Book Reviews
Women and the American Labor
Movement: From Colonial Times to the
Eve of World War I. By Philip S. Foner. (New York: The Free Press/
Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1979. xi
+ 621p.; illustrations, notes,
bibliography, index. $15.95.)
The wealth of material on American
working women in Philip Foner's
new book should convince even the most
intransigent critic of women's
history that working women do have
an active, lively, and moving history.
Foner, making use of the growing body of
excellent books, articles, and
dissertations on working women, as well
as contemporary newspapers and
some documentary material, gives us a
chronological account of the strug-
gles of working women, Black and white,
to improve their lives and
transform the society in which they
lived. Although most of the story
Foner tells is not new, he brings
together detailed accounts of the growth
and development of various unions,
sketches of the lives of union
organizers, and graphic depictions of
working conditions, providing us with
a useful survey of working women's
history.
To label Foner's work a survey is not to
suggest that there is no analysis,
although the first chapters of the book,
on the period for which secondary
work is the weakest, do suffer from a
lack of systematic interpretation. By
the time Foner gets to the nineteenth
century and the beginning of trade
union activity, however, a major theme
begins to emerge. Foner depicts
delicately the plight of working women,
caught in the inevitable bind of
having to choose between solidarity on
the basis of class or sex. Sexism on
the part of male unionists, even the
radicals in the Industrial Workers of
the World, and classism on the part of
middle and upper class feminists, left
working women in the position of
constantly working to maintain alliances
in which they had to guard carefully
their own interests. It is an old story in
women's history, and Foner does a superb
job of exploring all the complex-
ities of the issue. He does not flinch
from exposing the array of sexist at-
titudes and practices of male workers
and unionists-from Knights of
Labor founder Uriah Stephens's exclusion
of women because he believed
them incapable of keeping secrets to the
IWW's reliance on women during
strikes but refusal to consider the
special problems of women workers after
the strikes were won. He distinguishes
throughout between theoretical
commitment to women's equality, which even
the AFL could manage, and
acceptance of women and their demands in
practice. He is equally
forthright about the realities of the
alliance between working women and
their middle and upper class feminist
allies. While exposing their
sometimes patronizing attempts to
"uplift" working women, their exploita-
tion of women workers as potential
supporters of their own suffrage pro-
gram, and other cracks in a tenuous
cross-class solidarity, he uncovers ex-
amples of real sisterhood and recognizes
the important role that the
Women's Trade Union League in particular
played in the history of union
organizing in the early twentieth
century.
The struggle of working women within
this context is the theme that
444 OHIO HISTORY
dominates the book, but sometimes it is
overwhelmed by the details of par-
ticular episodes. This is a weakness of
the traditional chronological
organization of the book. Foner is
aware, he makes clear in his preface, of
the concern among women's historians for
rethinking the usefulness of
traditional periodization for studying
women's lives. Foner decided, he
says, to stay with a traditional chronological
approach because it is im-
possible to separate the history of
working women from that of working
men and from the social, economic, and
political context of the times. That
is certainly true, but Foner's strict
chronological scheme, focusing on the
origins of unions and the development of
particular strikes, downplays his
interpretation of events in favor of a
descriptive accounting.
Despite the emphasis on description,
however, a number of interesting
subthemes emerge from the book. One is
the role that strikers' wives played
in the major confrontations of the
past-a heroic history recently captured
in the moving film of the great General
Motors sit-down strike, "With
Babies and Banners." Another is the
long history of sexual harrassment of
working women and their protests against
it. Another, likewise related to a
current public policy issue, is the
history of occupational safety and health
standards. A last-and one that Foner
might have rather easily dealt with
explicitly-is the pattern that emerges
in the development of union
organizations. From the Knights of Labor
to the AFL to the Women's
Trade Union League, we see a pattern in
which the organization begins with
a theoretical commitment to sexual and
racial equality, but moves increas-
ingly toward an inegalitarian position,
often downright exclusion. Foner
does not take the time to dwell on an
explanation of this dynamic.
Certainly a thematic approach to this
history would be difficult, and
Foner cannot be seriously faulted for
his choice at this stage of develop-
ment in the writing of women's history.
The impact of earlier work in
women's history is clear in Foner's
refusal to portray working women as
passive victims of capitalism and
patriarchy. Foner lets the women speak
for themselves, as they acted for
themselves, and the result is a heartening
story of struggle against oppression.
Foner recognizes that the women
strikers' demand in the 1912 Lawrence
strike for "bread and roses, too"
represents a unique contribution of
women to the American labor move-
ment. The strength of the book lies in
this kind of recognition.
The Ohio State University Leila J. Rupp
The Resurgence of Race: Black Social
Theory from Reconstruction to the
Pan-African Conferences. By William Toll. (Philadelphia: Temple Univer-
sity Press, 1979. ix + 270p; notes,
index. $19.50.)
It is not very often that a monograph
comes along which is of equal im-
portance to both the scholar-specialist
and the lay-person. William Toll has
achieved this kind of contribution in The
Resurgence of Race .... Marred
only by numerous editorial errors and
the lack of a bibliography, the
volume should be must-reading for anyone
interested in Afro-American
history, or, for that matter, anyone
interested in American social and
cultural history in general. Toll is
extremely insightfull and perceptive in
Book Reviews
445
describing the contributions not only of
the two giants of the period,
Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois,
but perhaps more important on
several significant lesser lights such
as Alexander Crummell, George
Washington Williams, T. Thomas Fortune,
John S. Durham, William
Monroe Trotter, Kelley Miller and
William Ferris.
Except for the emphasis on DuBois and
Washington as Black intellec-
tuals attempting to speak for a minority
against massive odds, there is lit-
tle new in the volume on either man. As
a major event in American cultural
history the debate between the two men
is viewed from a different perspec-
tive than most other scholars have
presented. The desire of both men to
liberate America from the effects of
racism sets a unique framework in
which to examine the different
approaches advocated by both men.
Some readers may want to challenge
Toll's conclusion that only the Black
elite, the "talented tenth,"
recognized that a "black culture" did exist
within the Black community. Some may
disagree with Toll's emphasis on
leaders, and the influence of certain
white intellectuals on Black leaders;
however, in the end every reader will
come away challenged in thoughtful
and provocative ways. What more can one
ask for from a book?
The controversy between and among Black
leaders should in no way
damage their images or contributions.
The kind of intellectural exchange
that went on with these men and women
only provided thoughtful stimulus
to everyone exposed to the dialogues.
And further, the intellectual conflicts
between some Black leaders and some
white leaders only added stimulation
to the debates.
The concepts of race and racism were on
the minds of many Americans in
the years covered by this volume. Toll
makes it clear that the positive
debate went on among Blacks, while the
negative debate was largely
restricted intellectually to whites. The
literary achievements of the Black
intellectuals that Toll discusses, in
and of itself, make the volume
worthwhile. Toll convincingly
demonstrates that the contributions and in-
tellectual debate of the period among
Blacks involved more than two in-
dividuals-Washington and DuBois- and the
other participants are noted
and carefully examined. We now know that
the impact of social Darwinism
was not limited to white male Americans.
University of Wisconsin-La Crosse George E. Carter
The Beginnings of National Politics:
An Interpretive History of the Conti-
nental Congress. By Jack N. Rakove. (New York: Alfred A Knopf, Inc.,
1979. xvii + 484p.; notes, note on
primary sources, index. $15.95.)
In the 1950s, Merrill Jensen portrayed
the Confederation period as
marked by ideological conflict between
fairly cohesive groups of Radicals
and Conservatives. Since then, this
relatively ignored field of American
history has been the subject of many
state and national studies, generally
utilizing rollcall vote analysis and prosopography to
determine the origins
and bases of political conflict. Different as many of
these studies are, from
each other and from Jensen's, most of
them agree that it is possible to iden-
tify two broad groups with distinctive
interests and attitudes that are in
some way the precursors of American
political parties.
446 OHIO HISTORY
Jack Rakove's important book questions
these conclusions. Spurning the
new methodology, he provides us with a well-written,
analytical narrative
of the Continental Congress from its origins in 1774 to
the Philadelphia
Convention in 1787. In the course of it
he attempts answers to several key
questions. How did this body, which
began as a convention of delegates to
discuss the Intolerable Acts, acquire
authority and legitimacy? What were
the issues in Congress and how were its
policies shaped by the exigencies of
resistance and war? Were there well-organized groups
with clearly concep-
tualized ideologies or preconceived
goals-of either independence in the
1770s or of the new constitutional
arrangements that came out of the Con-
stitutional Convention?
Rakove sees the politics of the
Confederation as shaped by changing ex-
ternal conditions, temporary expedients,
transient problems, and necessary
compromises.
The men who served in the Continental
Congress were inexperienced and
resentful of the rigors of congressional
service, rather than professional
politicians. Rather than being allied in
reasonably permanent factions, the
delegates represented distinct local
interests. But, like John Roche's men of
Philadelphia in 1787, they recognized
the need for compromise in order to
maintain broad public and state support
for the Revolution. Personal
animosities abounded, as well as policy
differences, but during the early
years these were subordinated because of
a number of factors. The lack of
conciliatory gestures from England,
rather than skillful manipulation by a
Radical group, promoted a broad
consensus among moderates and radicals
alike on colonial resistance and
eventually on the issue of independence.
Other external events-the need for
foreign aid, the Lexington affair, the
need for new governments at the state
level-limited the alternatives
available and thus the range of debate
and conflict within Congress. In any
case, Rakove says, the delegates shared
a number of assumptions concern-
ing such things as the need for some
central authority to fight the war, and
thus they were intent on preserving the
status of the Congress.
After 1777, this consensus tended to
break down. It did so, however, not
because of the ideological differences
of two "parties," but because
delegates necessarily represented the
distinct interests of their states. Such
questions as western land claims,
protection of New England fisheries in a
peace treaty, support of the army,
Robert Morris's financial program, and
proposals to give Congress the power to
tax and regulate commerce, af-
fected different states in different
ways. Rakove does not see the Articles
as the triumph of a Radical, democratic
group, nor the Constitution as the
preconceived goal of a tightly-knit
nationalist faction.
Rakove sees history as a gradually
unfolding process, with the out-
come-whether it is the decision for
independence or the Constitu-
tion-dependent on the rather immediate,
pressing problems of the day.
This is a check to the historical
presentism that projects the issues of 1787
back to 1777. Professor Rakove, however,
carries this sense of the
immediate-as-cause so far that it
somewhat damages the persuasiveness of
his argument. One is not entirely
convinced that history unfolds virtually
week by week as it does in his very
tightly woven narrative, especially on a
topic like the evolution of republican
thought, where Gordon Wood's work
remains preeminent. Rakove has done
extraordinary research, but his book
is a record of what leaders thought,
and it is very strictly from the national
Book Reviews
447
perspective. It might be even stronger
than it is had he considered such
issues as the return of loyalists and
such legislative divisions at the state
level as Jackson Main and others have
described. It would certainly be
stronger if one got a sense of what the
people thought about all this.
Cleveland State University John H. Cary
The Astors. By Virginia Cowles. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979.
256p.;
illustrations, family tree, appendix,
select bibliography, index. $17.95.)
In this handsome book, Virginia Cowles
continues her illumination of na-
tional cultures through the presentation
of family biographies. Virginia
Cowles, born in America but long a
resident of England and the Continent,
has already published Edward VII and
His Circle, Winston Churchill, The
Kaiser, The Romanovs, and The Rothschilds.
The author is thus particularly well
qualified to record the story of the
five generations of the Astor family,
the members of which have figured so
prominently in history, both in the
United States and abroad. From the ear-
ly years of the nineteenth century, through two world
wars to the present,
the history of the family has been
broadly representative of the growth of
and the changes in American culture.
Probably the most valuable aspects of
the volume are those which make
use of the pictorial arts-painting,
architecture, and photography-to
clarify and reinforce the changing society
of the United States. There are
many possible approaches to history, but
this richly illustrated account
places each generation of the family
against the shifting panorama of
American values and society. Not only is
the reader treated to a record of
dress, sports, and social mores of the
Astors and their contemporaries, but
he or she is also given photographic
studies of early New York,
Philadelphia, and Washington and of the
early harbors and fur trails
leading to Astoria, the trading center
for the American Fur Company.
When Cowles describes how the Astor
family shifted its base to real estate,
the illustrations provide telling
contrasts between slum life and elaborate
social events in magnificent settings.
It is interesting to note that the
earliest American Astor-John Jacob-is
one of the most colorful. Arriving in
Baltimore from Germany in 1783, John
Jacob at first aimed only at the sale of
musical instruments. But the
fascination of the potential wealth obtainable
from the fur trade led him on-
to the dangerous, lonely Indian trails
toward becoming the richest man in
America. When he died in 1848, he had
achieved his goal and had estab-
lished an empire and a dynasty.
Although the male descendants were always
historically interesting, the
domination of real estate empires was
less fascinating than the adven-
turous activities of the earliest
entrepreneur. In later years it was two
women, Caroline Astor and Nancy (Lady)
Astor, who provided the most col-
orful chapters in the family saga.
Caroline Astor quite literally shaped
the "society" of a newly self-
conscious nineteenth century America.
She invented the New York Four
Hundred (the capacity of her ballroom);
gave balls costing $200,000, which
was money gained from slum ownership;
and made or broke the ambitious
448 OHIO HISTORY
nouveau riche who were struggling to rise in New York society. Even
the
Vanderbilts failed to gain admission to
Caroline's magic circle until an
equally determined woman, Alva
Vanderbilt, planned such an intriguing
costume ball that Caroline capitulated
in order to receive an invitation.
In the twentieth century, the vibrant,
vociferous, often controversial
Nancy Astor, member of Parliament,
became the gadfly of no less an impor-
tant figure than Winston Churchill. As
leader of the Cliveden Set during
the 1930s, she supported Chamberlain and
spoke on behalf of Hitler. But
with the actual attack on Britain, she
became an inspirational leader under
fire, giving herself and her wealth to
the cause of her adopted nation.
Although the "old wealth" is
no longer dominant in society, the author's
friendship with and knowledge of members
of the Astor family make the
last pages of the book timely indeed.
Color photography is lavishly used,
especially for the residences at
Cliveden and Hever Castle. The reader
wishes that previously unpublished
documents and letters might have been
available to illuminate the modern era
as successfully as those used for the
account of the earlier Astors. It would
aid the reader to make a personal
judgement of the family rather than to
accept a single viewpoint.
Although not a deeply scholarly book,
and not containing new documen-
tary evidence, The Astors opens
many anecdotal doors and provides in-
teresting and revealing glimpses of
ourselves and of our culture.
Bowling Green State University Alma J. Payne
The Bakke Case: The Politics of
Inequality. By Joel Dreyfuss and
Charles
Lawrence III. (New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1979. ix + 278p.;
selected bibliography, index. $8.95
cloth; $3.95 paper.)
The Bakke Case has attracted the
attention of many scholars and civil
libertarians. Important treatises on this subject would
include Allan P.
Sindler's Bakke, Defunis, and
Minority Admissions and J. Harvie Wilkin-
son III's From Brown to Bakke. Other
scholars are presently preparing
works on Bakke; yet to date, perhaps Joel Dreyfuss and
Charles Lawrence
have presented in their work one of the
most prolific studies on the Bakke
Case. While adding depth and balance to
our understanding to the Bakke
Case and the whole issue of
"Reverse Discrimination," this book is also
mosaic in character.
The Bakke Case provides some insight into the medical school admission
policy at the University of California
at Davis and discusses well-known
civil rights and Supreme Court
activities. It also attempts to analyze
Bakke's dilemma from his point of view.
Dreyfuss and Lawrence's discussion of
the case before the Supreme
Court describes both the attorneys for
all parties and problems faced by Ar-
chibald Cox and Donald Reidharr, the
attorneys for the University. While
Cox argued "from a trial court
record not of his own making," he presented
their case well. As for Wade McCree,
representing the United States
Government, and Reynold H. Colvin and
Robert Links, who represented
Bakke, their arguments were just as ably
presented as Cox's.
The Bakke decision, according to the authors,
was "one of the most anx-
iously awaited legal decisions of the
century." "Four Justices, Steven,
Book Reviews
449
Burger, Stewart and Rehnquist, had voted
to order Allan Bakke admitted to
the medical school at Davis." Four
others, Brennan, White, Marshall, and
Blackman, "had voted to uphold the
Davis admission program." Justice
Lewis F. Powell straddled the fence and
voted yes on the issue of Bakke's
admission and "that it was
legitimate to use race as a factor in selecting ap-
plicants." Thus, the court had attempted
to appease all parties in its deci-
sion.
Dreyfuss and Lawrence chronicled some of
the then pending cases before
the Supreme Court, among them, Weber
V. Kaiser Aluminum and Chemical
Corporation, and the impact that they would have on affirmative action.
Since this and other cases involved the
argument by white males that they
were "being treated unfairly,"
the authors theorized that Americans were
refusing to see the inequities in the
system as it had previously existed.
A minor criticism of this work is that
the authors have failed to fully
understand the judicial system and
perhaps the politics behind Supreme
Court decisions. They have also failed
to comprehend the meaning of such
terms as "reverse
discrimination," "competence," and "qualifications,"
to
see that they are "code words"
for what Dreyfuss and Lawrence call "New
Racism." Another glaring problem is
the omission of footnotes, and the
bibliography is quite inadequate for
such an important topic. In spite of
these flaws, no one will be able to
fully understand the Bakke cases without
reading this book.
North Carolina Central University Percy E. Murray
Terrorism: Threat, Reality, Response.
By Robert Kupperman and Darrell
Trent. Foreword by Walter Laqueur.
(Stanford, California: Hoover Insti-
tution on War, Revolution and Peace,
1979. xxiii + 450p.; figures,
selected readings, notes, bibliography,
index. $14.95.)
The 1970s can certainly be characterized
as the "decade of the terrorist,"
and current assessments predict a
continuation and possible increase in the
magnitude of transnational and
international terrorism in the 1980s. As
one might expect, the escalation of
terrorism has resulted in a proliferation
of books, articles, Congressional
hearings and reports, conferences and
media exposes that range from crass
sensationalism to serious analytical
investigation. The Kupperman and Trent
study unquestionably fits into
the latter category. Drawing on their
extensive experience in crisis manage-
ment at the federal level, the authors
take the reader beyond the frequently
examined tactics, motivations, and
weapons of the contemporary terrorist,
to investigate the effectiveness of
current U.S. counterterrorist programs,
as well as to recommend new measures
that they believe will improve our
ability to thwart future terrorist
strikes. While this alone constitutes a ma-
jor contribution to the study of terrorism, the authors
further enhance their
study by including eight essays by noted
theorists and practitioners that
focus on countermeasures.
The study begins with a parsimonious
review of current terrorist tactics,
weapons, targets, and cooperation both
among various guerrilla groups and
with sympathetic governments. While only
a prologue to the central theme,
for the uninformed reader this section
will serve as an instructive introduc-
450 OHIO HISTORY
tion. This is accompanied by a broadly
gauged speculation of future ter-
rorist targets, as well as a
thought-provoking discussion of the possible use
of nuclear, biological, or chemical
devices by a terrorist group. This com-
pleted, Kupperman and Trent turn to the
main purpose of the study-a
critique of current U.S.
counterterrorist response, programs, and pro-
cedures. While they approach this
reassessment of federal incident manage-
ment procedures and emergency
preparedness programs in a "constructive
spirit," there is little doubt in
this reviewer's mind that the authors find
current policy to be woefully
inadequate. According to the authors, "to
curb terrorism before it produces more
serious sacrifices to the deities of
apocalyptic destruction, architects of
an effective counterterrorism
strategy must begin to have
conviction-to care about the importance of
their task to prevent the gratuitous
waste of further killing."
In light of this negative assessment,
Kupperman and Trent, as well as the
theorists and practioners who contribute
articles to their study, propose a
number of corrective measures for
expanding and improving the federal
government's counterterrorist response
repertoire. Kupperman and Trent
specifically focus on the issues of
governmental reorganization, planning
and preparedness, international
cooperation, and the employment of con-
comitant technological resources to
thwart domestic and international ter-
rorist activities. With respect to the
potential for technological responses,
the authors believe such measures are
especially useful in "raising
barriers" and "hardening the
sites" of societies highly vulnerable and
fragile nodes. Among the most vulnerable
targets, they include "commer-
cial aircraft, natural gas pipeline,
electric power grids, offshore oil rigs, and
computers storing government and
corporate records." These are the type
of highly sabotage-prone targets where
various technologies can lower the
vulnerability to destruction. In
addition to technological factors, Kupper-
man and Trent propose a number of other
measures that should be expand-
ed and developed in order to improve the
U.S. counterterrorist response
repertoire. These include contingency
planning, intelligence gathering,
crisis management routines, emergency
preparedness programs, as well as
improved coordination and cooperation
among the various federal agencies
involved in such operations. To round
out their policy recommendations,
the authors include the afore mentioned
eight essays. These focus on such
specific problem areas as the
vulnerability of the oil and natural gas in-
dustries, crisis management procedures,
the application of quantitative
techniques and computer-based heuristic
modeling procedures in decision-
making, and methods for hostage
negotiating.
In sum, the study constitutes a major
contribution to the academic and
professional literature on terrorism.
However, the authors' evaluations and
recommendations are intended to be more
than merely an academic exer-
cise. They are a warning from two former
insiders that to be complacent
about the threat of terrorism could result
in nightmarish future events.
Catholic University Richard
Shultz
Interstate: Express Highway Politics,
1941-1956. By Mark H. Rose.
(Lawrence: The Regents Press of Kansas,
1979. xii + 169p.; notes,
selected bibliography, index. $14.00.)
Book Reviews
451
The Federal Highway Act of 1956
terminated a decades-long debate over
the merit, scope, and method of
financing a comprehensive highway
building program. Although the 1956
legislation provided for the construc-
tion of 41,000 miles of limited access
interstate highways and increased
federal aid to modernize established
federal highways and rural roads, it
also "foreclosed most of the options
in American road politics" (p. 95). The
modern interstate and urban freeway
systems were the main physical
results of the program established by
the Act.
Mark H. Rose has written a brief
historical overview of the debate over a
national highway program. The book
focuses on the period 1941-1956,
although Rose begins the study with a
chapter that traces the origins of the
issue back to the 1890s. Except for a
special topical chapter, "The Highway
and the City, 1945-1955," which
will be of special interest to urban
historians, the work is essentially a
straight chronological treatment of the
politics of the highway controversy.
The book is a good case study of the
conflict between a national interest,
theoretically supported by many, that
was blocked for a number of years by
parochial, regional, professional, and
bureaucratic in-fighting. Consequent-
ly, the movement for a comprehensive
national highway program remained
unrealized for so long because the major
highway user groups and state and
federal highway officials had
conflicting expectations about what the
highway system should be and contended
bitterly over how it should be
financed. Narrow economic
considerations, Rose argues, were more impor-
tant than major national needs or
partisan politics in shaping the main con-
tours of the debate over and the final
configuration of the highway pro-
gram.
A comprehensive highway program remained
unrealized until the
pressure of traffic on the nation's
highways became so acute by the middle
of the 1950s that the Eisenhower
administration pushed for a solution.
Senator Hale Boggs (Dem., La.) and Representative
George H. Fallon (Rep.,
Md.) finally unclogged the political traffic jam. From
a wide variety of
demands and proposals, they pieced
together a highway plan and a finan-
cial formula which provided something
for nearly everyone without taxing
any economic interest too heavily. For
the first time, most of the main par-
ties to the debate-commercial trucking
interests and automobile clubs,
vehicle manufacturers, road contractors,
oil companies, state road
engineers, farm interest, toll way
officials-and their supporters in Con-
gress, the administration, and the
federal bureaucracy found enough
positive features in the plan to support
the Boggs-Fallon legislation.
Rose draws heavily upon federal archival
sources, especially the records
of the Bureau of Public Roads and
presidential papers at the FDR, Truman,
and Eisenhower libraries. Equally
important is his use of papers and pro-
ceedings, both published and
unpublished, of various highway user groups.
Contemporary periodicals devoted to
highway matters, published govern-
ment documents, newspapers, popular
magazines, and other contemporary
sources as well as a wide variety of
secondary literature on the subject
round out an impressive bibliography.
Rose's writing style is clear and
direct, if not exciting. Short, tightly
organized chapters help the reader
travel what at times could have been a
rather tedious historical road. The
author might have aided the reader more
by providing selected tables of
statistics on highway mileage and funding.
452 OHIO HISTORY
Although his preface promises more than
the book delivers, the study is a
worthwhile introduction to the topic
whose several dimensions may be
usefully studied in more detail by
others. Urbanists, economic historians,
and historians of technology will
undoubtedly derive the most from it.
Political and social historians will
find it less useful, although all can find
within it themes for greater exploration.
Wright State University Paul G. Merriam
Double-Edged Secrets: U.S. Naval
Intelligence Operations in the Pacific
during World War II. By W.J. Holmes. (Annapolis: Naval Institute
Press, 1979. x + 240p.; illustrations,
maps, index. $11.95.)
By now every historian interested in the
Second World War realizes that
intelligence derived from intercepted
enemy communications-whether
known as "Magic" or as
"Ultra"-shaped allied and American tactics and
strategy both in Europe and in Asia.
Such intelligence, in this case wrested
from Japanese codes and ciphers,
constitutes the "double-edge secrets" of
this book's title-double-edged, in the
author's view, because tight secrecy
such as that surrounding World War II
code-breaking can hurt as well as
help. As a naval officer, Holmes worked
with Ultra in Pearl Harbor
throughout the war with Japan. His
honest and balanced treatment of
secret intelligence in the Pacific naval
war details both the triumphs of the
code-breaking efforts in which he took
part and the disasters that
sometimes resulted from inability to
convey information thus gained to
commanders and forces in mortal danger.
Many points in this volume will be of
interest to historians of World War
II, naval warfare, or intelligence. The
author leaves no doubt of the essen-
tial connection between signals
intelligence and the effectiveness of the
submarine war against Japan; as
portrayed here, submarine successes
depended almost totally on accurate
information concerning Japanese ship
positions and routes. The author
reiterates-correctly-the great respon-
sibility of combat intelligence units
for correcting the inevitable tendency
to exaggerate losses inflicted on the
enemy. Holmes also illuminates the
subtle relationship between the
personality of commanders and the
character of military organizations in
action. In addition, he touches on
several of the now-familiar
controversies of the Pacific war. He believes, for
instance, that Admiral Kimmel was ill-treated
in the aftermath of Pearl
Harbor. He also declares that American
casualties in a final campaign
against the Japanese homeland would have
been at least the 1 1/2 million an-
ticipated in discussions concerning the
use of the atomic bomb; and he sug-
gests that they could easily have been
twice that number.
In the enlarging literature on World War
II signals intelligence, this book
stands out. It is well written and
edited. Although it lacks source notes,
doubtless because of restrictions still
in force pertaining to cryptographic
materials, it is nonetheless a fine
addition to "technical revisionism" on
World War II.
Naval War College Thomas
Etzold
Book Reviews
453
On the Hill: A History of the
American Congress, From 1789 to the Present.
By Alvin M. Josephy, Jr. (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1979. 414p.;
illustrations, bibliography, index.
$14.95.)
This work was first published in 1975 as
The American Heritage History
of the Congress of the United States, which contained some three hundred
illustrations. Now, we are offered the same text, with
an additional twenty
pages or so to bring the work up to date, and a bare
fraction of the original
illustrative material. As it stands, this book probably
should not have been
republished.
On the Hill contains no preface or introduction. So, not only do we
not
know to whom Josephy is grateful, but
also, among other things, we are left
in the dark, at the outset, about what
his approach to the subject was, and
we are never told why he wrote the book
or what his strategy with respect
to the use of sources was. Beyond this,
the book has only a one-page conclu-
sion, unworthy of the name, and there
are no footnotes or endnotes
whatever. The author does give us a
bibliography, but it is a scant three
pages containing 116 works of which
approximately 20 percent are pub-
lished primary sources. Since the author
calls it a "bibliography" and not a
"selected bibliography," one
must assume that these are all the sources
Josephy used; and this is troublesome.
He lists no newspapers, unpublished
manuscript collections, or scholarly
articles from any field; he does not even
include the Congressional Globe or
Congressional Record. Even the works
he does name raise serious questions.
His choice of biographies, for exam-
ple, is highly selective and limited,
whether of Presidents or Congressmen,
and he often opts for outdated studies.
Similarly, Leonard White's, The Jef-
fersonians appears in the bibliography, but none of White's other
fine
tomes on presidential administrations.
Again, he lists very few of the
multitude of recent monographs that have
made use of quantitative tech-
niques to study Congressional behavior.
At the very least, the author
should have written a bibliographical
essay to explain his rationale for the
selection of sources.
Part of the problem may be related to
Josephy's decision to discuss the
personnel and events in both houses from
the first Congress through a por-
tion of the 96th Congress. To complete
this task adequately in a single
volume with nine chapters would strain
anyone's ability. This book lacks
depth and penetration, but not alone
because of its ambitious chronological
scope. On the Hill is a narrative
history that lacks critical acuity, offers no
new interpretations about Congress and
its activities, and provides rather
superficial analyses, especially where
congressional voting is concerned.
All of this is not to suggest that the
book is devoid of a thesis and sub-
themes. The main thesis is that,
although the legislative branch may not
always respond to the will of the
people, "Congress is the people." Yet,
Josephy provides no empirical evidence
that even the main socioeconomic
features of the public in various
periods have been reflected in Congresses.
Perhaps this is so because the author
does not primarily discuss Congress
as an institution. Rather, he focuses
upon personalities and the most
dramatic and controversial events and
crises that involved the nation's
legislators over the years. The main
thrust of this work is national politics
ogled through the prism of Congress and
vice versa. Josephy, however,
does treat, to a lesser extent, the
growth of the role of parties in Congress;
454 OHIO HISTORY
the languid evolution of Congressional
rules, procedures, and traditions;
the development of internal structures
in both houses, such as standing
committees and burgeoning staffs; and
the periodic shifting in the propor-
tions of power between the Senate and
House, as well as between the
legislative and executive branches.
Josephy, on the whole, writes with
clarity and vigor. His sketches of im-
portant and sometimes outrageous
legislators are interesting and often ex-
citing to read, as are his many
descriptions of major crises. But it is just
these features that may present another
problem. Though he indicates that
Congress moves slowly most of the time,
his selection of topics and in-
dividuals tends to distort this
characteristic. We are left with a falsely
dramatic image of an essentially dull,
deliberate, and sluggish body of
government.
So, On the Hill is not scholarly,
original, or particularly penetrating. It
does, however, provide a handy, well
written, one-volume narrative account
of certain aspects of the relationship
between Congress and American
politics. It contains, as well,
interesting facts, anecdotes, and a few more or
less obvious trends. For these reasons,
the book may be appropriate and
useful for the general reader, the
person for whom almost certainly it was
written and published.
University of South Dakota Gerald W. Wolff
Americans on the Road: From Autocamp
to Motel, 1910-1945. By Warren
James Belasco. (Cambridge: The MIT
Press, 1979. ix + 212p.; illustra-
tions, itinerary, notes, bibliographic
guide, index. $14.95.)
Americans on the Road is further evidence of the gathering interest that
scholars have been showing in automotive
history in recent years. It is an
especially welcome addition to the
literature because the author, Warren
Belasco, an assistant professor of
American studies at the University of
Maryland, deals with an aspect of the
automobile's social impact, a subject
which has thus far received far less
attention than that relating to the
manufacturing side of the automobile's
development.
Interest in the automobile's social
effects on twentieth-century America
has been greatly stimulated by the
environmentalists' views which
depicted the car as perhaps the major
contributor to the conditions that
were having such a negative impact on
the quality of life in the latter years
of the century. Belasco admits that he
was initially swayed by "the anti-
automobile arguments of the 1970s"
and that he found himself "concen-
trating on negatives such as pollution,
traffic, and central-city deteriora-
tion." Fortunately, he realized
that even though he and many others today
do not like what the motor vehicle has
done to our society, Americans in an
earlier day welcomed this new form of
transportation with nearly unbound-
ed enthusiasm. As a historian, he
decided he had a responsibility to seek to
determine the causes of these earlier
attitudes, rather than writing another
anti-automobile historical tract for our
times.
Belasco began by investigating some of
the ways in which the early
owners made use of their cars. Going on
the assumption that Americans
before World War II used their cars
primarily for recreational purposes, an
Book Reviews
455
assumption whose validity may well be
questionable in the latter part of
this period, when evidence points to a
sharply rising trend toward work-
related automobile driving, Belasco soon
discovers that the early motorists,
in spite of the problems they had with
their cars and the generally horrible
condition of many of the roads, rated
the recreational travel opportunities
offered by the automobile as a decided
improvement over those provided by
railroads and other existing means of
transportation. Cost, convenience,
and increased flexibility in the use of
travel time were factors cited in the
automobile's favor, but in addition
there was the sense of adventure that
the automobile travellers shared. There
was the widespread feeling that
they were pioneers in a new, freer,
healthier kind of life. The problems they
encountered bound these motorists
together, as a group, promoting a sense
of camaraderie among them, regardless of
social status or the kind of car
they drove, with democratic implications
appropriate in an era when the
Progressives were promoting an increased
democratic participation in the
political sphere.
Why the author chose 1910 as the
starting point for a study of the
automobile's impact on American travel
habits is not clear. Accounts of
motoring trips were appearing in print
by the late nineties and were becom-
ing increasingly numerous in the first
decade of the twentieth century,
especially in the automotive trade
journals, such as Motor Age and
Horseless Age, a group strangely absent from Belasco's lists of
sources for
the period he does cover. However, by
his third chapter the author has
shifted the emphasis from
"Americans on the Road" to the development of
accommodations for these tourists, the
subject of his subtitle. Hotels came
to be shunned by much of the motoring
public both because of the inconve-
nient location of these accommodations,
built to serve the railroads, and
because the services they provided,
oriented toward a male, businessman
clientele, made the wives and families
of the motorists' feel uncomfortable.
As an alternative to hotels, motorists
took to camping along the roadside,
an approach in keeping with the healthy,
fresh-air, back-to-nature image
popularized by the very character of the
open cars and primitive roads of
those early years. By the period of
World War I, however, many com-
munities were providing free camping
facilities to encourage motorists to
stay in town and spend some money. By
the early twenties more and more
communities began to charge fees and
limit the number of days tourists
could stay in the camps, as a means of
screening out so-called
"undesirables" and preventing
the free camps from becoming a haven for
the increasing number of transients who
were living more or less per-
manently on the road. Once public camps
began to charge people to use
their facilities, they began to face
competition from privately operated
camps which, for only a small additional
charge, began to offer the motorist
who was weary of camping the luxury of a
cabin as an overnight accom-
modation. From there it was only a short
move to more elaborate roadside
facilities, although the Depression of
the thirties and World War II delayed
the full-scale emergence of the motel
and motor hotel concept until the
postwar decades.
Although the reader will regret that the
author does not dwell more on
the adventures of the motorists,
including such famous names as Emily
Post, whose account of her cross-country
trip in 1916 is one of the many
fascinating travellers narratives he has
unearthed, the thorough account
456 OHIO HISTORY
that Belasco provides in this pioneering
study of the rapidly shifting nature
of the response to the motorists' needs
for travel accomodations makes the
book a major contribution to an
understanding of the numerous by-
products of the automobile's universal adoption.
Eastern Michigan University George S. May
Northwestern Fights and Fighters. By Cyrus Townsend Brady. (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1979. xvii
+ 371p.; illustrations, notes,
appendix, index. $5.50 paper)
During the last quarter of the
nineteenth century, the United States
government systematically subdued
discontented Indian tribes that
demonstrated unhappiness with their
reservations. Cyrus Townsend Brady
chronicles the stories of two such
tribes that resisted white subjuga-
tion-the Nez Perce and Modoc. Using
eyewitness accounts and
reminiscenses of participants, Brady
presents numerous views of the white
and Indian cultural conflict which
culminated in the ultimate pacification of
the Nez Perce and Modoc tribes.
Initially published in 1907, this reprint in-
troduces important primary source
material garnered from army officers
and civilians who were directly involved
in the Nez Perce and Modoc wars.
In two parts, this book provides a
synthesis of the conflicts. In each sec-
tion Brady first gives a general
overview of each war, preparing a setting
for subsequent first-hand accounts. For
many of the major military actions,
Brady includes illustrations and maps.
These complement the study and
enlighten the reader by depicting
principal characters and the terrain on
which their battles were fought.
Brady begins with a narrative of the Nez
Perce flight for freedom. Por-
traying the plight of these Indians as
an injustice inflicted by the United
States government, the author tells how
conflict developed over the Nez
Perce lands in Idaho, Oregon, and
Washington. In 1877 the Nez Perce were
ordered to occupy a reservation away
from their traditional lands. General
0. O. Howard was to use force in
removing these Indians to their reserve, if
necessary. Prompted by clashes between
their people and the whites, Nez
Perce leaders such as Joseph, White
Bird, and Looking Glass opted to take
their people in strategic retreat toward
Canada. Over rugged mountain
trails and in harsh, inclement weather,
the Indians fled. Soldiers recorded
their reminiscenses about the ensuing
fights at locales such as White Bird
Canyon, Big Hole, and the Camas Meadows.
Finally, tired of running and
fighting, and with his people exhausted,
Joseph surrendered to General
Nelson Miles in October of 1877. The Nez
Perce had forstalled some 2,000
troops with less than 300 warriors in
eleven engagements while retreating
more than 2,000 miles. Considered a
"military exploit of the first
magnitude," the Nez Perce trek was
admired by white adversaries who
would label Joseph the "Red
Napoleon of the West" for his role in the cam-
paign.
The second part of Brady's book details
the Modoc War of 1872-1873 in
Oregon, where Kientpoos (better known as
Captain Jack) led his Modoc
people into the lava beds of the region.
There they fought the United States
Army in what Brady described as
"the most costly war in which the United
Book Reviews
457
States engaged, considering the number
of opponents." Like the Nez Perce,
the Modocs were fighting to protest
removal from their ancestral lands. In
the maze-like "land of burnt out
fires," approximately 50 Modocs were able
to resist some 1,200 regular and
volunteer troops at a cost of more than a
half-million dollars to the government.
As tragically as the war began with
the deaths of General E. S. Canby and
other whites at the hands of the
Modocs, it dramatically ended with the
fugitives being betrayed by their
own people, resulting in the hanging of
Captain Jack and three fellow
tribesmen. The details of the chase and
eventual capture of the Modocs
were recounted lucidly by participants
in the action.
These two stories of the cultural
conflict between advancing whites and
the resisting Indians illustrate, in
case study, the classic struggles that oc-
curred constantly on the American
frontier. Brady and the contributors to
his work documented this period in the
development of the American na-
tion. Brady appended letters from army
officers which pertain to the Battle
of the Little Big Horn and the Wolf
Mountain Campaign of 1877. These ad-
ditions serve to supplement the valuable
primary information contained in
the text, the useful maps, complementary
illustrations, and helpful index.
Students of the Indian wars and the
American West will find this work
readable, informative, and worthwhile.
Northwestern Oklahoma State
University Timothy A. Zwink
The Narrative of Hosea Hudson. His
Life as a Negro Communist in the
South. By Nell Irvin Painter. (Cambridge; Harvard University
Press,
1979. xiv + 400 p.; illustrations,
notes, bibliographical essay, index.
$17.50.)
In 1931 Hosea Hudson became a member of
the Communist Party of the
United States of America. Such a
reaction to the economic problems of the
Great Depression was not uncommon, even
in Birmingham, Alabama. Not
even his background as a poor
sharecropper and regular participant in fun-
damentalist religious activities made
Hudson's action especially novel.
Hudson's decision was noteworthy because
he was black. Even more sur-
prising was his continuing affiliation
with the party for more than forty
years. Hudson needed the economic
alternative: he wanted racial equality
as well. A life spent in increasing
second-class status as the Jim Crow
system intensified was Hudson's stimulus
to seek something better. His
decision to join the party came as a
result of the Scottsboro boys' problems
with the system. The case was a sign to
Hudson that hope for him lay only
in changing his society. The Communists
offered to bring about that
change. Economic and social equality
were sufficiently attractive to keep
Hudson faithful through the ideological
shifts of his party and the persecu-
tion he endured both for his membership
and for his race. The Narrative of
Hosea Hudson attempts to recreate Hudson's life from his birth in a
sharecropper's shack to his expulsion
from the Mine and Mill Workers
union in 1947 for Communist activities.
As oral history, as an attempt to have a
participant tell his own story in
his own way, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson
is invaluable for scholars. It
helps to counter the tendency to think
of the Communist Party of the 1930s
458 OHIO HISTORY
and 1940s as an organization of northern
and western white persons. Hud-
son's story is dominated by black
southern Communists. The contrast pro-
vides a better understanding of the
movement.
However, the book has a flaw. Implicit
in both the subtitle and the
chronology of Hudson's life, which
Painter provides early in the work, is a
promise to discuss the years and events
from 1898 to 1977. Painter's in-
troduction does trace the life from the
beginning and at least mentions ac-
tions taken in the thirty years before
1977. But the narrative ends suddenly
in 1947 with Hudson's marriage destroyed
and his association with the
union severed. The reader is left
hanging, and the result is disappointment.
The narrative is so fascinating that its
seeming incompletion provokes
frustration.
Despite the weakness, The Narrative
of Hosea Hudson is a valuable con-
tribution to an area which has been
sadly neglected. At a time when most
studies of the American Communist Party
slight the South and when the
few that deal with the South are written
from the less than objective
perspectives of dedicated Communists or
aggressively repentant former
Communists, a Southern Communist without
need to apologize is welcom-
ed.
Painter has done a skillful job of
combining a number of interviews into
one connected narrative with only
minimal repetition and virtually no intru-
sion of the editor into the story.
Indicative of the smooth coordination of
the young historian and the old radical
is the ability of both Painter and
Hudson to provide explanatory footnotes
without disrupting the flow of the
narrative. The result is a successful
collaboration without undue duplica-
tion of effort and a long overdue study
of a neglected aspect of Southern
and black history.
Oklahoma State University J. Herschel Barnhill
The Vulnerable Years: The United
States, 1896-1917. By Irwin Unger and
Debi Unger. (New York: New York
University Press, 1978. vii + 205p.;
notes, index. $13.50.)
The title of this book is somewhat
misleading. The dust jacket gives the
reader the impression that he will receive here a new
insight, a new thesis
about the Progressive Era. Nothing of the sort. The
Vulnerable Years is
merely a capable synthesis of research done by others.
It is written on the
college textbook level. I found nothing particularly
new or insightful in it.
The authors begin with the election of
1896 and end with America's
declaration of war in 1917. They cover all the usual
points that one would
expect. The Ungers are abreast of the
latest research in the field. In-
terspersed throughout the text are
little bibliographical discussions of
various interpretations of disputed
points that undergraduates should find
quite useful.
In the matter of the Populists, the
Ungers side with those who point out
their bigotry rather than their
tolerance. They take issue with those leftist
historians who offer a purely economic
interpretation for imperialism dur-
ing the 1890s. They reject both the
Marxists and the New Left, not only on
this matter but throughout their work.
They accept Hofstadter's thesis of
Book Reviews
459
cultural and psychological causes
underlying imperialism, although they
are willing to grant some status to
Social Darwinism and economics. Cer-
tainly self-interest and economics were
involved, but idealism, however
misguided, did pay a role, they say.
They offer a similar fence-straddling
interpretation for American policy
in Latin America. True, they say, the
United States bullied small, weak
countries, but their fates would have
been worse "had a powerful nation
with Teutonic, Gallic, or even British
values and attitudes sat north of the
Rio Grande...." If anything, they
conclude that the United States "exer-
cised considerable restraint in its policies
toward its weaker neighbors."
The authors hit their stride when they
reach the subject of the Pro-
gressive Movement. Here they seem much
more authoritative. They take
issue with the skeptical view of Gabriel
Kolko, Samuel Hayes, and James
Weinstein that it was essentially an
upper-class movement. They point out
that the lower classes were also
intimately involved and benefited greatly
from the new legislation. Many of the
reforms were designed specifically to
aid the poor. The middle-class did not
perceive the poor as a threat to them
as their European contemporaries
evidently did. Quite the contrary, the
middle-class felt that American
democracy was endangered by plutocrats,
and aided the poor.
However attractive the Ungers seem to
find the Progressives, they do not
offer us a whitewash. They keep their
perspective, and acknowledge that in
matters of race and nationality the
Progressives were sadly deficient. "Pro-
gressives like the economist Richard
Ely, Albert Beveridge, and [Theodore]
Roosevelt," the admit, "were
often unselfconscious bigots who accepted ex-
plicitly the superiority of the white
race and especially its north European
branch.... Southern progressives were
unrelenting on the color line. . "
Nor did President Wilson pass muster in
this matter, his administration be-
ing characterized by a hardening of
segregation.
Their discussion of Wilson's Latin
American policy and the nation's en-
try into war is also thoughtful and
middle-of-the road. They like Wilson, but
deplore his lack of sophistication in
world affairs. The Fourteen Points and
the League of Nations were in their
opinion "the finest expressions of the
progressive spirit...." They
acknowledge that Wilson's dream did not lead
to paradise. But Wilson's failure, like
that of Progressivism itself, they say,
was not because of any inherent defects,
but because they "demanded too
much of men in the way of dedication and
vigilance."
Despite its errors of judgment and
failures of omission, they conclude,
the Progressive Movement was far
superior to what followed it.
Kent State University Harold Schwartz
Repealing National Prohibition. By David E. Kyvig. (Chicago: The Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1979. xix +
274p.; illustrations, notes, biblio-
graphy, index. $21.00.)
Historians have never explained
adequately the reasons and process by
which the repeal of the Eighteenth
Amendment occurred. The
historiography of this unique event is
clouded with views ranging from the
contention that repeal was brought about
by a powerful clique and elite to
460 OHIO HISTORY
further its own selfish ambitions, to
the widespread belief that repeal of pro-
hibition was nationally supported and
thus an inevitable outcome. In
Repealing National Prohibition David Kyvig shows that neither manipula-
tion nor fate can stand alone as the
explanation for the amendment's rever-
sal. The task of obtaining support from
two-thirds of Congress and three-
fourths of the states required agressive
leadership, bold organization, and
massive public approval.
The adoption of national prohibition was
the product of a century-long
temperance crusade, the progressive
spirit of the early twentieth century,
and wartime sacrifices. The rapid
ratification of the Eighteenth Amend-
ment in 1919 by state legislatures was
indicative of the widespread public
acceptance. However, national
prohibition would rise and fall in a span of
two decades, from first proposal to
final collapse. Kyvig uses this unique
phenomenon to examine social and political
ideas and practices within the
American system.
Public response to prohibition was
essential to the repeal movement. But
what influenced and molded mass public
opinion? Thus the emphasis of the
book concerns the leadership and
organization of the advocates of repeal.
Using newly accessible materials from
Wesleyan University and the files of
Pierre S. du Pont at Eleutherian Mills
Historical Library, the author traces
the establishment of repeal groups, such
as the influential Association
Against the Prohibition Amendment (AAPA)
and the million-member
Women's Organization for National
Prohibition Reform (WONPR).
The concern of these groups represented
much more than the desire to
legalize the liquor industry. With great
detail and thorough documentation,
Kyvig demonstrates that the uniting
theme of the repeal organizations was
their objection to an increasingly
active and authoritative federal govern-
ment as it attempted to enforce the law.
Many believed that prohibition, un-
popular and frequently violated,
inculcated criminal behavior and fostered
disrespect for government and law.
William H. Stayton, founder of the
AAPA, believed firmly in the rights of
states and local communities to
make their own decisions about the
liquor issue, and thus he feared the con-
centration of power within the federal
government. The Eighteenth Amend-
ment was a threat to the right of the
public to govern in local affairs.
Fearing and feeling increased federal
regulation in the business sector of
the country, the du Pont
brothers-Pierre, Irenee, and Lamont-along with
their close associate, John J. Raskob,
came to view national pro-
hibition as a threat to governmental and
social order. These men became so
active in the AAPA that they came to
personify the repeal movement.
The effective women's repeal
organization, the WONPR, which appeared
in 1929 and was propelled by Pauline
Morton Sabin, successfully challeng-
ed the Anti-Saloon League's and Women's
Christian Temperance Union's
attempt to maintain the popular
assumption that women overwhelmingly
supported national prohibition. Mothers
had believed that prohibition
would eliminate the temptation of drink
from their children's lives, Sabin
argued, but instead they found that
their children had developed a total
lack of respect for the Constitution and
the law.
It was inevitable that the prohibition
problem would be drawn into na-
tional partisan issues. As the party in
power during the 1920s, the
Republicans became identified with the
law's enforcement, while the
Democratic party shifted increasingly
toward advocacy of repeal. With the
Book Reviews
461
sweeping Democratic victory in 1932, the
repeal crusade not only was
assured but also it would have broader political
influence as it affected con-
cepts and views about acceptable limits
to legislative reform and govern-
mental regulation. Kyvig argues that the
prohibition experience was
reflected in the cautions nature of the
early New Deal reforms.
Opposition to what many regarded as the
increasingly radical course of
the New Deal was developed, and was led
by prominant repeal leaders, in-
cluding not only the du Pont brothers,
John Raskob, and William Stayton,
but also Pauline Morton Sabin and two
former Democratic presidential
nominees, John W. Davis and Alfred E.
Smith. Practically the reincarna-
tion of the AAPA, this group formed the
American Liberty League, a new
national organization calling for a
"return to Constitutional government."
Thus the principal architects of repeal
continued to have a strong political
voice as Franklin Roosevelt moved
cautiously with the programs of the
first New Deal. Not until the landslide
election victory in 1936 and the col-
lapse of the Liberty League did
President Roosevelt move with renewed
confidence and boldness. Had it not been
for the national prohibition cir-
cumstance, Kyvig concludes, the path of
the New Deal might have been
substantially different.
Langston University W. Edwin Derrick
Not God: A History of Alcoholic
Anonymous. By Ernest
Kurtz. (Center City, Minnesota. Hazelden
Educational Services, 1979.
xiii + 363p.; appendix, notes,
bibliography, bibliographic index and
general index. $12.95.)
Alcoholism has been a traditional social
problem throughout American
history. Over the last several decades
there has been a growing understand-
ing among historians and sociologists as
to the nature of the groups which
periodically rise in America to fight
alcoholism. Ernest Kurtz' history of
Alcoholics Anonymous will prove, with
some reservations, a useful addition
to that literature. The title of this
book is, however, somewhat misleading
in that it is not a narrative history of
A.A., but a series of essays in which
the author offers his reflections on the
history, meaning, and problems of
the organization. The first and longest
essay does contain a basic history of
A.A., but its primary focus is
philosophical and religious. Although the
work is based upon the author's doctoral
dissertation, the historical details
become mere pegs upon which he can build
a theological interpretation of
Alcoholics Anonymous. This purpose takes
over completely in the last 40
percent of the volume which is devoted
to a series of essays on various
aspects of A.A.
The A.A. idea began in 1934 when William
Griffith Wilson, himself still
an alcoholic, realized that the way to
sobriety was through one alcoholic
helping another. From this basic
insight, Wilson, with the aid of other
alcoholics, built an organization which
has proved of great benefit to
alcoholics throughout the world.
However, as the author emphasizes,
Wilson's ideas offered much more than
practical advice, because they were
based upon a solidly spiritual
foundation. Wilson's own rejection of alcohol
462 OHIO HISTORY
was based on a religious conversion and
although a religious conversion has
never been a precondition for an
alcoholic to join A.A., religious ideas and
imagery pervade the orgainzation's
history. In explaining the relationship
between religion and A.A., Dr. Kurtz
places great emphasis on the idea of
the alcoholic not being God. This idea,
first developed by Wilson in the ear-
ly years of A.A., refers to the
principle that before the organization can help
an alcoholic, the alcoholic must realize
his or her powerlessness over
alcohol. There is also the concept of
"not-God" which the author uses to
refer to the spiritual connectedness of
the organization. Upon these two
themes the author builds a religious
interpretation of Alcholics Anonymous
which emphasizes that it has
historically been a spiritual fellowship of
alcoholics helping one another.
However, in building his interpretation,
Dr. Kurtz does not go beyond the
context of the organization itself. His
sources, some of which are not
generally accessible to historians, are
drawn almost entirely from within
the organization. The author's almost
complete reliance on inside sources
and religious imagery makes the book
read as if it were an apology, or a vin-
dication, of Alcoholics Anonymous. For
example, one can easily read the
first chapters, which describe the fall
of Bill Wilson to alcoholism and his
ultimate redemption by a conversion
experience, as a religious allegory. We
also find much space given to a detailed
exegesis of Wilson's spiritual
struggles, but we are never told how he
made his first fortune on Wall
Street in the 1920s. Dr. Kurtz does use
broad generalizations drawn from
American history and from the history of
religious ideas, but these do not
add up to a coherent and independent
appraisal of the history of Alcoholics
Anonymous. The reader will get from this
book a thorough understanding
of what it means to be a member of A.A.,
but we will have to wait for an ob-
jective appraisal of the place of Alcoholics Anonymous
in the history of
America's alcohol problem.
University of Cincinnati Charles A. Isetts
A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn. By Harold X. Connolly. (New York: New
York University Press, 1977. xv + 248p.;
figures, notes, epilogue, index.
$15.00.)
The urban riots of the sixties angered,
confused, and worried Americans,
but once the fires subsided, the
emotions and concerns they spawned
dissipated. The repositories of interest
are black organizational leaders who
still attempt to create a sense of
urgency over unaddressed problems of the
present and historians who are building
a library of studies of ghetto forma-
tion in the past. Harold X. Connally
tries to bridge this gap between ghetto
development and contemporary social
problems by extending this survey
of Bedford-Stuyvesant beyond the
twenties and thirties, when earlier
monographs of northern ghettos
concluded.
A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn describes the increasingly familiar story of
expanding residential impaction and
misery, low economic status and
dislocation, and the other ramifications
of racial discrimination, ranging
Book Reviews
463
from segregated political
representatives to inferior public schools.
Bedford-Stuyvesant erupts upon the
Brooklyn landscape later than
already-chronicled Harlem in Manhattan
or the ghettos of Chicago and
Cleveland, demonstrating that this urban
process spans the twentieth cen-
tury, even if the board outlines of
development possess depressing
similarities.
But certainly there were differences as
well, and Connally's study cries
out for comparative analysis.
Bedford-Stuyvesant deserves its day between
book covers, but it requires comparison
with those minority communities
that have been described in the
historical literature. And to be able to carry
on that type of analysis, Connally would
have had to present a much more
complex portrait of this ghetto than he
has furnished. With few exceptions,
the subtle complexities of social
structure, occupational patterns, institu-
tional and leadership roles, and
ideological response to changing conditions
do not receive the sensitive, in-depth
treatment they need and deserve.
Along with the absence of a comparative
framework, the reader misses the
distinctions within this ghetto and its
inner dynamics which would dispel
the notion of an expanding mass of urban
blacks, undifferentiated by time,
place, and demographic variables other
than race.
In part, the cursory treatment of so
many factors may have resulted from
Connally's expressed desire to enlarge
his chronological framework.
Extending his study beyond 1930 permits
him to explore sporadic federal
government policies and their impact on
growing ghettos. Here too,
however, the treatment is often more
superficial than the reader would
want. The section on the rise of
Bedford-Stuyvesant extends from 1900 to
1940, thereby masking the specific
effects of the Great Depression and New
Deal programs on this community of
northern blacks. Connally treats the
more recent interaction among the public
war on poverty, community
development programs, and seemingly
intractable ghetto problems in
greater detail and with better grasp.
Still, a more intensive explora-
tion-even a case study-of an institution
like the Bedford-Stuyvesant
Restoration Corporation would have
documented the high expectations,
the inner tensions, and the ultimate
failures of this project which raised
private funds, created jobs, and
restored physical structures but failed to
gain or refused to permit community
input and control. Even a case study
approach to one program of the Office of
Economic Opportunity could have
underscored the bureaucratic and
attitudinal shortcomings of federal
policy, could have assessed the
possibilities of ameliorating festering social
and economic ills, or proved, as
Connally implies, the ultimate futility of all
these approaches should the national
political climate rediscover and make
a commitment to the minority poor.
In his brief conclusion, Connally raises
the distressing but realistic issues
concerning the future of northern, urban
blacks in light of persistant racist
values and changing spacial and
demographic phenomena. Does it make
sense, he asks, to direct intelligence,
good intentions and financial
resources "to save and restore the
battered remnents" of decaying,
depopulated urban areas? Given moderate
to heavy doses of racist and anti-
urban values, will Americans ever
seriously address the problems of the
ghettos? This reader believes that
Connally has asked the right questions.
Unfortunately, the quality of the
historical evidence upon which the
464 OHIO HISTORY
answers to these questions concerning
public policy should rest is super-
ficial and disappointing.
Case Western Reserve University Lois Scharf
If All We Did Was to Weep at Home: A
History of White Working-Class
Women. By Susan Estabrook Kennedy. (Bloomington: Indiana
Universi-
ty Press, 1979. xx + 331p.; notes,
bibliography, index. $17.50.)
Today they are called the "silent
eighty per cent," but observers believe
that female blue- and pink-collar
workers will have a louder voice in the next
decade. Susan Estabrook Kennedy in this
well-documented study agrees
that white working-class women have
begun to forge an identity of their
own at last. Indeed, Kennedy's book,
part of the Minorities in Modern
America Series, demonstrates that this
group has gained some recognition
among social scientists and historians.
This work, in chronicling the fate of
the white working-class woman from
colonial times to 1977, focuses on the
post-industrial period and on working
women. Throughout the book, Kennedy
describes the attitudes of these
women toward employment and class, using
testimony of middle-class sym-
pathizers, or, for the recent past, oral
history sources.
The first female operatives in the New
England textile factories were
Yankee farm girls who planned to return
home and marry after a fairly plea-
sant and profitable interlude in the
mills. Often working only eight to ten
months a year, they never thought of
themselves as members of the work-
ing class. Irish, Italian and Polish
immigrant women gradually replaced the
Yankee pioneers. They, too, rarely
thought in terms of career or class and,
like their predecessors, planned to
marry and leave the work force. Unlike
the Yankee women, however, the
immigrants went to work to meet current
expenses, rather than to save for the
future.
Although some women occasionally banded
together to protest poor
wages and working conditions, most did
not join unions, even when en-
couraged to do so. Participating in
public affairs was considered unwoman-
ly. Furthermore, as Kennedy contends,
most working-class women regard-
ed their situation as a temporary one.
Since they believed they would soon
leave the work force, they had little
incentive to participate in working-
class organizations.
In the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century, a new group of im-
migrant women, East European Jews,
brought their tradition of work and
working-class consciousness with them to
America. Much of the literature
on the sweated trades in New York
records the plight of these women and
their heroic efforts to improve
conditions. But there was little communica-
tion among ethnic groups. Even the
national emergency of war failed to
unify working women or substantially
improve their lot. After demobiliza-
tion, women who had taken
non-traditional, often high-paying jobs, were
shifted back to traditional low-paying
positions.
Since World War II, middle-class women
have entered the work force in
increasing numbers. But the goals of
these women-self-fulfillment and
economic advancement-were different from
those of working-class women.
Book Reviews
465
The ideal of the latter remained
marriage and motherhood. Employment
was not viewed positively, but rather
reluctantly taken up when
economically necessary to supplement the
earnings of the primary bread-
winner.
But the working-class woman's isolation
has decreased in the last decade.
Ethnic studies have brought the white
working-class woman and her prob-
lems to the attention of the public. The
women have gained a new esteem
as a result. Kennedy's book is but one
example of the recent spate of in-
terest in the working, or popular
classes. Women, Work and Family by
Louise A. Tilly and Joan W. Scott (1978)
investigated working-class women
in eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and
twentieth- century France and England.
Unlike Kennedy, they studied the
working-class woman within the con-
texts of family, economy and demography.
They also considered the
domestic servant, the agricultural
worker and the unemployed woman, all
of whom are given short shrift by
Kennedy. These lapses and a lack of sub-
ject definition ("... working-class women may or
may not be employed. If
they are employed, the nature of their
employment usually has something
to do with their working-class status.
For those who do not hold paying
jobs, their working-class status might
be determined by the principal man
in their lives,...") weaken
Kennedy's presentation. In sum, Kennedy
seems to rely more on anecdote than
analysis. If All We Did Was to Weep
at Home is a highly readable overview of a timely but complex
topic.
Wilmington College Mary L. Wagener
Hitler vs. Roosevelt: The Undeclared
Naval War. By Thomas A. Bailey and
Paul B. Ryan. (New York: The Free Press,
1979. xi + 303p.; illustrations,
maps, references and notes, index.
$12.95.)
Hitler Vs. Roosevelt treats a period in American history which has receiv-
ed copious attention from historians in
the past. Consequently, parts of the
book are little more than restatements
of well-known facts and interpreta-
tions. Its value, however, lays in the
context from which Bailey and Ryan
approach the material. They focus on the
undeclared naval war between
Germany and the United States, stressing
the individual naval confronta-
tions and their impact on both the
relations between the two countries and
the established principles of
international law. A scenario depicting a per-
sonal struggle between Adolph Hitler and
Franklin Roosevelt emerges.
In the authors' view, Roosevelt was a
committed and realistic American
aristocrat. Acutely aware that Germany
posed a threat to the United
States, he worked to oppose this threat
in a manner intended to preclude
use of American troops in the European
conflict. The "arsenal of
democracy" was more than a
political ploy. The president hoped that aid
such as Lend-Lease would be sufficient
to reinforce England and stop
Hitler. The authors admit deception in
some of Roosevelt's actions, most
notably his handling of the Greer episode,
but they take him at his word on
most occasions, contending that he was
being straightforward with the
American People. Furthermore,
Roosevelt's preoccupation with Hitler
leads them to conclude that he did not
want war in the Pacific either. War
with Japan would hamper aid to Britain
and thus jeopardize American
security.
466 OHIO HISTORY
With national interest his primary
concern, Roosevelt led the American
people, but he did not posture himself
too far ahead of public opinion. Inter-
preting contemporary political polls,
Bailey and Ryan argue that his
policies insured that the interests of
the majority were not thwarted by the
interests of a vocal isolationist
minority. Roosevelt led the country well, us-
ing to the fullest his powers but not
overstepping the limits set for him by
the Constitution. He learned from past
presidents and drew a distinction
between the "war-making" power
of the commander in chief and the "war-
declaring" power which the
Constitution delegated to Congress. Thus his
measures to protect Lend-Lease shipments
could be exonerated.
The book treats Hitler, the other
principal in this personal duel, quite ob-
jectively, albeit unfavorably. The
German dictator, it suggests, fostered a
deep personal animosity toward Roosevelt.
Yet this seldom interfered with
his cautious judgment. Faced
particularly with his predicament on the Rus-
sian front, he tried to avoid escalating
the naval confrontations, despite
numerous "unneutral"
provocations on the part of the United States. In
fact, the book's analysis leads to the
conclusion that on numerous occasions
it was the United States which violated
international law, not Germany.
Both leaders, as the preceding
discussion suggests, wanted to avoid all-
out war, but the Japanese attack on
Pearl Harbor dashed their hopes.
Hitler then blundered disastrously when
he declared war on the United
States soon after the attack. And
Roosevelt, while he had not really wanted
it, led the country into war with the
overwhelming support of the American
people.
This monograph offers no strikingly new
research or interpretations. But
it makes interesting reading for both
the scholar and the student of history.
Political cartoons and references to
public opinion polls add to the nar-
rative. And the treatment of the famous
and not so famous naval en-
counters makes more understandable the
machinations of both the United
States and Germany in the ominous years
preceding Pearl Harbor.
St. Louis University T. Michael Ruddy
Elusive Equality: The Status of Black
Americans in Higher Education. By
Lorenzo Morris. (Washington, D.C.:
Howard University Press, 1979.
xvii + 369p.; tables, figures, comment,
appendix, notes, bibliography,
annotated bibliography, index. $10.95.)
There is a traditional belief among
ethnic students that knowledge
bestows power. Obviously this is a
belief held by many non-ethnic peoples,
as pointed out in the data presentation
by Lorenzo Morris's Elusive
Equality. The data suggests that learning makes people better
people-moving them closer to the source
of all knowing, but at the same
time, elusive to most people, especially
African-Americans. Morris does
not, however, make a clear distinction
between certification and education;
that is, education ceases to be a
self-realization and the acquisition of real
life skills for the majority of the
American people. H. G. Wells once pointed
out that ever since the Renaissance and
Reformation, Western education
has been "devoid of its soul."
The presentation of the data in this work in-
dicates that special people attain
special knowledge. This situation has
been especially obvious to
African-American students and other ethnics
who see some white Americans having
access to seemingly special
Book Reviews
467
knowledge such as books, programs, and
specialized institutions of learn-
ing (See tables 7-17, 18, 19, 20).
On the other hand, Morris's presentation
of the data in some aspects of
live research suggests again that white
Americans are not particularly
special, and that the knowledge which
seemingly has made them masters of
the world is, in fact, a cold and
shallow knowledge with a lack of real life
skills that are beneficial to most peoples
other than some whites.
This important book does fill a major
gap in institutions of higher educa-
tion demographics since the 1960s
because it seeks to expand the boun-
daries of research concerning the role
of educating ethnic peoples by con-
centrating on the characteristics and
perceptions of the education of ethnic
groups in selected colleges and
universities throughout the United States.
This writer feels that the study had two
objectives: to provide insight in-
to the selection process through which
ethnic students were admitted to
respective institutions of higher
education; and to provide data regarding
the admission of these students.
Over the past few years, ethnic and
African-American student
enrollments in institutions of higher
education have become a major focus
of educational administrators. Much of
this attention has been centered
around recruitment and retention. To
date, a number of studies have been
made involving enrollment patterns in
post-secondary institutions
throughout the United States in terms of
racial parity.
The variations in the racial
distribution of American college students ex-
pressed in the author's search of the
literature, related to enrollment and
degrees awarded, does suggest that a
perpetuated system of inequality of
educational opportunity still prevails
in the United States because it does
not seek to meet the needs of the
"grass roots." To provide this study with
more genuinely useful information about
the status of ethnic and African-
American students in predominantly
non-African-American colleges and
universities and those that are
predominantly African-American, more
precise enrollment figures on
African-Americans and ethnics are needed.
The definition of a "non-black"
college or university used in the study could
be explained to indicate that an
African-American and ethnic enrollment of
eight percent at a white college or
university with twelve thousand
students is probably more significant
than an African-American-ethnic
enrollment of fifty percent at an
institution with fewer than nine hundred
students. Furthermore, the data does not
support recent surveys of two-
year institutions. Data collected by the
United States Office for Civil
Rights on ethnic composition in two-year
colleges are several years old and
not altogether reliable at this time.
Therefore, only a sampling of enroll-
ment data from two-year colleges has
been included in this study in view of
the ever-changing racial composition in
two-year college enrollment
patterns, which points out that it is difficult to
measure total "Elusive
Equality" in higher education for
African-American and ethnic students
due to the absence of any latest data on
enrollment patterns in two-year in-
stitutions.
Again, a more in-depth inquiry based on
more specific student
characteristics could determine more
clearly what ideas and values in-
fluence the ethnic and African-American
students' school selection
patterns. For example, the African-American
Church has always been a
multi-faceted institution shaping ideas
and values for potential students.
Cuyahoga Community College Sylvester E. Davis
Book Reviews
Women and the American Labor
Movement: From Colonial Times to the
Eve of World War I. By Philip S. Foner. (New York: The Free Press/
Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1979. xi
+ 621p.; illustrations, notes,
bibliography, index. $15.95.)
The wealth of material on American
working women in Philip Foner's
new book should convince even the most
intransigent critic of women's
history that working women do have
an active, lively, and moving history.
Foner, making use of the growing body of
excellent books, articles, and
dissertations on working women, as well
as contemporary newspapers and
some documentary material, gives us a
chronological account of the strug-
gles of working women, Black and white,
to improve their lives and
transform the society in which they
lived. Although most of the story
Foner tells is not new, he brings
together detailed accounts of the growth
and development of various unions,
sketches of the lives of union
organizers, and graphic depictions of
working conditions, providing us with
a useful survey of working women's
history.
To label Foner's work a survey is not to
suggest that there is no analysis,
although the first chapters of the book,
on the period for which secondary
work is the weakest, do suffer from a
lack of systematic interpretation. By
the time Foner gets to the nineteenth
century and the beginning of trade
union activity, however, a major theme
begins to emerge. Foner depicts
delicately the plight of working women,
caught in the inevitable bind of
having to choose between solidarity on
the basis of class or sex. Sexism on
the part of male unionists, even the
radicals in the Industrial Workers of
the World, and classism on the part of
middle and upper class feminists, left
working women in the position of
constantly working to maintain alliances
in which they had to guard carefully
their own interests. It is an old story in
women's history, and Foner does a superb
job of exploring all the complex-
ities of the issue. He does not flinch
from exposing the array of sexist at-
titudes and practices of male workers
and unionists-from Knights of
Labor founder Uriah Stephens's exclusion
of women because he believed
them incapable of keeping secrets to the
IWW's reliance on women during
strikes but refusal to consider the
special problems of women workers after
the strikes were won. He distinguishes
throughout between theoretical
commitment to women's equality, which even
the AFL could manage, and
acceptance of women and their demands in
practice. He is equally
forthright about the realities of the
alliance between working women and
their middle and upper class feminist
allies. While exposing their
sometimes patronizing attempts to
"uplift" working women, their exploita-
tion of women workers as potential
supporters of their own suffrage pro-
gram, and other cracks in a tenuous
cross-class solidarity, he uncovers ex-
amples of real sisterhood and recognizes
the important role that the
Women's Trade Union League in particular
played in the history of union
organizing in the early twentieth
century.
The struggle of working women within
this context is the theme that