Ohio History Journal




Slavery and the Ohio Circuit Rider

Slavery and the Ohio Circuit Rider

By PAUL H. BOASE*

 

There can be no doubt about John Wesley's hatred of slavery.

Both the trade and practice were condemned as the "execrable

sum of all villainies," and if ranked in order of precedence, few

if any sins surpassed "the buying and selling the bodies and souls

of men, women, and children, with the intention to enslave them."

Wesley's early followers were good disciples, equally energetic in

their efforts to stamp out the evil. The oft-assumed premise that

Methodist circuit riders were merely Bible-pounding, muscular

evangels, wholly concerned with other-worldly matters and unaware

of the social gospel, requires qualification in the light of their

vigorous involvement with the slavery issue.

In 1785 the first American conference of the Methodist Episcopal

Church tolerated no equivocation on the question, "What methods

can we take to extirpate slavery?" Each slave held by a Methodist

was to receive his freedom after a specified period, and "every

infant born in slavery . . . immediately on its birth." To make en-

forcement certain, each itinerant preacher was required to keep a

record, to be handed to his successor, of each slave on the circuit.

Those who would not comply with the rule were warned to leave

the society quietly or be expelled; future applicants for church

membership were to be slaveless.1 From this uncompromising stand

Methodism gradually retreated until a high in vacillation occurred

in 1808, when the general conference authorized the publication

of a thousand copies of the Discipline for use in the South Carolina

Conference with the rule on slavery omitted. This general con-

* Paul H. Boase is an associate professor of speech at Oberlin College. He is the

author of several articles on the Methodist circuit rider in Ohio.

1 David Sherman, History of the Revisions of the Discipline of the Methodist Epis-

copal Church (New York, 1874), 114-118.

195



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ference also tried to wash its hands of any guilt by giving the annual

conferences authority to formulate their own rules on slavery.2

The Methodist circuit rider in Ohio played a unique role in this

antislavery struggle. From 1801 until 1808 Buckeye territory com-

prised the only free land in the Western Conference,3 and the

Ohio Conference, when formed in 1812, included part of Kentucky

and western Virginia.4 The impossibility of mollifying the diverse

elements in the Western Conference was graphically detailed by

Jacob Young, later a popular Ohio circuit rider. Meeting in 1808,

the westerners conducted their business "in peace and harmony,"

wrote Young, until they faced the slavery question. "We were

sitting here [Liberty Hill, Tennessee] in a slave state, and we had

to move with a great deal of caution." Finally the conference

appointed a committee on slavery, whose report, followed by "a

long, weary, and warm debate," was rejected.5 Even Bishop Asbury

failed in his effort to reconcile rival points of view.6 Ultimately

the conference passed a resolution to eliminate the profit motive

from slave transactions. The conference said nothing about the

system and seemed perfectly content to sanction the slaveholder

as long as he neither bought nor sold slaves for profit.7

In 1812 at the opening session of the newly formed Ohio Con-

ference it appeared that this group might revive the original

Wesleyan rules. One member, Joseph Oglesby, was ordered to

emancipate his slaves. Moreover, the session passed a long reso-

lution condemning slavery and the buying and selling of slaves

for profit. Provision was made to grant ultimate freedom to those

slaves held by church members.8 This rule, however, proved too

severe for a majority of the conference and was repealed in 1817.9

2 Journals of the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Vol. I,

1796-1836 (New York, 1855), 93.

3 Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Vol. I,

1773-1828 (New York, 1840), 105-171.

4 Ibid., I, 229.

5 Jacob Young, Autobiography of a Pioneer (Cincinnati, 1857), 249-250.

6 Robert Paine, Life and Times of William McKendree (Nashville, 1869), 215-216.

7 Manuscript journal of the Western Conference, October 1808. Ohio Wesleyan

University, Delaware, Ohio.

8 Manuscript journal of the Ohio Conference, October 1812. Ohio Wesleyan Uni-

versity.

9 Ibid., September 1817.



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SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER             197

 

In 1835, still encumbered by slave territory, the Ohio Conference

attempted to clarify its stand on slavery with particular reference

to the abolition movement that was beginning to prick the con-

sciences of many members. With Bishop Andrew in the chair

(whose trial in 1844 was to tear the church asunder over this

issue), the Ohio Conference expressed its confidence in gradual

emancipation and completely disavowed abolitionism.l0 In pub-

lishing the conference resolution, the Western Christian Advocate

asserted that all preachers in the Ohio Conference were agreed on

three points: First, slavery was an evil; second, gradual, con-

stitutional methods furnished the best weapons for removing the

evil; and third, the abolitionist remedy constituted an evil worse

than slavery itself.11

The passage of the resolution did not mean that Ohio circuit

riders were lax in enforcing the rules that remained. The Discipline

still contained the General Rules which prohibited "the buying

and selling of men, women, and children, with an intention to

enslave them."12 David Lewis, riding the Marietta circuit in 1835,

indicted a Virginia slaveholder for selling his slaves and migrating

to Ohio, where, wrote the circuit rider, he lived "in princely style,

on the price of blood." To keep the Virginian out of Ohio was

impossible, but Lewis arraigned the man before a church court,

which expelled him. The slaveholder appealed the decision to the

quarterly conference, where he spoke for two hours in his own

defense but failed to regain his membership. "It was truly a sad

spectacle," Lewis concluded, "to see a man professing Christianity,

guilty of the black crime of selling his fellow-beings into slavery,

stand up to justify the deed before an ecclesiastical court. In slave

states such things may yet be done, but I mistake the signs of the

times if the light of truth does not yet put an end to scenes so

humiliating, even there."13

The general conference, meeting at Cincinnati in 1836, was still

 

10 Ibid., August 1835.

11 Western Christian Advocate (Cincinnati), September 11, 1835.

12 The Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church (New York,

1832), 78.

13 David Lewis, Recollections of a Superannuate, S. M. Merrill, ed. (Cincinnati,

1857), 276.



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under the domination of the southern and northern anti-abolitionists,

but the radical antislavery element met the challenge. In heated de-

bates, reported with asides and refutation by Philanthropist editor

James G. Birney, the Methodist abolitionists pressed the conference

to restore the Wesleyan rules on slavery and thus adhere more

closely to the abolition line. Birney's presence at the conference so

incensed the southern delegates that they charged him with "un-

gentlemanly" conduct and introduced a resolution, never put to a

vote, that he be barred from the house.14 In spite of the activity

of Orange Scott and his circuit-riding abolitionist colleagues, the

conference censured two members for attending and speaking at

an abolition meeting.15

Despite episcopal exhortations to eschew "modern abolition,"

antislavery agitation continued to rise, led in the East by Garrison

and in Ohio by the "Lane Rebels" at Oberlin. Soon a new abo-

litionist wing, the Wesleyans, threatened Methodist unity. As early

as 1839 breaks in Methodist Church structure began to show at

Cleveland, Monroe, and Williamsfield, the last two forming Con-

gregational churches.16 Methodist leaders in the North realized that

they were being pushed off the fence, and that a stronger stand

on slavery was imperative to stem a widespread exodus. The general

conference of 1840, therefore, treated the abolitionists more kindly,

and references to slavery in the pastoral address were conciliatory

in the extreme toward the antislavery faction.17 On the other hand,

this general conference passed a resolution which many northern

members probably did not realize opened the door for a slave-

holding bishop. Although drawn up to apply to the local ministry,

there was nothing in the wording that excluded the highest office.

Thus the South had additional law on its side for the approaching

struggle over the propriety of slaveholding among the bishops.18

By 1842 the abolitionist group, led by Orange Scott, Jotham

14 Debate on "Modern Abolitionism," in the General Conference of the Methodist

Episcopal Church, Held in Cincinnati, May, 1836 (Cincinnati, 1836), 3-4.

15 General Conference Journals, I, 447.

16 Lucius C. Matlack, The History of American Slavery and Methodism from 1780

to 1849, and History of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of America (New York,

1849), 301-302.

17 General Conference Journals, II, 159-160.

18 Ibid., 171.



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SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER           199

 

Horton, and La Roy Sunderland, decided they had had enough of

the Methodist Episcopal Church and published the news of their

withdrawal. Chief cause for complaint was their condemnation of

the Methodist Church as a slaveholding and slavery-defending

church; they also objected strongly to the episcopacy. Writing in

the first issue of the True Wesleyan, they declared, "These we be-

lieve to be anti-Scriptural, and well calculated to sustain each other."

A call was published for all like-minded folk to join the crusade.

Six thousand responded, and on May 31, 1843, the Wesleyan

Methodist Connection of America was formed. Responses came

from Troy, Bellville, Cincinnati, Columbia, Russell, Sandusky, Piqua,

and Cedarville, and in October 1844 the new church held its first

general conference in Cleveland.19 These withdrawals, plus an in-

creasing tendency on the part of southerners to reject even the

church's time-honored introduction to compromise and rationaliza-

tion--"We declare that we are as much as ever convinced of the

great evil of slavery"20--were more than many abolition haters in

the North could stand.

At the 1844 general conference in New York City the northern

and southern factions clashed in debate over the case of Bishop

Andrew. After assuming office in 1832 he became a slaveholder

through marriage, a condition many insisted would render him

useless in the annual conferences of the North. The dilemma of

many anti-abolitionists in Ohio was clearly expressed by Michael

Marlay of the Cincinnati district in a letter to his fellow presiding

elder, James B. Finley of the Zanesville district. Expressing his

intense hatred of abolitionism, Marlay declared that he would

oppose it as readily as "the approach of slavery to the episcopacy,

and I never expect to countanence [sic] the one or the other."21

It was obvious that most members of the 1844 general conference

hoped to avoid open conflict, and for two days, notwithstanding a

wealth of business directly connected with slavery, all seemed

fearful of mentioning the touchy question. Indeed, when the stand-

ing committees were read, slavery was omitted. Finally on the

 

19 Matlack, Wesleyan Connection, 301-353.

20 General Conference Journals, I, 62.

21 Marlay to Finley, May 15, 1845. Finley Papers, Ohio Wesleyan University.



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third day a committee on slavery was established, in spite of a

southern effort to table the motion.22 Immediately the memorials on

slavery poured in from every section of the country, and it became

increasingly apparent, as the conference took up the question of

the slaves owned by Bishop Andrew's wife, that church unity

neared the breaking point.

Ohio circuit riders, led by James B. Finley, played a leading part

in the Andrew controversy. Though Finley was not the most

talkative member of the Ohio delegation, it was his substitute

motion which provoked the debate that divided the church. His

subsequent course on slavery and that of the Ohio Conference

were inextricably intermixed, demonstrating the stress and pull of

northern, moderate, and southern circuit riders in Ohio.

Just how Finley stood on the slavery question is not easy to dis-

cern from his Autobiography. In the book describing his work as

chaplain of the Ohio State Penitentiary, however, he leaves no doubt

about his intense hatred of slavery.23 At the general conference of

1836 he was not active in the debate on abolition; he was not elected

delegate in 1840. Indeed, his failure to secure election might have

been due to suspected southern sympathies. When he took a strong

antislavery stand at the general conference of 1844, a letter he wrote

in 1839 to his cousin J. M. Bradley of the South Carolina Con-

ference was used against him. Finley was quoted as writing, "One

great charge brought against me [when up for election in 1839]

was, that I voted for Bro. Capers for Bishop in '36,24 and if elected,

I would do so again, which charges I did not deny, for I will not

succumb, nor creep to any men, or set of men, where I think I

have acted correctly." Expressing his bitter hatred of the abolitionists,

his love for the South, Finley declared: "I am a Southern man in

feeling, and sentiments, and cannot go with the Yankees in their

divers measures. I very much prefer Southern Methodism with all

their slavery to the Methodist Politics of the North, in their

Revolutionizing Schemes." Caustically he assailed the abolitionists,

 

22 General Conference Journals, II, 13.

23 James B. Finley, Memorials of Prison Life, B. F. Tefft, ed. (Cincinnati, 1850),

44-45; 177-179.

24 William Capers, a leading southern preacher and slaveholder, was approached in

1836 for the office. He later was elected a bishop by the Methodist Church South.



SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER 201

SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER         201

and expressed his desire to "pull up my stakes and get out of its

[the North's] fiers [sic] for, I never could swim in a washing tub,

and, I must go South and lay my bones." This dilemma in which

Finley found himself was common to the moderates of both the

North and the South, and made their fight against the evils of

slavery a difficult one.

The first resolution at the 1844 general conference dealing with

the Andrew case requested the bishop to resign.25 After a short and

inconclusive debate, Finley recognized that this resolution was un-

satisfactory to all elements in the conference. Too mild for the

extremists in the North, it was likewise too severe for the moderates.

For all loyal Methodists it was a blunt and shocking proposal

directed at the highest officeholder in the church. Up to this time

no bishop had even been brought to trial. Seeking a compromise,

Finley proposed a substitute for the main resolution; Joseph M.

Trimble, a son of former governor of Ohio Allen Trimble, seconded.

The essence of the substitute was a demand that Andrew "desist

from the exercise of this office so long as this impediment remains."26

For the next ten days the conference seethed with debate re-

volving around the substitute motion, Finley taking the floor twice

in defense of his proposal. Taunted by the South as an abolitionist,

Finley hurled back the challenge. "So I am sir, in the Methodist

sense of the word; but none can say that I am a radico-abolitionist.

I throw back the assertion with perfect contempt. By those rabid

abolitionists I am called a pro-slavery man, and I treat this with the

same disregard. I am a Methodist." Finley concluded by sum-

marizing his position. As a native-born southerner he was willing

to compromise to any extent, except on two points, the evil of

slavery and the right of a bishop to hold slaves. Ending his speech

rather wearily, he declared: "Having thus expressed my position

fearlessly, but I trust with no bad feeling toward my brother, on

the ground which I believe the Church has always occupied, I

take my seat, and shall wait the issue with as much composure and

prayer as I am capable of."27

 

25 General Conference Journals, II, 64.

26 Ibid., 65-66.

27 "Report of Debates" in General Conference Journals, II, 151-152.



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Finley's closing line well expressed the general tone of the as-

sembly. For another four days the debates, concerned mainly with

the substitute motion, wore on, when finally the vote, taken "amid

the most profound stillness," favored the Finleyan forces by 111

to 69.28 During the remaining four days of this conference, that

had "paused and trembled for nearly six weeks,"29 instead of the

usual four, it became clear that with the passage of the Finley

substitute the South would secede.

The National Anti-Slavery Standard gleefully reported the

news of the Finley victory, but added, "Both sides indeed seem

thoroughly frightened."30 Perhaps not frightened, Finley was never-

theless concerned with the reaction of the Ohioans toward his sub-

stitute motion. On arrival home he received letters from all quarters,

some condemning, some praising. His old crony, the venerable John

McDonald, frontier historian, mixed the two judiciously, lauding

the Finley rhetoric but deploring the implications of the substitute.

Finley, he felt, had played the game of the abolitionists. Church

division, he was positive, would surely follow, setting the pattern

for a divided nation with "Northern and Southern confederacies,

and jealousies and bicerings [sic] if not wars will be scenes of

daily occurances [sic].31

Not all quarters were in agreement with John McDonald's view.

A leading newspaper which espoused the extreme antislavery posi-

tion was heartily displeased, branding the conference action as

"shuffling and unmanly."32 A third opinion was expressed by

Leonidas L. Hamline of Ohio, who had been elected a bishop at

the stormy session, in part because of his excellent speech in support

of the Finley substitute. Enthusiastically he wrote to Finley that

passage of the substitute resolution had stemmed the flow of

Methodists to the Wesleyan camp.33

What would happen when the Ohio Conference met three months

after the general conference adjournment undoubtedly gave Finley

 

28 Ibid., 190-191.

29 Robert Boyd, Personal Memoirs (Cincinnati, 1862), 111.

30 National Anti-Slavery Standard (New York), June 6, 1844.

31 McDonald to Finley, July 22, 1844. Finley Papers.

32 Cincinnati Weekly Herald and Philanthropist, July 2, 1845.

33 Hamline to Finley, September 14, 1844. Finley Papers.



SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER 203

SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER             203

 

some anxious moments. Just as he reached Marietta for this con-

ference, a letter from a relative congratulated him on his wise

action at the general conference. Now, the writer assured Finley,

the eyes of all were upon the church as never before in history.34

At this meeting Jacob Young drew up a resolution approving the

general conference action and the course pursued by the Ohio dele-

gation in the Andrew case.35 A warm debate followed, and though

the "bishops appeared to be alarmed," and the resolution was sent

back to a committee, it was finally passed. "The southern brethren

saw that we were men of decision, that we had understandingly

defined our position in relation to slavery, and that we were de-

termined to keep it," Young wrote triumphantly.36

The year following, in May 1845, delegates from the South met

in Louisville for a convention. There, as the Zion's Herald ex-

pressed it, the South had to decide whether to accept the general

conference decision or follow the course of other seceders.37 Their

decision to separate posed tremendous problems for the Ohio Con-

ference, which embraced territory in both sections and included

several circuit riders who were definitely pro-southern. In September,

when the Ohio Conference met in Cincinnati, the usual pleasant

anticipation and relish for the annual meeting was absent from

many preachers' hearts. Bishop Joshua Soule had already indicated

his desire to join the Church South, but he had not officially left

the northern branch and expressed his intention to preside at the

Cincinnati session with the newly elected Hamline. Soule "was

long-headed," wrote Jacob Young, "and we trembled for the

safety of the conference."38 The northern element, led by Young

and Finley, determined at all costs to prevent Soule from presiding,

and after a furious parliamentary struggle, the senior bishop was

voted from the chair.39

 

34 Robert P. Finley to James B. Finley, August 23, 1844. Finley Papers.

35 Manuscript journal of the Ohio Conference, September 1844. Ohio Wesleyan

University.

36 Young, Autobiography, 473-474.

37 Quoted in the Liberty Herald (Warren, Ohio), November 27, 1844.

38 Young, Autobiography, 477-479.

39 Manuscript journal of the Ohio Conference, September 1845. Ohio Wesleyan

University.



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During the following years the fight for church property, and

the struggle of each side to control the border churches produced

bitter conflicts. A Queen City trio composed of S. A. Latta, Edmund

W. Sehon, and George W. Maley, three of eight preachers who

withdrew from the northern branch,40 were desperately proselytizing

Cincinnatians for the southern cause and finally established a

"Slavery Church" in that city. Unburdening himself, Michael

Marlay, the presiding elder of the Cincinnati district, wrote to

Finley that the "unchristian, ungentlemanly and contemptable [sic]"

machinations of "this wonderful Trinity of Spirits . . . stinks in

the nostrils of the public as well as the Church."41 Two months

earlier, in a letter to Finley, Trimble, co-signer of the substitute

resolution in the Andrew case, bitterly assailed the trio. "If false-

hood and slander and deceit can make a good cause, they have it,"

he wrote, and he added, "Latta is going to publish a paper, the

Methodist Expositor, then he can write his belly full."42

Finley soon had more of Latta's paper than he could stand, and

in response to the first issue, wrote a vigorous reply:

 

This morning I received the no. 1 of your paper and I suppose to try

to harrass my mind with things which you will say about me and I say now

to you I want you to send no more. I have lost all confidence in you as an

honorable man. You have treated me badly as the best and finest friend you

ever had and I look upon ingratitude as the worst exhibition of the human

heart. I want nothing to do with you and all you can say about me.

Since they were both well known in Columbus, Finley expressed

no fears of a damaged reputation but expressed the hope that they

could coexist peacefully. Dogmatically endeavoring to close the

debate, Finley declared: "All the arguments you could use in a

lifetime if it should be as long as 'Mathesolus' will not change my

mind. I am your much injured and maltreated friend."43

As much as Finley desired to live in peace with Latta, the southern

faction, and the abolitionists, he was caught in the cross fire. Tran-

 

40 Minutes of the Annual Conferences, IV, 70.

41 Marlay to Finley, January 15, 1846. Finley Papers.

42 Trimble to Finley, November 12, 1845. Finley Papers.

43 Finley to Latta, July 28, 1846. Finley Papers.



SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER 205

SLAVERY AND THE CIRCUIT RIDER            205

 

quility was not achieved through church division. Indeed, this action

only served to heighten tension, foster distrust, and intensify the

struggle for church property. Slavery, therefore, continued to be

the all-absorbing topic for the remaining years of Finley's life. In

his last general conference at Indianapolis in 1856, he and his old

friends Peter Cartwright and Jacob Young helped ward off any

radical changes in the Discipline on the subject of slavery. Blaming

political demagogues who "care very little about human liberty"

for stirring up the antislavery preachers, Cartwright rejoiced that

there were a sufficient number of the old guard on hand to out-

distance "these innovators and spoilers of ancient Methodism."44

Shortly after the close of the general conference the battle of

words was replaced by the rhetoric of violence. Near the middle of

September Finley attended a meeting of the Republicans in Lewis-

burg, Ohio, sat on the platform, and probably delivered a typical

speech, filled with the usual challenges. The Western Christian

Advocate reported that as Finley passed through the crowd a group

of heckling rowdies, "delectable upholders of the system of slavery

and slavery extension, knocked [Finley] on the back of the head

with a bludgeon, and left [him] senseless on the ground. The

spirit which prompted Brooks to strike Sumner over the head, was

the same spirit which prompted the Lewisburg rowdies to strike

Mr. Finley." The writers of southern Advocates did their own par-

ticular brand of editorializing. To Finley's charge that the crime

was due to whiskey and slavery, the Nashville Advocate replied

that if some of their "northern friends have the fever and ague,"

they blame it on slavery. The editor of the Charleston Advocate

hoped "the old Repulican didn't suffer seriously," and admonished

Finley to "stick to the Gospel," to which the Cincinnati editor in-

quired, "Pray, Brother Myers, what is the Gospel?"45

 

44 Peter Cartwright, Autobiography, W. P. Strickland, ed. (Cincinnati, 1857), 503.

45 Western Christian Advocate, October 15, 1856.