Ohio History Journal

RITA S. SASLAW

 

Student Societies in Nineteenth Century

Ohio: Misconceptions and Realities

 

 

 

Student societies flourished in American colleges in the first half of the

nineteenth century. Historians of higher education have viewed this

development as a student attempt to bring about substantive change in the

curriculum and extracurricular life.1 This idea follows logically from the

fact that these societies grew in a period of numerous reform movements,

movements dedicated to deliberate attempts to remake American society.

The nineteenth century was a time of great change that saw the expansion

of frontiers and with it the extension of democracy and such supporting

institutions as the midwestern colleges, of which Ohio had a large number.²

This period witnessed reform movements in almost all phases of American

life which had an effect upon the developing western colleges and upon the

student societies that were encouraged to exist within their structure. The

role of these societies has not been studied in depth; but historians of higher

education, such as Frederick Rudolph, John Brubacher, George Schmidt,

and Richard Hofstadter, tend to place twentieth century value systems

upon nineteenth century men and view these student societies as an

instrument of change in a reform era. The colleges of nineteenth century

America, however, were conservative institutions with the role of

preserving the values of society for oncoming generations, and hence, the

colleges and often their students came reluctantly to the various reform

causes. The Ohio colleges were no exception to this rule.

The student societies were formed with literary and moral self-

improvement as their goal and, as such, were an integral part of that well-

established institution, the nineteenth century college. As a means of

granting students control of a small segment of their college lives, the

 

 

 

Rita S. Saslaw is an Assistant Professor of Education at The University of Akron.

 

1. Frederick Rudolph, The American College and University: A History (New York,

1962), 144.

2. Donald G. Tewksbury, The Founding of American Colleges and Universities Before the

Civil War: With Particular Reference to Religious Influences Bearing Upon the College

Movement (New York, 1932).

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Student Societies                                                      199

 

student societies were, if not a total failure, certainly not a total success. A

twentieth century researcher finds encouragement in the students' praise of

their experience in the literary societies and comes to believe that these

groups provided a forum for students' awakening social conscience. "I got

fully as much out of the literary society as I did from anything else in

college,"³ was a common student comment. It is, however, the outlook of

the 1960s and the 1970s that causes one to look for activist student

movements in long-past periods of American history.

The idea, a romantic one at best, that the student societies provided a

forum in which students could read about and discuss topics that were not a

part of the nineteenth century college curriculum remains in the literature

concerning the societies. A new view of the nature of the antebellum college

curriculum has been presented by Douglas Sloan, suggesting that there is

argument for a total revision of views held about the nineteenth century

college. Sloan's ideas provide the basis for the belief that there was not a

fixed classical curriculum that was irrelevant to the student and resistant to

change. The picture most historians create-that of a curriculum

consisting primarily of classical Greek and Latin authors-is misleading;

for, as Sloan notes, the study of natural science was valued even by the

evangelical Charles G. Finney, president of Oberlin.⁴ This revised view of

the history of the college curriculum contrasts with most writers' beliefs

concerning the function of student societies, however. The latest edition of

the Brubacher and Rudy history of higher education states that the student

society was "essentially a debating club," but then goes on to describe the

groups as "more than a mere extracurricular phenomenon" that posed a

threat to "the narrow and traditional classical program of the old-time

college." Thus, Brubacher and Rudy at the same time maintain and

challenge the myth.⁵ The student society myth-that they were an

instrument of change-will continue to be reinforced as long as there is no

new research (such as Sloan's) on the contribution of these groups to

collegiate life. New texts, using the ideas of Frederick Rudolph and

George Schmidt, will continue to describe the literary societies as a student

attempt to modify a fixed curriculum.⁶

 

 

3. John G. White to Arthur C. Ludlow, February 26, 1924, Case Western Reserve

University MSS, Cutler Letters.

4. Douglas Sloan, "Harmony, Chaos, and Consensus: The American College

Curriculum," The Teachers College Record 73 (December, 1971), 236.

5. John S. Brubacher and Willis Rudy, Higher Education in Transition: A History of

American Colleges and Universities, 1636-1976, 3rd ed. (New York, 1976), 47.

6. Robert L. Church and Michael Sedlak, Education in the United States: An Interpretive

History (New York, 1976), 34-35, Richard Hofstadter, Academic Freedom in the Age of the

College (New York, 1955), 209; Rudolph, The American College, 144; and George P.

Schmidt, The Liberal Arts College: A Chapter in American Cultural History (New

Brunswick, 1957), 98.

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200                                             OHIO HISTORY

Two important Ohio colleges illustrate the idea that the student societies did not fill the role of a forum for social activism or the improvement of the curriculum, but instead were merely an integral part of college life. These two colleges developed simultaneously in the Western Reserve: Western Reserve College founded in Hudson in 1826 and Oberlin, a part of Oberlin Colony, founded in 1834. Both colleges were started by the Con- gregationalists with added support to Western Reserve from the Presbyterians under the Plan of Union.7 It is apparent that both colleges were formed on a deeply religious foundation, but here the similarities end. The two institutions were often rivals in many ways. Western Reserve seemed to exclude the reformer, Oberlin, to invite him in. Western Reserve exemplified the classical education of the Yale Report of 1828, while Oberlin followed Charles Grandison Finney's true revivalist spirit. A contemporary observer of both colleges' commencements in 1848 commented: At Hudson the reasoning powers were cultivated more than the imagination and sensibilities. At Oberlin the order was reversed . . . at Hudson the speakers seemed to have learned elocution more from precept than from example; at Oberlin more from example than from precept.8   7. Tewksbury, Founding of American Colleges, 124. 8. Robert S. Fletcher, A History of Oberlin College: From Its Foundation Through the Civil War, II (Oberlin, 1943), 835.

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Student Societies                                                201

That these differences did not impede the parallel development of student societies adds further support to the hypothesis that these groups merely succeeded in providing a protected arena for the discussion of political, philosophical, religious, and historical topics. A student of higher education can easily imagine Joseph Welch Barr traveling across the wilderness to Hudson, Ohio, in 1828. One can further imagine Mr. Barr conducting the first meeting of the Philozetian Society of Western Reserve College. Barr transferred from Hamilton college in his junior year and graduated from Western Reserve with the first class of 1830. He exemplified the westward movement of societies as he was known to have belonged to a similar society at Hamilton. It is also not surprising that on April 7, 1830, Barr met again with a second group of students who found "that it is expedient to form a literary society." The pattern of societies established at older colleges was repeated in Ohio; they were founded in pairs. This reflected their roles as debating societies. Barr and James Laughhead in traditional fashion were appointed a committee to confer with the faculty to obtain permission to form the Adelphic Society.9 One cannot quite as easily envision the beginning of the Ladies Literary Society of Oberlin. The difficulty lies in conceiving, at that time, of a society       9. Minutes of the Adelphic Society, April 7, 1830, and April 14, 1830, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

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202                                                      OHIO HISTORY

 

of college women who would meet in the manner of men to practice the

skills of writing, communicating, and thinking.10

The practice of literary skills was the primary purpose of most of the

student societies. This role was agreed upon in both colleges by the

students, the faculties, and the administrators. Such activity fit

well into the function of the nineteenth century college, since literary self-

improvement was considered a direct means of moral self-improvement,

and moral self-improvement was indeed the primary goal of the college and

of life.

Evidence for agreement on purpose comes from the following sources:

the constitutions of the societies and their revisions, the society charters,

the faculty minutes, the trustee minutes, the student society minutes, and

available personal accounts-all documents written in the lofty language

of the nineteenth century. Interpreted literally, these documents might be

viewed as instruments professing reform. For this reason, intent must be

compared to action to determine if indeed the societies were used as agents

of change. There is no evidence that the students used the majority of these

student societies as instruments of direct social action. The students were

very interested in literary self-improvement; this was the only activity of

most of the societies from the time that they were founded until the time

that they faded away.

There were limited exceptions to this general rule, and some societies by

their names alone appear to have been organizations dedicated to social

reform. The Oberlin Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society proposed to

elevate blacks socially and morally. At the first meeting, a committee was

appointed to select an agent to visit the schools among the blacks and to

solicit people who were willing to teach in these schools.¹ The Agricul-

tural and Horticultural Society of Oberlin planned and carried out certain

definite actions. Their calls to action were couched in very religious terms,

but they did result in improved conditions. After conferring with the

county supervisor about the condition of the highway, they dispensed with

their regular meeting and worked to improve the Oberlin Road. They were

aided in this uplifting work by the faculty and ladies. The ladies brought the

dinner! "But with energy of character and steadiness of purpose, we have

accomplished much."¹² However, the above groups were exceptions, and

 

 

 

10. Emilie R. Comings and Francis J. Hosford, "The Story of L.L.S. "The First Woman's

Club of America," Oberlin Alumni Magazine 23 (March, 1927), 10.

11. Constitution of the Oberlin Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society, Oberlin College MSS,

Robert Fletcher Papers; Minutes of the Oberlin Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society.

September 14, 1851, Oberlin College MSS, Robert Fletcher Papers.

12. Annual Report of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society, 1839, 1841, Oberlin

College MSS, Robert Fletcher Papers.

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Student Societies                                                   203

 

the traditional activities in which the members engaged were not directed

toward supplementing the curriculum.

Thomas Harding in his study of the college literary society found that

these organizations existed at all the colleges in the East, the West, and the

South.¹³ While the scope of these societies often appears to be large, one

must remember the limitations imposed by the pervasive religious

atmosphere: "Let every literary acquirement be seasoned with piety."¹⁴ In

other words, the nineteenth century fusion of religion, economics, and

politics found its way into the student society, with the result that students

regularly used nineteenth century reform rhetoric.

It is possible to view these student groups as miniature republics. Each

society had a constitution written early in its existence, and conducted

meetings in accordance with parliamentary procedure. A committee was

selected at the first meeting to write the constitution and to return the

document to the society's members for approval. This same procedure was

repeated at regular intervals. Several revisions can be found for each

constitution, and numerous resolutions were passed between revisions.

Study of these constitutions reveals that they bear similarity to each other.

One could conclude that the constitutions for all of the societies at Oberlin

and Western Reserve had been written from a master form. There is even

evidence that the organizations at Oberlin compared and approved each

other's constitutions.¹⁵ One can assume that the documents were alike

either because the student societies were involved in the same activities or

because the constitutions were mere formalities and, hence, meaningless.

Because the constitutions were under constant surveillance and subject to

so much study, the former assumption holds true, and they can safely be

used here as evidence of intent on the part of their members.

Evidence of the use made of these constitutions exists in the minutes and

reports of the societies. A study of the constitutions of all the societies

reveals that a standing constitutional committee was often specified.

However, the changes made by these committees and approved by the

entire membership were minor ones that did not change the basic purpose

of the societies, which was "cultivation of the moral and intellectual

powers"¹⁶ by the use of "debates, composition, criticism and orations."¹⁷

Therefore, later "revised" constitutions closely resembled original ones,

 

13. Thomas Spencer Harding, College Literary Societies (New York, 1971), 543.

14. Elizur Wright, Sr., to Elizur Wright, Jr., April 25, 1825, Western Reserve Historical

Society MSS, Elizur Wright, Sr., Papers, #1994.

15. On September 3, 1856, the Phi Delta Society recorded that the Young Men's Lyceum

approved the constitution of the Phi Delta Society but suggested a change. Minutes of the Phi

Delta Society, September 3, 1856, Oberlin College MSS.

16. Constitution of the Union Society, 1841-1850, Oberlin College MSS.

17. Constitution of the Adelphic Society, 1830-1834, Case Western Reserve University

MSS.

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204                                                         OHIO HISTORY

 

thus contradicting any notion that the societies were concerned with

perfecting miniature republics.

Since the societies did not waiver in their purposes over a period of thirty

years, at least as stated in their constitutions, it is important to look

carefully at these stated purposes. The Phi Delta Society of Western

Reserve College very clearly articulated its intent in the preamble to its

constitution:

In unity there is strength; in investigation there is improvement, and in

advancement there is happiness. In consideration of the first we associate ourselves

together; in view of the second we establish a regular system of action; and in

anticipation of the third we adopt Phi Delta as our motto, Virtue as ourprerogative

and the following Constitution as our guide.18

It should be noted that the action statement in this philosophy is directed

toward intellectual investigation. The intent of the students is clear. In

nineteenth century language, the students viewed these various societies as

a mean of self-improvement in the areas of literature, friendship, and

morality that some might view as a social action if it were not the stated

goal of numerous other nineteenth century people. Further evidence of

intent comes from the charters given to the societies by the state. The

Adelphic Society of Western Reserve contains, along with other

stipulations, the directive that the funds of the group be applied only to

literary purposes.19

Even those organizations not considered to be literary also took as their

object improved morality. The members of the Handel Society of Western

Reserve found that they were "under a moral obligation to serve God with

the heart, and voice, and to sing unto Him with the spirit, and

understanding also. ..20 Phi Beta Kappa, organized at Western

Reserve but not Oberlin, established literary exercises such as essays and

Greek and Latin translations as part of their regular meetings.21 The

theological society of Oberlin College, the Theological Literary Society,

stated its purpose was rhetorical improvement.²² Nowhere in these society

constitutions was there a call to action, which this researcher believes is

inherent in a definition of social reform. Nowhere in these constitutions can

 

 

 

 

18. Constitution of the Phi Delta Society, 1840-1860, Preamble, Case Western Reserve

University MSS.

19. Minutes of the Adelphic Society, December 6, 1837, Case Western Reserve University

MSS.

20. Constitution of the Handel Society, 1828-1836, Case Western Reserve University

MSS.

21. Constitution of the Phi Delta Kappa Society, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

22. Constitution of the Theological Literary Society, 1844, Oberlin College MSS.

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Student Societies                                                   205

 

there be found an attempt to organize the student body as agents of social

change. In all of them there was simply stated the goal of self-improve-

ment.

Was the intent of student societies essentially the same in colleges other

than Oberlin and Western Reserve? The writings of Cotton Mather, who

belonged to the first society at Harvard College in 1706, indicate these

same narrowly-drawn purposes. He found that the students "resolved upon

essays to speak to one another and in sweetest methods of brotherly love,

watch over one another or carry on some suitable exercises of devotion

together. . . ,"²³ David Potter, in a monograph on debating in the colonial

colleges, noted that Columbia College eliminated forensic debate from its

course work because two societies had formed at the college that filled these

needs.²⁴ These practices of the colonial college societies continued into later

times and were brought to the West by people like Joseph Barr. In the

nineteenth century South, societies are best remembered for the training

that they gave in speech, and in this they were actively aided by university

officials.²⁵ Students at Miami College in Ohio formed societies "to promote

morality, fellowship and good feeling amongst us."²⁶ Historians of higher

education did not err when they noted that the societies aided in creating an

esprit de corps between the college and its student body.

Constitutional revisions during the period of this study reflect no

fundamental changes of purpose from the colonial societies. New rules

were made for dividing the group for the purpose of discussion, and offices

were often added to reinforce the basic intent of the society. One example

of this was the addition of the Censor in the second constitution of the Phi

Delta Society of Western Reserve. This officer would speak after the

literary exercises on the general character of the discussion and the

orations. Many of the new rules dealt with behavior at the meetings. They

concerned such things as the proper order of speaking, the times when

whispering was allowed, or the proper times for leaving one's seat.²⁷ These

modifications were not aimed at change in purpose, but rather at insuring

orderly literary debate.

Student letters as well as the constitutions often indicated what it was felt

could be gained from membership in the various student societies.

Frederick G. Wright, a graduate of Oberlin, commented on the lack of

 

23. Clarence P. Shedd, Two Centuries of Student Christian Movements: Their Origin and

Intercollegiate Life (New York, 1934), 1-2.

24. David Potter, Debating in the Colonial Chartered Colleges: An Historical Survey,

1642 to 1900 (New York, 1944), 56.

25. Frank B. Davis, "The Literary Societies of Selected State Universities of the Lower

South" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Louisiana State University, 1949), 363, 418.

26. Virgil E. David, "The Literary Societies in 'Old Miami' From 1825 to 1873"

(unpublished Master's thesis, Miami University, 1950), 16.

27. Constitution of the Phi Delta Society, 1840-1860, Article 4, #15.

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206                                                        OHIO HISTORY

 

secrecy in the societies and seemed to agree with other student views of the

literary societies when he described their existence as open societies where

debate and parliamentary procedure were practiced.²⁸ S. G. Whittlesey, a

Reserve student, commented upon the impulse among the men to discuss

and lecture on their favorite topic.²⁹ A mania, as Whittlesey called it, could

be well satisfied in the duly constituted student societies. A. S. Kedzie of

Western Reserve recalled that the Philozetian and Adelphic Societies met

"weekly for debate and literary exercises."³⁰ A woman student at Oberlin

has left a very succinct description of her society:

We have connected with our Seminary, a Literary and Religious association, in

which capacity we meet frequently and each one in turn, according to

appointments, writes and communicates to us her thoughts on some important and

interesting subject.31

 

No inconsistency exists between these students' views of the student

societies and the picture revealed by careful study of their constitutions.

The most succinct evidence to support the hypothesis that these societies

were but a small part of the established nineteenth century college comes

from an examination of the membership of these student groups. A caustic

account of the history of Oberlin College written by a student of the period,

Delazon Smith, included a comment on society membership. Smith noted

that there was very little time for real study, and yet there were many stu-

dent societies. If the student did not attend the student societies, "he would

do it at the sacrifice of his reputation, for an individual who does not go

heart and hand into all the measures of Oberlin is not desired to remain in

the place."³² Student society membership was not entirely voluntary. Al-

most all the students belonged to at least one society, and the faculty often

had a hand in inspiring, founding, and populating the societies.

Most students belonged to the many societies at Western Reserve

College, indicating that here too it was accepted procedure for a student

to attach himself to one or more of the groups. The faculty concerned itself

with maintaining equal numbers in the groups that existed:

 

 

 

 

28. Frederick G. Wright, Story of My Life and Work (Oberlin, 1916), 74.

29. S. H. Whittlesey to C. Cutler, November 6, 1845, Case Western Reserve University

MSS, Cutler Letters.

30. A. S. Kedzie to C. Cutler, March 20, 1876, Case Western Reserve University MSS,

Cutler Letters.

31. Mary Ann Adams to John Keep, July 10, 1839, Oberlin College MSS, Robert Fletcher

Papers.

32. Delazon Smith, A History of Oberlin: Or New Lights of the West Embracing the

Conduct and Character of the Officers and Students of the Institution: Together With the

Colonists, From the Founding of the Institution (Cleveland, 1837), 15.

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Student Societies                                                       207

 

In view of the instructors, it will be conducive to the welfare of the two Literary

Societies in this college to receive for the future each an equal number of members

33

alphabetically of such as shall hereafter enter the regular classes .. .33

 

Without question, the majority of all college students belonged to at least

one student society.

Not all of those who have studied college histories are aware of the extent

of the student society membership. All but nine of the students at Western

Reserve College who were officially enrolled belonged to one or more

society; this statistic becomes even more impressive when it is known that

it is all but nine of 384 listed students. Ninety-eight percent of the students

at Western Reserve College in the period between 1839 and 1860 belonged

to the student societies. This seems to prove beyond question that the stu-

dent societies were not limited to attracting only a certain type of student,

such as one who got better grades, one who was more interested in social

reform, or one who was in any way distinctive from his fellow students.³⁴

The faculty minutes of Oberlin and Western Reserve College give

additional support to the view that the student societies were primarily

places where students could practice the skills of rhetoric and composition.

The societies at Oberlin and Western Reserve enjoyed a special rapport

with their faculties. It was a paternalistic arrangement-the faculty, the

father; societies, the dutiful sons and daughters. It is hardly surprising that

the professors and trustees agreed with student society intent as described

in this article. Society meetings provided excellent opportunities to

practice skills only minimally provided for in the classical college

curriculum. The faculties approved of the societies but did not relinquish

control of them. Western Reserve's faculty authorized a new society by

providing that the constitution and bylaws of the society had to be

approved by the president of the college and that the society be open to the

president at all times. This provision was reinforced by a college law of the

same nature that went unchanged in the entire period examined.³⁵ The

 

 

 

33. Minutes of the Faculty, June 13, 1832, Case Western Reserve MSS.

34. This information was gathered by comparing those students listed in the grade book

against the society membership lists, and checking the names of those students who signed the

constitutions, a requirement for membership. Records of Grades of Western Reserve College,

Case Western Reserve University MSS.

35. Minutes of the Faculty, November 20, 1857. The exact wording of the college law

states: "No association of the students for literary, scientific, moral, or religious purposes, nor

any organized society of any description, shall exist in the college except by permission of the

Faculty; and all principles, rules, and proceedings of any such society or association shall be

subject to the inspection and control of the faculty." Laws of Western Reserve College, 1833,

1835, 1838, 1846, 1857, Case Western Reserve University MSS. The Faculty also maintained

some control of behavior in the society meetings, as evidenced in the dismissal of Frederick A.

Hudson; Minutes of the Faculty, January 21, 1829, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

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208                                                     OHIO HISTORY

 

students of the early nineteenth century at Oberlin and Western Reserve,

then, did not attempt to revolt against the system and, in fact, approved of

faculty interest and control.

The educational philosophies of the two institutions help to ex-

plain faculty desire for control of the student extra-curricular activities.

Charles Storrs, the President of Western Reserve, stated his concern for the

development of the whole man and his concern for avoiding foolish

amusements.³⁶ The original circular of Oberlin College also contained

statements about providing the "best in moral and physical education." It

was noted that there was no single course of study that could achieve the

goal of a pious elite.³⁷ This would suggest an early understanding of the

complexity of learning and the value of informal education. Frederick

Rudolph has termed this total education as the "collegiate way." This

tradition was fundamental and all-encompassing, for it involved a total

way of life for the college student. The "collegiate way" depended upon a

residential setting that included a curriculum, a library, a faculty, and

students. All of this would be found in a rural setting that was dependent

upon dormitories and dining halls and "permeated by paternalism.^"38 The

faculty relationship that existed between the professors and the student

societies fits perfectly into the picture of the "collegiate way," and thus it is

surprising that Rudolph missed this connection and saw a more creative

role for the societies.

Tradition and the ideas of those who chose to be professors perhaps

accounts for a paternalistic attitude toward the student societies. However,

a more elusive reason might have been significant. It has been suggested

that college administrators and teachers realized the wisdom of allowing

students some freedom to dissent. A perfect vehicle for this would have

been the student society in which current questions such as abolition and

intelligence differences between the races and the sexes could be discussed

in a contained manner. This idea was not accepted at all colleges. Lane

Seminary in Cincinnati provided an example of opposition as the following

statement from the trustee minutes indicates: "Association and discussions

foreign to the course of instruction, distract the attention, and retard

improvement especially in the case of topics of public interest and popular

excitement."³⁹ However, Oberlin and Western Reserve affirmed their faith

 

 

 

36. Charles B. Storrs, An Address Delivered at the Western Reserve College, Hudson,

Ohio, February 9, 1831 (Boston, 1831).

37. Oberlin College, Original Circular, March 8, 1834, Oberlin College MSS, Robert

Fletcher Papers.

38. Rudolph, The American College, 87.

39. Trustee Minutes, Lane Seminary, August 20, 1834, Oberlin College MSS, Robert

Fletcher Papers.

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Student Societies                                                     209

 

in some form of academic freedom, at least in the area of free speech. The

Board of Trustees of Western Reserve stated:

Resolved that we adopt as our own act, reiterate the sentiment contained in a

printed report of the Prudential Committee in 1935 [sic]. Freedom of discussion

both among themselves, and in presence of the Faculty is allowed students on all

subjects, and no restraint has been laid on them in this particular either by the

Faculty or the Trustees ....40

One cannot reconstruct the motivation of the faculty and trustees

of these institutions to discover whether they were motivated by

the principles of academic freedom or by the more paternalistic idea of

merely allowing a little freedom to young students. Nonetheless, the

evidence that has been presented indicates that it was the latter.

The intent of the faculty in allowing the establishment of societies has

been considered, but the means of faculty control should not be ignored.

The influence of the faculty permeated the organization of the societies and

their continuing activities. The students first asked if the various societies

could be formed,⁴1 then sought approval of their constitutions. This was

not always a mere formality; the Society of Natural History at Oberlin

received some recommended changes from the faculty.⁴² This seeking of

approval was not confined to the institutions of the Western Reserve. At

Trinity College, Connecticut, the president wrote the constitution of one of

the literary societies and was an ex-officio member.⁴³ Control did not end

with the composition and approval of the constitution, but continued with

the approval of commencement speeches and topics, meeting times and

places, and even extended to the selection of members. In the Handel

Society of Western Reserve, it even resulted in a faculty request to remove

some objectionable words from a song being performed⁴⁴ and to the dis-

missal of a student, Frederick A. Hudson, for "keeping cards in his room;

improper and ungentlemanly conduct in the Literary Society which the

Faculty considered as under their patronage.    . . .45

The careful surveillance imposed upon the student societies illustrates

the concern that the faculty had for the students. There is no doubt that

professors felt themselves a part, if only an advisory one, of these groups.

 

40. Trustee Minutes, Western Reserve College, August 22, 1836, Case Western Reserve

University MSS.

41. Minutes of the Faculty, June 23, 1847, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

This is a typical entry requesting permission to form a society. In addition, in 1838

the Adelphic Society had difficulty in obtaining a charter from the State of Ohio because the

charter lacked faculty signatures; A committee of students met with the faculty to correct the

situation. Minutes of the Adelphic Society, January 15, 1838.

42. Minutes of the Faculty, July 10, 1839, Oberlin College MSS, Treasurer's Office.

43. Harding, College Literary Societies, 306.

44. Minutes of the Faculty, July 21, 1841, Case Western Reserve MSS.

45. Minutes of the Faculty, January 21, 1829, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

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210                                                   OHIO HISTORY

 

There is also no doubt that the students readily accepted this control and

were even offended when the system was criticized. In the periodical

published by the literary societies of Oberlin, there appeared an attack

upon disrespect for college faculties. The students warn against an attempt

to undermine the job of the faculty, to improve moral character.⁴⁶

Although lines of communication were always open between the students

and the faculty, in only a very few instances did the student societies

question faculty decisions. Moreover, even in these few instances the

decision of the faculty was always final. The faculty was indeed the father,

and the society members the children. Both the students and the faculties

saw the societies as organizations for moral and literary self-improvement.

The effect of the student societies upon the students should not be

exaggerated at the expense of the many other influences upon them,

such as the standards their families set for them. Also, the fact that they

desired a college education in the first place, sometimes at great personal

travail, set them apart from the rest of the population. That the students

often envisioned a unique mission or role helped to produce future

leaders. The family lived with while at Oberlin or the students boarded with

at Western Reserve must have implanted some ideas. The student society,

however, did play a role in this multiplicity of influences. In addition to an

opportunity to discuss current events and improve literary skills, the social

function of forming friendships should not be overlooked. The closing

statement in the oldest society minute book indicated this feeling: "The

sacred ties of college life make sacred this book."⁴⁷

The student groups, then, were formed with literary and moral self-

improvement as their goal. Social intercourse with fellow students was

certainly a by-product of these groups. The fact that student societies

enjoyed a fairly long history, and during their entire history maintained

faculty support and faculty favor, indicates at least qualified success.

However, they were not a means to achieve social reform. They were, for

the most part, an integral part of the nineteenth century college and

nineteenth century establishment.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

46. H. C. Hitchcock, "Our Yale Brethren," Oberlin Students Monthly, 1, 392.

47. Minutes of the Philozetian Society, 1828-1831, Case Western Reserve University MSS.

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