote his full
time to party organization. Ruthenberg was a
skilled businessman, and one of his most
important contributions to the Socialist
organization was his application of
management rules to party affairs. Under his di-
rection, Local Cleveland grew to three
thousand members. He realized that the
strength of most Socialist urban cells
was the unassimilated immigrant. In order to
attract this segment to the party, he
offered social as well as political meetings. A
Socialist Sunday School was held from
about 9:30 to noon. The children and some
parents were taught Marxist principles
and revolutionary songs.15
From 1910 to 1919, Ruthenberg ran every
year as a Socialist candidate for public
office. Each time he lost, but his
objective was not election but the spreading of the
Socialist message to the people by means
of electioneering. He ran for mayor of
Cleveland four times (1911, 1915, 1917,
and 1919). As Socialist candidate for
governor of Ohio in 1912, Ruthenberg
polled 87,709 votes. In 1914 he ran for the
Senate and in 1916 and 1918 for
Congress.16
12. Private communication to Johnson,
Box 1, Ruthenberg Papers: Speeches and Writings,
31, 34; Johnson, Ruthenberg, 73.
13. Ruthenberg in New York Call, July
30, 1912.
14. Johnson, Ruthenberg, 56, 62;
David A. Shannon, The Socialist Party of America: A History
(Chicago, 1967), 68-77.
15. Private communication to Johnson,
Box 9, Ruthenberg Papers; Johnson, Ruthenberg, 73,
80-86.
16. Daniel Ruthenberg, Address to the
John Reed Club, Box 1, Ruthenberg Papers; Johnson,
Ruthenberg, 37, 71.
198 OHIO HISTORY
In the autumn of 1914, the Balkan crisis
erupted into a major European war.
Although the European socialist
movement, organized into the Second International,
had resolved to oppose any imperialistic
war, most workers forgot class interna-
tionalism and flocked to their national
colors. The bellicose nationalism of 1914
destroyed pre-war Socialist unity.
American Socialists watched closely the European
conflagration and decided to vigorously
oppose American involvement in it. Ruthen-
berg was an uncompromising pacifist, and
be became a nationally known critic of the
Wilson administration.
One of the few German Socialist leaders
to oppose the war in his country was
Karl Liebknecht. In 1910 Liebknecht and
Ruthenberg had appeared together in
Cleveland. When the German Socialist
leader denounced the war in the Reichstag,
Ruthenberg was determined to oppose the
war, too. In May 1917, Ruthenberg said
to a crowd in Cleveland while running
for mayor: "I am speaking to you as Karl
Leibknecht spoke in the German nation .
. . when he denounced the war as a war
of the ruling class and stated his
unalterable opposition to that war.... If you are
inspired with that which will bring a
better world, then you must stand up and fight
for that ideal. You must fight with
those who are fighting against the war."17
Liebknecht's view of the war provided
the link for Ruthenberg with the Russian
Bolshevik leader, V. I. Lenin. Both
Ruthenberg and Lenin interpreted World War I
as a capitalist fight for profits
"to fight for the loans their fellow capitalists had made
to the Allies." Both believed that
it was the duty of the working class to obstruct the
imperialistic war efforts of the
capitalist nations. "Capitalism," Ruthenberg claimed,
"is fighting to replace democracy
in this country with a military machine. . . . We
stand for the patriotism of humanity,
which welcomes the people of all nations into
the circle of human brotherhood.... We
will not fight except to resist and wipe out
of existence the ugliest thing the world
has produced--the capitalist system and the
capitalist class." It is not
certain whether Ruthenberg knew of Lenin before 1917,
but the coincidence of their opposition
to the war was an important factor in
Ruthenberg's conversion to Communism.18
As long as American public opinion was
divided on the war issue, the American
Socialists could denounce it freely.
When Congress declared war on Germany in
April 1917, public opinion favored
American participation in the European struggle.
The American Socialists then had to
decide whether they would change their opinions
of the war or oppose the Wilson
administration at the risk of popular persecution.
At a national convention at St. Louis
early in April, it chose the latter. Among the
nearly two hundred delegates, Charles
Ruthenberg assumed a leadership role in the
anti-war left wing. He won a seat on the
war and militarism committee and became
one of three to write the resolution on
the war. Their radical report, pledging physical
interference with fund raising,
censorship, and conscription, was endorsed by the
committee and won acceptance on the
convention floor. Ruthenberg was now a
nationally known enemy of the American
war effort.19
17. Private communication to Johnson,
Box 9, Ruthenberg Papers; Johnson, Ruthenberg, 31;
Ruthenberg, speech at Public Square,
Cleveland, on May 27, 1917, in Guilty? Of What? (Cleve-
land, 1917), 25.
18. Ibid., 17-28; V. I. Lenin,
"Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism," in V. I. Lenin,
Selected Works (Moscow, 1967), I, 673-777. Johnson states that Ruthenberg did not know
of
Lenin before 1914, but he learned of him
soon after through the writings of S. J. Rutgers, a
Dutch Socialist. Johnson, Ruthenberg,
92, 102, 104.
19. Alexander Trachtenberg, ed., The
American Socialists and the War (New York, 1917),
39-43; Shannon, Socialist Party of
America, 94-97.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
199
When Ruthenberg returned to Cleveland to
campaign against the war, he authored
the Local Cleveland "Manifesto
Against War," which stated in part: "We pledge
ourselves to oppose the continuance of
the war with all our powers," including a
general strike. He delivered a scathing
attack on the Government before over three
thousand people at Public Square on May
27. "This is not a war for democracy,"
he exclaimed, "This is not a war
for freedom. ... It is a war to secure the investments
and the profits of the ruling class of
this country." Government leaders, he asserted,
were the traitors, not the anti-war
Socialists, because they deceived the public about
American business interests in the
European conflict. For this speech, Ruthenberg
was indicted by the U. S. District Court
in Cleveland on June 27, 1917.20
The Selective Service Act of May 18,
1917, and the subsequent Espionage Act,
expressly forbade most of the obstructionist
actions outlined in the Socialist anti-war
resolution. Ruthenberg and two Ohio
Socialist party officials (Alfred Wagenknecht
and Charles Baker) were some of the
first Socialists tried under these laws. United
States Attorney Edward S. Wertz accused
the defendants of encouraging others not
to register for the draft, thus making
the Socialists accessories to a crime because of
their anti-war speeches. Wertz called
for the jury to "Strike down this viper brood that
is striking at the laws of your country.
Strike them down in no uncertain terms, so
that the country will know that in
Cleveland . . . we still love the old flag and the
institutions of our country...."21
Ruthenberg, Wagenknecht, and Baker were
found guilty on July 21 and 25 and
sentenced to one year in the Stark
County (Canton) Workhouse. By their skillful
use of propaganda at the trial, they
felt they had won a moral victory by becoming
martyrs for the Socialist cause.
"What are we guilty of?", asked Wagenknecht rhetori-
cally: "Guilty of making war upon
war. Guilty of defending the working class in its
right to have a voice in its own
slaughter. Guilty of voicing opposition to conscription,
the most despicable form of
slavery." The case was appealed to the Supreme Court,
which upheld the convictions of the
defendants in its decision of January 14, 1918.
Chief Justice Edward D. White rejected
the idea that freedom of speech could be
used to obstruct the government's war
powers. He also rejected argumentation
against the constitutionality of the
draft itself, and he upheld the criminal sections of
the Selective Service Law of 1917. In
this case, the Supreme Court set a precedent
for the government's suppression of
dissenters during the war.22
Released on bail pending the Supreme
Court's decision, Ruthenberg continued his
work as leader of the Socialist
organization in Cleveland. He wrote his last major
Socialist tract, Are We Growing
Toward Socialism?, at this time. The themes showed
that his ideological thoughts were still
moderate and evolutionary rather than revolu-
tionary. He argued that socialism would
be the logical consequence of the historic
economic trend from "primitive
communism," to "slavery," to "feudalism," to
"capitalism." He assumed that
socialism was the inevitable result of "the evolution
20. Socialist News (Cleveland),
April 14, 1917; Ruthenberg, Guilty? Of What?, 18-20; Ruthen-
berg's Ohio police record in Box 2,
Ruthenberg Papers.
21. Edward S. Wertz in Guilty? Of
What?, 53-55, 66-67. For the conflict between Socialists and
the Government over the freedom to
criticize the war, see, Richard A. Folk, "Socialist Party of
Ohio-War and Free Speech," Ohio
History, LXXVIII (Spring 1969), 104-115.
22. Alfred C. Wagenkneckt in Guilty?
Of What?, 81-82; Ruthenberg et al. v. United States, 245
U. S. 480. See also Fred D.
Ragan, "Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., Zechariah Chafee, Jr.,
and the Clear and Present Danger Test
for Free Speech: The First Year, 1919," Journal of
American History, LVIII (June 1971), 24-45.
200 OHIO HISTORY
of the machinery of production."
"The evolution of capitalism has already produced
the basic conditions necessary in
industry for the development of the new social order
which is to succeed it-SOCIALISM."
Therefore, he thought violent revolution was
not necessary to make the transition.
But "the collectivism, which is developing in
the shape of municipal and state
ownership is not Socialism." What Ruthenberg felt
was needed was "a powerful working
class movement to facilitate the establishment
of Socialism," and prevent state
collectivism from becoming more oppressive for the
workers than private capitalism.
"The issue will be whether the capitalists shall
maintain their autocratic control over
industry through the government... or whether
the workers shall control the
industries." Ruthenberg's program, at this point,
included education of the workers in the
humanities, establishment of Socialist
political power base, a take-over of the
police and military establishments, as well as
the promotion of humanistic values.
"A society [would then be established] in
which oppression and exploitation will
be ended forever," in a "Co-operative Com-
monwealth." This tract indicated
that Ruthenberg had not accepted Lenin's model
of the professional revolutionary party
or violent social revolution as late as
mid-1917.23
Ruthenberg was a hero to the Socialists
and a public enemy to war-time patriots.
Although convicted of a federal
misdemeanor, Ruthenberg ran as the Socialist
candidate, while awaiting appeal of the
sentence, for mayor of Cleveland in the fall
elections of 1917. At the Labor Day
gathering of mayoral candidates at Luna Park,
uniformed soldiers stormed the platform
as Ruthenberg began to address the crowd.
He escaped injury, being rescued by
vaudeville entertainers who hid him backstage
until he could exit by the stage door.
Nonetheless, on election day Ruthenberg
polled 27,685 votes.24
On November 7, 1917, Lenin's Bolshevik
party seized power in Russia. While
the American public was largely hostile
to the Soviet experiment, Ruthenberg and
other radicals hailed it as a model for
future governments. For them the Bolshevik
Revolution seemed to prove that they
were right in their opposition to capitalism and
the imperialistic war. As Benjamin
Gitlow, a prominent New York radical and future
Communist, wrote, "The Bolshevik
Revolution gave the Left Wing Socialists the
program they were looking for."
Ruthenberg drafted a resolution passed by Local
Cleveland on November 25, 1917: "We
hail the policy of their [Russia's] present
government as the true expression of
proletarian action, and pledge ourselves to do
all in our power to assist in wiping out
capitalist imperialism and establishing the
civilization of the future, the
commonwealth of the workers united irrespective of
nationality."25
Ruthenberg's first connection with the
Bolsheviks was a Russian immigrant in
Cleveland named A. Finkelberg. According
to him, "As soon as the Russian
Revolution [of November 1917] started,
C. E. R. was at once interested. He came
and asked, 'Where can I find a Russian
Bolshevik?' They pointed me out, and we
talked." Ruthenberg was apparently
enthusiastic because he told Finkelberg that he
23. C. E. Ruthenberg, Are We Growing
Toward Socialism? (Cleveland, 1917), 7-12, 20,
27-33, 40-41, 44, 48.
24. Johnson, Ruthenberg, 123-124,
125.
25. Peter G. Filene, ed., American
Views of Soviet Russia, 1917-1965 (Homewood, III., 1968),
24-26, 35; Benjamin Gitlow, I
Confess: The Truth About American Communism (New York,
1940), 21; "Resolution of Local
Cleveland, November 25, 1917," in Philip S. Foner, ed., The
Bolshevik Revolution: Its Impact on
American Radicals, Liberals, and Labor. A Documentary
Study (New York, 1967), 55.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
201
wanted an American Bolshevik party.26
If Ruthenberg was a convert to Communism
before he entered jail, he did not
make it public. In an article for the Socialist
News in April 1918, he praised the
Bolsheviks for taking Russia out of the
war, but his adulation was not unqualified.
He seemed to believe that the war had
hastened governmental centralized manage-
ment of industry and society, that
historical forces and not revolutionaries were
changing society. He called for
Socialist control of the centralized system. His con-
version to Bolshevism may have come in
the winter of 1918-1919, after he read
Lenin's "A Letter to American
Workers."27
Ruthenberg and his two comrades served
their sentences in the Canton Workhouse
from February 1, 1918 to January 31,
1919. Although out of circulation, Ruthenberg
continued to run Local Cleveland through
his wife. The only major incident in jail
was on June 16, 1918, when the Socialist
party state convention was held in a park
across from the workhouse. The guest
speaker was Ruthenberg's idol, Eugene V.
Debs. Referring to his imprisoned
friends, Debs said, "They have come to realize,
as many of us have, that it is extremely
dangerous to exercise the constitutional rights
of free speech in a country fighting to
make democracy safe in the world." For this
speech Debs was arrested and sent to
prison.28
By early 1919, there were several American
radical factions that wanted to follow
the Bolshevik leadership of the
international socialist movement. Extremist groups
of the Russian foreign language
federations of the American Socialist party organized
the American Bolshevik Bureau of
Information in 1918. Later that same year, the
Communist Propaganda League was formed
in Chicago. Yet, without guidance from
Moscow, the American radicals were
unsure whether they should stay within the
Socialist party or organize their own
Communist party. This issue fragmented the
radicals into ineffectual groups.29
The New York Left Wing of the Socialist
party issued a prototype Communist
manifesto in February 1919. It demanded
that the Socialist party renounce its
reformist platform and promote the
agitation of workers for the overthrow of the
American government and erect a
government "of the Federated Soviets." Local
Cleveland passed a similar resolution
which Ruthenberg enthusiastically endorsed:
"We have substituted the industrial
revolution as the only means of overcoming the
capitalist state. It is the mass action
that will count in the future warfare against the
capitalist state."30
Ruthenberg accepted Communism because it
seemed to be the only effective way
after World War I to attain the
socialist order. His change from evolutionary
socialism to revolutionary Communism was
due to the Bolshevik success in political
revolution in Russia and the American
government's suppression of dissent in the
United States. This decision meant a
change of his methods from slow peaceful
26. Remembrance of A. Finkelberg, Box 9,
Ruthenberg Papers. Finkelberg, a Russian Bol-
shevik in the United States, became the
American General Secretary of the Society for Technical
Aid to the USSR.
27. Ruthenberg, "On the Threshold
of the New World," Socialist News, April 27, 1918; John-
son, Ruthenberg, 129, 138-139.
28. Remembrance of Mrs. Charles E.
Ruthenberg, Box 1, Ruthenberg Papers; Eugene V. Debs,
Writings and Speeches of Eugene V.
Debs (New York, 1948), 417; Ray
Ginger, The Bending
Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick, 1949), 355, 367.
29. Theodore Draper, The Roots of
American Communism (New York, 1969), 106-107, 138.
See also John
Reed, "Bolshevism in America," Revolutionary Age, December 18,
1918.
30. "Manifesto and Program of the
Left Wing of the Socialist Party," Revolutionary Age,
February 8, 1919; Ruthenberg, "The Left Wing"
Revolutionary Age, April 26, 1919.
202 OHIO
HISTORY
evolution to a violent confrontation
with capitalist society to effect a revolution.
Ruthenberg's first riot experience was
on May Day 1919 in Cleveland. He had been
out of jail only four months and wanted
to establish publicly his commitment to the
new radicalism. He organized a huge
demonstration in Cleveland under auspices of
the Socialist party, the IWW, and
several American Federation of Labor unions at a
time when the nation was experiencing an
hysterical fear of Communism.
On the morning of May 1, the
international workers' day, about 5,000 marchers
gathered to conduct a demonstration
through the city. The procession began at
Acme Hall at East Ninth Street and Scovill
Avenue. Ruthenberg himself led the
main column toward Public Square while
other columns marched toward the same
focal point. The streets were lined by
uniformed and armed veterans and hostile
spectators who heckled the marchers. At
one point a white-haired old man stopped
the column by trying to seize one of the
many red banners that waved above the
marchers. When he was knocked to the
ground, policemen appeared to halt the
procession. Along the streets,
spectators and Socialists began fighting. A full scale
riot developed involving over 700
policemen. A truck load of club-swinging civilians
and an army tank broke up the
demonstration. Later in the afternoon, crowds sacked
Socialist headquarters at 2115 Lorain
Avenue, destroyed Ruthenberg's offices at
1222 Prospect Avenue, and unsuccessfully
beseiged Socialists at Acme Hall. In total
125 Socialists (including the uninjured
Ruthenberg) were arrested, forty people
were seriously injured (including twelve
policemen), and an eighteen year old youth
was killed.31
The May Day riot was proof for
Ruthenberg that society had degenerated to the
point of collapse. "The workers
have learned their lesson," he wrote shortly after
the demonstration. "They have
learned how 'democracy' meets a peaceable protest.
They know from the thousands who marched
that their power is greater than ever.
Another day is coming. They will go
until victory is achieved." Recalling the
incident two years later, he called the
march the "best constructive work that I have
done."32
While the country was going through what
has been called the Red Scare of 1919,
the radical factions were disorganized
and confused, and in no way prepared for a
revolution.33 In March 1919,
selected delegates from the Russian Communist party
organized the Communist International
(Comintern) in Moscow. The purpose of
the Comintern was to win the workers of
the world to Communism, promote revolu-
tion, and spread Bolshevik propaganda to
benefit the Soviet government. The only
link between Moscow and the American
radicals was Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, head
of the ex officio Russian Soviet
Government Information Bureau in New York City.
Marten's mission was to create sympathy
among the American workers for the Soviet
regime by means of propaganda.
Propaganda, not immediate revolution, would also
be the original task of the Communist
Party of America.34
31. Cleveland Plain Dealer, May
2, 3, 1919; Ruthenberg, "Cleveland May Day Demonstration,"
Revolutionary Age, May 10, 1919.
32. Ibid.; Ruthenberg to Rachele
Ragozin (Communist party worker and Ruthenberg's mis-
tress), February 16, 1921, Box 3,
Ruthenberg Papers.
33. For an analysis of the Red Scare, see
Robert K. Murray, Red Scare: A Study of National
Hysteria, 1919-1920 (New York, 1964).
34. Louis Fischer, The Soviets in
World Affairs: A History of Relations Between the Soviet
Union and the Rest of the World,
1917-1929 (New York, 1960), 215-216,
338; Franz Borkenau,
World Communism: A History of the
Communist International (Ann Arbor,
1963), 161-170;
Lusk Committee, Revolutionary
Radicalism (Albany, 1920), I, 642-645; L. C. A. K. Martens,
"Soviet Russia and the World,"
Revolutionary Age, April 19, 1919.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
203
With the creation of the Comintern,
American radicals were more uncertain as
to what their relationship should be
with the Socialist party. Some wanted to capture
the Socialist party from within; others
wanted their own organization separate from
the Socialists. Their eventual decision
on the latter course was forced upon them
in part by the Socialist right wing
leadership. Fearing that a recent mail ballot
election for a new National Executive
Council would result in a left-wing majority,
the old council nullified the election
and expelled seven affiliated foreign language
federations and the Michian Socialist
organization. It also called for an Emergency
Convention to be held at Chicago on
August 30, 1919 to elect the National Executive
Committee.35
The New York Left Wing (the radical wing
of that state's Socialist party), the
expelled federations, and the Michigan
group held a National Left Wing Conference
in New York City on June 21. The purpose
of the meeting was to decide on radical
doctrine and tactics. Ruthenberg, who
had become a staff member of the Left Wing's
newspaper, The Revolutionary Age, and
Alfred Wagenkneckt led the large Ohio
delegation which held the balance
between the federations and the New York faction.
Nicholas Hourwich and Alexander
Stoklitsky of the Russian Federation, already
separated from the Socialist party,
proposed that the conference itself become the
American Communist Party. John Reed,
witness of the Bolshevik Revolution and
author of Ten Days That Shook the
World, and Benjamin Gitlow of New York
objected. They wanted to stay in the
Socialist party in order to deliver the entire
party to the Comintern. In the deciding
vote, Ruthenberg supported Reed and
Gitlow. The federations walked out of
the Conference, determined to form their own
Communist party. The Left Wing
Conference proceeded to organize itself as a
radical faction of the Socialist party.
It elected its own National Executive Com-
mittee, of which Ruthenberg was a
member.36
Ruthenberg was in a leadership dilemma
in the summer of 1919. Even though
he was a well known radical, his only
base of power was Local Cleveland. As an
intellectual, he was overshadowed by the
East Coast radicals, like Reed. He was a
co-author of the Left Wing Conference
Manifesto, an important ideological step
toward communism, and a member of the
National Council; yet he failed to win any
executive posts. Wagenkneckt, once his
closest friend, became Ruthenberg's bitter
rival for leadership positions.37
Late in July of 1919, Ruthenberg shifted
his position away from the Reed-Gitlow
group to a more conciliatory attitude
toward the federations. On July 26, he still
favored capturing the Socialist party.
But two days later, he and four other council
members signed a statement favoring the
creation of a separate Communist party
if the Left Wing failed to capture the
Socialist party at its convention in August. On
August 2, a rump National Exectuive
Council of the Socialist Party (the candidates
who claimed to have been elected to that
body in the canceled mail election held
earlier) declared that the Socialist
party was to become the Communist party. The
showdown of factions came at the party
convention in Chicago. The right wing
35. Draper, Roots of American
Communism, 159-161; Shannon, Socialist Party of America,
127-132.
36. Gitlow, I Confess, 28-33;
Minor, "Our C. E.," 220; William Z. Foster, History of the
Communist Party of the United States (New York, 1968), 164-169.
37. The "Left Wing Manifesto"
was an expanded version of the one proclaimed on February 8,
1919. It was in complete agreement with
the Comintern Manifesto of March 1919. See Revolu-
tionary Age, July 5, 1919 for the complete text.
204 OHIO
HISTORY
leadership was firmly in control of the
proceedings. It called the police to drive the
Left Wing disruptors (which included the
Ohio delegation) from the convention hall.
Much to the surprise of the radicals, a
majority of the Socialist immigrant workers
were anti-Bolshevik. The convention
dominated by the Old Guard right wing decided
overwhelmingly not to join the
Comintern.38
The Left wing at this point divided into
two factions, resulting in three radical
parties competing for the loyalties of
the working class, one old and two new. One of
the new factions wanted to join the
"Communist Party" convention of the foreign
language federations down the street.
Reed and Gitlow rejected the idea of an
immigrant-dominated party. Ruthenberg
played the role of conciliator, much as he
had tried to do at the Socialist party
convention of 1912. He wanted a unified party
with a common goal. The two groups,
however, split. Reed and Gitlow founded the
Communist Labor party (CLP) on August
31, 1919. They chose Wagenkneckt as
their Executive Secretary. Ruthenberg,
excluded from leadership in the Reed-Gitlow
group, joined the federations in
creating the Communist Party of America (CP) on
September 1, 1919. Since he was one of
the few prominent American born Socialists
to join, Ruthenberg became its first
Executive Secretary.39
Ruthenberg now believed that the goal of
the Communist party was the violent
overthrow of the American government. He
rejected the IWW emphasis on industrial
revolution because political revolution
had to precede social and economic reorganiza-
tion of America. His party program
stated publicly: "Our party . . . will engage in
the militant mass struggle of the
workers, since out of these struggles develop that
understanding and capacity necessary for
the workers to establish the dictatorship
of the proletariat." Ruthenberg's
problem as Executive Secretary was to organize
the party workers and propagandize the
labor movement in preparation for the
eventual revolution. He and his party
leaders realized that immediate action without
careful preparation was impossible.40
Local Cleveland of the Socialist party
was torn by the same divisions that the
national party suffered. Ruthenberg and
Wagenkneckt had been close comrades in
former times, but as rival executives of
the two Communist parties they became
bitter enemies. Although Ruthenberg
carried more Cleveland Socialists into his
party than Wagenkneckt did, a majority
of the 5,000 Cleveland Socialists did not
become Communists. Wagenkneckt was able
to seize Ohio Socialist funds of $50,000
for the CLP, while Ruthenberg supplied
the CP with Local Cleveland assets. By late
1919, however, Ruthenberg's interests
had shifted to Chicago, where his CP offices
were. Wagenkneckt's CLP headquarters
remained in Cleveland.41
What many radicals failed to realize in
1919 was that the United States was not
similar to Russia, so the Bolshevik
model of revolution was totally inapplicable in
America. The United States had a strong
tradition of democratic government that
38. Ohio Socialist, October 29,
1919; Revolutionary Age, August 2, 1919 (Ruthenberg was a
member of the Left Wing rump Council),
Shannon, Socialist Party of America, 143-148; Nathan
Glazer, The Social Basis of American
Communism (New York, 1961), 34.
39. Gitlow, I Confess, 39, 44,
49, 50-51; Christian Science Monitor, September 2, 3, 8, 1919;
The Communist, September 27, 1919; Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, The
American Communist
Party; A Critical History, 1919-1957 (Boston, 1957), 38-40.
40. Ruthenberg interviewed in the Christian
Science Monitor, September 16, 1919; The Com-
munist, September 27, 1919.
41. Remembrances in Box 9, Ruthenberg
Papers; Daniel Ruthenberg to author, April 26, 1970;
Ohio Socialist, October
29, 1919. See also Fordyce, "Nationality Groups in Cleveland
Politics,"
116.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
205
Russia had never enjoyed under the
Tsars. Lenin had been able to seize power in Pet-
rograd because his country had
disintegrated politically under the social and eco-
nomic pressures of its disastrous defeat
in World War I, leaving a power vacuum that
the Bolsheviks eagerly filled. The
United States not only enjoyed victory in the same
war, but emerged from it stronger than
before in almost every way.
A large majority of Americans in 1919
and 1920 were fervently loyal to the
government--although not necessarily
favorable to President Wilson's policies--
and were adamantly opposed to radical
social change. Over sixteen million people
voted in 1920 for Senator Warren G. Harding
of Marion, Ohio, who advocated a
"return to normalcy," a far
cry from revolutionary reform. Indeed, many Americans
had an intensive fear of Communists. For
their miseries, Americans blamed the
unemployment, the labor strikes that
involved over four million workers, inflation,
and the general adjustments of
demobilization on political subversives, rather than
the social and economic dynamics that
always follow a major war. The American
Legion was founded in 1919 with the
purpose "to foster and perpetuate a one hundred
per cent Americanism,"42 and
the reincarnated Ku Klux Klan championed the most
intolerant kind of patriotism. The
attitude of many Americans was expressed well
by Ole Hanson, the mayor of Seattle,
Washington:
With syndicalism--and its youngest
child, bolshevism--thrive murder, rape, pillage,
arson, free love, poverty, want,
starvation, filth, slavery, autocracy, suppression, sorrow
and Hell on earth. It is a class
government of the unable, the unfit, the untrained; of scum,
of the dregs, of the cruel, and of the
failures.43
Even though feared, the Communist
parties were no serious threat to American
political security in 1919. First, they
were quite small in membership. Ruthenberg's
CP claimed 58,000 followers, while
Wagenkneckt's CLP claimed 30,000, but it has
been estimated that they both together
had no more than 40,000 members.44 Much
of this membership melted away during
government suppression by Attorney-General
A. Mitchell Palmer in the winter of
1919-1920. There were probably only 10,000
Communists by the end of 1920.45
Second, the Communists had little influence with
labor unions. Few Communist leaders,
including Ruthenberg, had any mass following
beyond a small locale. In its first
years of existence, the Communist party was little
more than a propaganda society. Many
Americans thought they saw subversion by
Communist agitators during the large
coal and steel strikes of 1919, when in reality
Communists were so divided among
themselves over doctrine, tactics, and leadership
they were too disorganized to threaten
the government.46
The Communist party was only in its
infant stage when it was nearly destroyed
by Government suppression and by
continued internal dissension. On the night of
November 7, 1919, Attorney-General A.
Mitchell Palmer ordered raids on the
Russian federations. The following
night, local police and state agents under the
42. Murray, Red Scare, 5-9, 15, 88,
90-99.
43. Ole Hanson, Americanism Versus
Bolshevism (Garden City, 1920), viii.
44. Draper, Roots of American
Communism, 189-190. For other estimates on Communist
party membership, see Benjamin
Gitlow, The Whole of Their Lives (New York, 1948), 53, and
William Z. Foster, History of the
Communist Party of the United States (New York, 1952), 171.
45. Foster, History of the Communist
Party, 178, 181; Gitlow, I Confess, 65.
46. Robert K. Murray, "Communism
and the Great Steel Strike of 1919," Mississippi Valley
Historical Review, XXXVIII (December 1951), 445-466; Alexander Bittelman,
"History of the
Communist Movement in America," Hearings
Before a Special Committee to Investigate Com-
munist Activities in the United
States, House of Representatives, Part
5, Vol. 4 (1930), 442.
206 OHIO
HISTORY
authority of the Lusk Committee of the
New York state legislature raided Communist
headquarters in New York City. Five
principal Communists leaders, including
Ruthenberg, were indicted for violating
New York's criminal anarchy law. The
charges against them were advocating the
violent overthrow of the Government,
circulating subversive literature, and
being "evil-disposed and pernicious persons
and of most wicked and turblent
dispositions."47 On January 2, 1920, the Govern-
ment conducted the famous Palmer Raids
that resulted in the arrest of 5,000 suspected
revolutionaries in thirty-six cities.
Although the raids resulted in very few indictments
and convictions, they drove about
two-thirds of the 70,000 Communist rank and file
out of the party and seriously damaged
any popular appeal that the Communists
may have had with workers.48
Ruthenberg was at this time under
indictment in three states.49 Released on bail,
he was free to try to reorganize the
party before his trial in New York in October
1920. Ruthenberg's CP had split into two
bitterly rival factions, making the Com-
munist threat to American society so
slight as to be inconsequential, despite public
fears to the contrary. Ruthenberg could
not agree with the impractical revolutionary
notions of the Russian-American
immigrant leaders. Guided by organizational
pragmatism, he opposed their demand for
an open avowal of the use of violence
to gain political power because this
would further endanger the safety of the party
leaders under governmental
investigation. Ruthenberg also wanted to abolish the
federations as semi-autonomous units
within the party, as they had been in the
Socialist party. He also wanted a fusion
of the CP and the CLP. On April 20, 1920,
Ruthenberg's faction left the CP and
proposed merger with the CLP. Late in May
Ruthenberg's groups and the CLP joined
the United Communist party at a secret
convention at Bridgman, Michigan. The
party's Central Committee contained five
members from each of the two blocs, with
Ruthenberg as the Executive Secretary.50
In February 1920 the American Communists
had received their first instructions
from the Comintern in Moscow. Written
sometime in the fall of 1919, the letter was
first published in Current History in
February of 1920. It recommended a total break
with the Socialist party and the
creation of a militant Communist party for the purpose
of organizing workers' strikes and
fomenting insurrection against the government.
The Russian Bolsheviks were not familiar
with the situation in America, but they
seemed to think that the American
Communists could use the same tactics the
Bolsheviks had used in Russia.51
Ruthenberg maintained his leadership of
the United Communist party during the
1920's largely due to his uncanny
anticipation of Moscow's wishes and his ability to
translate them to the American
situation. He had favored the creation of an American
Communist party before Moscow had
ordered it. In May 1920, he had advocated
an integrated, unified party
organization with a mass following. He had argued that
47. Quoted by Howe and Coser, American
Communist Party, 55.
48. Gitlow, I Confess, 60-66;
Draper, Roots of American Communism, 202-209. See also
Robert D. Warth, "The Palmer
Raids," South Atlantic Quarterly, XLVIII (January 1949), 1-23.
For CP and CLP membership, see Foster,
History of the Communist Party, 171.
49. Ruthenberg was arrested on July 9,
1919 and July 18 in Cleveland for violation of Ohio's
Criminal Syndicalism law; on December 1,
1919 in Chicago; and December 20, 1919 in New
York City. Ruthenberg's Police Record,
Box 2, Ruthenberg Papers.
50. Bittelman, "History of the
Communist Movement in America," 442-443; Foster, History of
the Communist Party, 177.
51. Current History, XI (February 1920), 303-304.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
207
the party had to prepare for the
revolution by first infiltrating the labor movement.52
The United Communist party was largely
as Ruthenberg had wished it to be. Its
declared goal was to
"systematically and persistently familiarize the working class
with the inevitability of armed force in
the proletarian revolution. The working class
must be prepared for armed insurrection
as the final form of mass action by which
the workers shall conquer the State
power...."53
Two months later Moscow published
instructions to the American Communists
in the Communist International. It
ordered the unification of the CP and CLP under
the leadership of the American-born
radicals. It also instructed the Americans to
concentrate on revolutionizing the
workers by both legal and illegal methods.54
Ruthenberg's program for the United
Communist party was thus vindicated by
Moscow.
Benjamin Gitlow was the first Communist
leader tried and convicted of the charges
resulting from the Lusk Committee raids.
Ruthenberg stood trial for violating the
New York anarchy law, passed after the
assassination of President McKinley in
1901. After the Gitlow conviction, he
and another Communist, I. E. Ferguson, were
also found guilty. On October 29, 1920,
he was sentenced to five to ten years at
Sing Sing, a New York state prison. Both
Ruthenberg and Ferguson served less than
eighteen months. In the spring of 1922
their cases were appealed, and Judge
Benjamin Cardoza of the New York Court
of Appeals granted them a new trial and
ordered them released on bail.55
While Ruthenberg was confined in Sing
Sing, the Communist factions united at a
meeting in Woodstock, New York, in May
1921. The new party was named the
Communist Party of America, Section of
the Communist International. It was an
underground party that advocated both
clandestine political and union agitation.56
Seven months later the party inaugurated
a parallel legal party, The Workers (Com-
munist) Party of America. Ruthenberg now
had the kind of a mass-appeal party
that he had wanted in 1920. Upon leaving
prison, he stayed in New York where he
immediately resumed his duties as the
party's chief executive.57 Ruthenberg's leader-
ship of the American Communist movement
was confirmed in Moscow at the Fourth
Congress of the Comintern in November
1922. Leon Trotsky told the American
delegates that the foreign language
federations were wrong in trying to dominate the
American movement. Ruthenberg's Russian
rivals, Hourwich and Stoklitsky, were
52. Ruthenberg, "What Kind of
Party?" The Communist, May 8, 1920. After the Palmer
Raids, Ruthenberg often wrote under the
name of David Damon. Ruthenberg consistently
advocated the unification of all
factions into one Communist party. See David Damon, "Make
the Party a Party of Action," The
Communist, April 25, 1920.
53. Quoted by James Oneal, American
Communism: A Critical Analaysis of Its Origins,
Development, and Programs (New York, 1927), 89-90. A United Communist Party
handbill
advocated that the American workers do
what the Russian workers had done in Petrograd.
Box 2, Ruthenberg Papers.
54. Communist International, No. 11-12 (June-July 1920), cols. 2495-2500.
55. Johnson, Ruthenberg, 148-149,
152-153. The Gitlow Case decided by the Supreme Court
in 1925 is a landmark case in the
constitutional history of freedom of speech. See Gitlow v.
New York, 268 U. S. 652.
56. Central Executive Committee of the
Communist Party of America, Program and Constitu-
tion of the Communist Party of
America, May 1921, pp. 16-22, 25,
27-28, 40-41, 43; Johnson,
Ruthenberg, 153.
57. Robert Minor reported that Ruthenberg
walked into a Central Committee fully oriented.
"Our C. E.," 223. Ruthenberg
conducted party business from Sing Sing through Rachele
Ragozin and a trusted guard. Remembrance
of Rachele Ragozin, Box 9, Ruthenberg Papers.
208 OHIO HISTORY
ordered back to Moscow, eliminating
their threat to Ruthenberg's authority.58
Ruthenberg had not been out of Sing Sing
more than forty days when he was
arrested again. The party leadership
held a meeting at Bridgman, Michigan, before
the party's convention in Chicago. On
August 21, 1922, federal agents under
Attorney-General Harry L. Daugherty of
Ohio raided the gathering and arrested
Ruthenberg and twenty other Communists.
The Executive Secretary was released on
$10,000 bond. Ruthenberg's trial took
place in April 1923, and he received another
conviction for violating federal
security laws. Ruthenberg served only twenty days of
his five year sentence in January 1925
before he went free pending appeal to higher
courts. The case was still before the
Supreme Court when Ruthenberg died unex-
pectedly in 1927.59
One of Ruthenberg's major party
struggles was to make the Communist party a
legal political organization. Yet many
members wanted it to remain underground,
as it had been since the Palmer Raids.
After the Bridgman Raid, Ruthenberg could
not sway his followers to renounce their
inclinations for clandestine operation. Again
Moscow made the final decision. The
Comintern ordered the American Communists
to come out into the open. Ruthenberg
proved that he was in tune with the Kremlin's
changing policies more than any other
American Communist leader.60
Ruthenberg's desire was to form a
national front of labor-farmer groups into a
popular political party under Communist
domination. In July 1923, he succeeded
in capturing the Federated Farmer-Labor
party, and he hoped to infiltrate the
Progressive party by supporting Senator
Robert LaFollette for President in 1924.
At this time William Z. Foster, the only
Communist leader with extensive labor
influence, began to seriously challenge
Ruthenberg's leadership. Once more, internal
party fights were settled in Moscow
rather than by the American Communists them-
selves. In May 1924, the Comintern had
disapproved of Ruthenberg's popular front
tactics. But when he went to Moscow in
1926-27, Ruthenberg found that policy
changes in the Kremlin had shifted in
favor of the very methods he had advocated
earlier. Ruthenberg was fully vindicated
against his party enemies. Realizing that
important power changes were being made
in the Russian Communist party, Ruthen-
berg exploited the rift between Joseph
Stalin and Leon Trotsky to brand his political
rivals as Trotskyites. Ruthenberg
realized that his continued control of the party
depended to a large degree on his
acceptability to the Kremlin.61
Foster challenged the Executive Secretary
again at the Worker's party convention
in August 1925. He had a sizable
majority of the delegates, and he was determined
to take over Ruthenberg's post. Every
vote taken went against Ruthenberg. Then
the Comintern agent S. I. Gusev, who
enjoyed a close relationship with Stalin,
intervened with a cable from Moscow
ordering the convention to keep Ruthenberg in
58. Joseph P. Cannon, The First Ten
Years of American Communism (New York, 1962),
68-71, 75. Cannon was an early member of
the Communist party, a follower of the Reed-Gitlow
leadership. He played a major role in
the unification of the various factions while Ruthenberg
and Gitlow were in prison. After
Ruthenberg's death, Cannon was expelled from the party for
being a Trotskyite.
59. Johnson, Ruthenberg, 154-155,
163-165; Draper, Roots of American Communism, 370-372.
60. Cannon, First Ten Years, 84-85.
See also remembrances of I. Amter and J. B. Ballam
(American Communist leaders), Box 9, Ruthenberg
Papers.
61. Remembrance of J. B. Ballam, Box 9,
Ruthenberg Papers; Theodore Draper, American
Communism and Soviet Russia (New York, 1960), 133-140. See also Foster, History
of the
Communist Party, 211-224.
Charles E. Ruthenberg
209
his position. With Stalin firmly behind
him, Ruthenberg's leadership was never
seriously questioned again.62
Charles Ruthenberg died suddenly on
March 2, 1927, of a ruptured appendix. He
was forty-four years old. His body was
cremated in Chicago and sent by train to
New York. His remains were sent from New
York to Moscow, where his ashes
were interred in the Kremlin Wall with
full honors. John Reed and C. E. Ruthenberg
are the only American Communists so
honored by the Kremlin.63
Ruthenberg was the personification of
the synthesis of native radicalism and
foreign ideology that was characteristic
of the early Communist party. He was an
American Socialist leader who joined
Communism because of its success in attaining
goals for which he was striving. These
goals were described in a speech in May 1922
as follows:
The last element calls for that
development of the organized working class movement in
this country which will build up a
powerful organization not only to win struggles of the
present but to win the struggles against
the capitalists and to bring the time when workers
will control and administer industry.64
Ruthenberg was an insatiable idealist as
well as an activist. He was inspired by
the ideas of Jefferson, Paine, and
traditional American humanitarianism. He was
captivated by the intellectual theories
of Marx. He was fascinated by the organiza-
tional and revolutionary genius of
Lenin. Ruthenberg was a dreamer, a dreamer of
a new age of human fraternity and social
justice, albeit attainable only by revolu-
tionary means. In Communism he thought
he saw the means to those ends. He
believed that the Bolshevik experiment
in Russia would prove to be a model for
future social organization. "The
Communist Movement in the United States--just
as elsewhere in the world, owes its
existence, its clarity of purpose to the splendid
demonstration of the correctness of the
principles laid down by Karl Marx, given by
the Russian Workers in their victory of
November 7, 1917 .. .," Ruthenberg
explained.65
Ruthenberg's death marked an important
transition in the American Communist
movement. During his leadership, the
party had shifted from romantic clandestine
revolutionary enthusiasm of 1917-1919 to
organizational discipline and doctrinal
subserviance to Moscow. Ruthenberg never
lost sight of the reasons why he had
entered the movement, although policy
changes by the Kremlin in the mid 1920's
made the hope for immediate
revolutionary activity in the United States less likely.
Whether Ruthenberg's radicalism led to
either personal happiness or self-fulfillment
is not known. He lost years of freedom
and sacrificed family life only to die at an
early age with his dreams unrealized.
His son has claimed that Ruthenberg had
grown disenchanted with Communism by the
mid-1920's and was looking for a way
out of the party, but there is no
documentary evidence to support this view. He did
not survive, in any event, to experience
the profound disillusionment of his generation
of American Communists that was caused
by the brutal Five Year plans and purges
by Stalin during the 1930's.
62. Cannon, First Ten Years, 132-136:
Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia,
140-149.
63. Draper, American Communism and
Soviet Russia, 243-245.
64. The Worker, May 20, 1922.
65. Ruthenberg, "The Russian
Revolution and the American Communist Movement," typed
copy, 1922. Box 3, Ruthenberg Papers.
STEPHEN M. MILLETT
Charles E. Ruthenberg: The Development
of an American Communist, 1909-1927
The Communist Party of America was the
product of native radicalism and a foreign
ideology that inflamed extremists world
wide after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917
in Russia. In the United States, many
Socialists who had resisted American involve-
ment in the First World War on moral and
ideological grounds later saw the Bolshevik
experiment as man's only hope for
international peace, class fraternity, and social
amelioration. One such radical was
Charles Emil Ruthenberg of Cleveland, Ohio.
Since he joined the movement in its
infancy and became an important leader, an
examination of his political career can
shed important insights on the character of
early Communism in America.1
"C. E." Ruthenberg became the
first Executive Secretary of the Communist Party
of America at its conception in
September 1919. He was neither a Russian emigrant
nor a Soviet agent from Moscow but was
born in Cleveland, July 9, 1882, of German
immigrant parents. Ruthenberg had been
an American Socialist party leader of ten
years' experience before he was
persuaded by the Leninist ideology. His conversion
was not sudden but, rather, was the
logical development of his thoughts from utopian
idealism to political revolution. He
joined world Communism because he saw in it
the fulfillment of the socialist ideals
to which he had dedicated his adult life.
Ruthenberg, like many of the Bolshevik
revolutionaries, was not a laborer, but a
middle-class social nonconformist who
had lofty ideals for a new social order. His
father had been a cigar maker in Germany
and an activist in the German Social
Democratic party but was not politically
involved after he left Europe. The father
had four sons by a first marriage and
three daughters by a second before his arrival
with his family in Cleveland, only four
months before the birth of his last child,
Charles. At first, August Ruthenberg
found work as a longshoreman on the ore
docks, but later, he managed a saloon.
Everyone in the Ruthenberg family worked
1. The only published biographical
studies of Ruthenberg have been by Communists. The
principal eulogy of his career is by
Oakley C. Johnson, The Day Is Coming: Life and Work of
Charles E. Ruthenberg, 1882-1927 (New York, 1957). Other biographical sketches are Jay
Lovestone, Ruthenberg: Communist
Fighter and Leader (New York, 1928), Robert Minor, "Our
C. E.," The Communist, XIV
(March 1935), 217-226, and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Debs,
Haywood, Ruthenberg (New York, 1939). The Ruthenberg Papers at the Ohio
Historical Society
were opened to the public in 1969. See
Stephen M. Millett, "Charles E. Ruthenberg and Amer-
ican Bolshevism, 1917-1921"
(unpublished M. A. thesis, The Ohio State University, 1970), for a
study based on these papers.
Mr. Millett is an instructor at the Air
Force Institute of Technology.