GEORGE E. STEVENS
THE CINCINNA TI
POST AND
MUNICIPAL REFORM,
1914-1941
City government in Cincinnati underwent
a drastic overhaul in the 1920's. Once
called the worst governed city in the
United States by Lincoln Steffens,1 Cincinnati
became a model of good government so
quickly that the transformation amazed
even the most idealistic reformers.
"The new regime showed so complete a reversal
of form from the old that it left
observers dazed," wrote Alvin F. Harlow.2
This reversal of form was made possible
in 1924 when voters ended bossism by
amending the city charter to provide for
two basic changes in municipal government:
the election of a nonpartisan city
council by the Hare system of proportional repre-
sentation and the hiring of a city
manager. During a period when many Ohio cities
were cleaning house, Cincinnati became
the third large city in the state to adopt
a city manager form of government,
following Dayton and Cleveland, and one of
the first large cities in the United
States to make proportional representation work.
The changes were so successful that
Cincinnati soon enjoyed what many regarded
as "the best government in any of
the larger cities of the country."3
Reformers credited the Cincinnati Post
(now the Post and Times-Star) with the
successful advocacy of good city
government. In 1924 the Post stood alone among
the city's dailies to support extensive
revision of the city charter. In the years that
followed, it remained a steadfast
advocate of the reform-minded Charter party and
of proportional representation. Murray
Seasongood, a leader of the reform move-
ment and Cincinnati's first mayor under
the revised charter, called the Post the one
unfailing newspaper champion of good
government in Cincinnati, "like the shadow
of a great rock in a weary land."4
Russell Wilson, who followed Seasongood as
mayor, said the Post was
"one of the most important factors in the rehabilitation
of our beloved city."5
One of Ohio's largest newspapers, the Post
had a reputation as a reforming,
crusading newspaper which dated back to
1883, two and one-half years after its
1. Lincoln Steffens, "Ohio: A Tale
of Two Cities," McClure's, XXV (July 1905), 293.
2. Alvin F. Harlow, The Serene
Cincinnatians (New York, 1950), 415.
3. George H. Hallett, Jr., Proportional
Representation--The Key to Democracy (New York, 1950), 2.
4. "Civic Achievements of
Cincinnati Post Praised at Jubilee Dinner," Editor and Publisher, Jan-
uary 17, 1931, p. 12.
5. Ibid.
Mr. Stevens is assistant professor of
communication at Purdue University.
232 OHIO
HISTORY
founding, when Edward Wyllis Scripps
became its owner. Scripps set the Post on
a course of public service to improve
the lot of the common people and at the same
time build circulation. A combination of
local crusades, short and easy-to-read local
news stories, and a low price gave the Post
by 1886 the largest newspaper circula-
tion in Cincinnati. For most of the next
fifty-five years it kept this lead.
In politics the Post was
independent and prided itself on being free to advocate
only what it believed to be in the best
interests of the majority of the people;
the Times-Star and the Commercial
Tribune were staunchly Republican; and until
the 1930's the Enquirer was
Democratic, but conservative, and often silent on local
affairs. The city's most liberal daily,
the Post, concentrated on state and local issues,
supporting a variety of fusion tickets
and reformers in both major political parties.
During the early years of the twentieth
century the Post was the only Cincinnati
daily which consistently battled Boss
George B. Cox and vigorously backed state
constitutional reform.6
During the closing days of the Cox era,
political reformers in Cincinnati were in
a hopeful mood. One of the 1912
amendments to the Ohio constitution allowed
cities to adopt their own charters free
from restraint by the state legislature. In
1914, therefore, reformers in Cincinnati
tried to get a charter adopted which included
provisions for a nonpartisan city ballot
and a city council elected at large instead
of by wards. The Post campaigned
for this proposal with enthusiasm. The news-
paper was an old friend of the
nonpartisan city ballot idea, believing that bossism,
which it despised, would be seriously
hurt if party labels were removed from the
ballot. No longer would political
machines be able to round up illiterate voters and
pay them to vote for candidates listed
under party emblems. The Post also believed
that an "at large" system of
balloting was a step in the right direction since the
ward system was important to machine
control of city government. For six weeks
prior to the 1914 vote the Post ran
a series of "charter talks," listed civic leaders
who favored the proposal, and gave the
charter strong editorial support. But the
proposal was defeated. Its foes had
argued successfully that an "at large" council
would take away effective representation
of citizens.
The Post was the only Cincinnati
daily that had supported this proposal and
had been quick to point out why the Commercial
Tribune and the Enquirer were
against the charter and why the Times-Star
was neutral. Under existing law public
advertising had to appear in three city
newspapers, and usually the Post was left
out. According to its figures, from 1908
to the middle of 1914 the other three
large dailies in Cincinnati were paid a
total of $127,499 for public advertising while
the Post had received only
$5,237. The charter proposal had called for publication
of a City Bulletin in which all
official advertising would appear, and the Post sus-
pected that the city's other dailies did
not like the prospect of losing income.7
In 1917 the Post was silent when
another charter proposal, supported by the
Commercial Tribune, the Times-Star and the Republican machine, came
before
Cincinnati voters. The Post's only
effort was an unsuccessful attempt to elect the
paper's stockholder Alfred G. Allen
mayor. On April 11, seven months before the
vote, the newspaper simply presented the
credentials of each of the forty-five can-
6. The Cincinnati Post's crusades
for good local and state government are discussed in Hoyt Landon
Warner, Progressivism in Ohio,
1897-1917 (Columbus, 1964), 150-151, 159, 188, 305. For an account of
the history of the newspaper, see George
E. Stevens, "From Penny Paper to Post and Times-Star: Mr.
Scripp's First Link," Cincinnati
Historical Society, Bulletin, XXVII (1969), 207-222.
7. Post, July 2, 1914.
|
didates for the charter commission without endorsing the liberal Citizens' Charter Ticket. All fifteen candidates of the conservative Greater Cincinnati Charter Com- mittee were victorious. This committee drew up a charter which voters approved. It called for voting to continue under party emblems, a city council of thirty-two- twenty-six to be elected from wards-and a mayor as the city's chief executive officer. In essence, it continued the existing form of city government. Under this charter the Republican machine, in power almost without interrup- tion since the 1880's, continued to govern even though Boss George B. Cox's suc- cessor, Rudolph K. (Rud) Hynicka, had moved to New York to look after business investments and had to send instructions to city hall by telephone and telegraph. There was much criticism of this absentee control of local politics. Even the strongly Republican Times-Star did not like this arrangement and in 1920 called for Hynicka's ouster, declaring that "Hynicka should get out, or be put out, at the earliest prac- tical moment. His place should be taken by some Republican who lives here, who is in touch with the feelings of our people. .. ."8 Hynicka nevertheless remained as boss of Cincinnati politics, and the city council 8. Cincinnati Times-Star, June 17, 1920. |
234 OHIO
HISTORY
did as he wished, as the Post revealed
the following year. On November 26, 1921,
city council voted against an increase
in the natural gas rate but quickly reversed
the vote after receiving instructions
from Hynicka. The Post got a copy of a tele-
gram he had sent to local Republican
leaders and printed it across seven columns
of the front page on November 28:
Understand Council committee with help
of our friends working out most equitable gas
contract ordinance. Very essential that
Republican councilmen agree and that organization
get behind Council and share
responsibility. I assume measure will represent concessions
and compromises. While we should aim for
best obtainable we must not permit unfriendly
influences stampede. They will pick
anything to pieces. You are authorized to discreetly
make any use of this you see fit.9
Just how the Post was able to get
a copy of the telegram is not clear. Columnist
Alfred Segal wrote that a Western Union
operator, realizing that he was violating
Federal law but feeling that he had a
duty higher than the law, brought the tele-
gram to the Post.10 Reporter
Charles Rentrop believed that a copy of the telegram
may have been secured through the
contacts of Post city editor David S. Austin.11
The paper made the most of this
opportunity, no matter how the telegram was
obtained. On November 29, it asked in a
front page editorial: "Who are 'Our
Friends?' " and pointed out that
Hynicka had no right to dictate what should be
done by city council.12
The council, thirty-one Republicans and
only one Democrat, voted as ordered.
On November 29 it passed the gas
ordinance. The next day the Post commented,
"To the everlasting shame of the
municipal legislative body, the deal was put over
in this steam roller fashion with all
details in keeping with the secrecy and effrontery
that have marked the entire handling of
the gas matter."13
There were several problems confronting
the Cincinnati Republican machine in
the early 1920's in addition to those
revealed by the Post and those criticized by the
Times-Star. The facts show that the city, generally, was in pretty
bad shape. Its
per capita indebtedness was among the
highest in the nation, services were poor,
taxes were high, and crime and vice
flourished. The time was right for another
reform movement, and it was not long in
coming.
On October 10, 1923, Cincinnati
newspapers carried accounts of a speech given
by Murray Seasongood at a meeting of the
Cincinnatus Association the night before.
The association, founded in 1920 to
discuss matters of public concern, heard the
forty-five year old attorney call the
GOP machine "a blot on our city" and ques-
tion whether voters should approve a
three-mill levy the local Republican organiza-
tion had placed on the November ballot
to cover the city's financial deficit. The
time had come, he said, "to cut out
every tax levy, bond issue or anything else
that will give this bunch a chance to
squander money."14 This speech by Season-
good, a respected Republican and a
member in good standing of the Cincinnatus
Association, started a campaign to rid
the city of bossism and change the charac-
ter of Cincinnati city government.
Seasongood found two eager allies on the Post
9. Post, November 28, 29, 1921.
10. Ibid., August 5, 1948.
11. Interview with Charles Rentrop,
March 20, 1968.
12. Post, November 29, 1921.
13. Ibid., November 30, 1921.
14. Agnes Seasongood, Selections from
Speeches (1900-1959) of Murray Seasongood (New York,
1960), 52-54.
Cincinnati Post 235
for his battle against the machine. One
was Elmer P. Fries, editor of the news-
paper and a friend of reform. Fries
joined the Cincinnatus Association and liked
what he found there. The other was the
idealistic Alfred Segal, who had been
using his public service
"Cincinnatus" column on the Post's front page to promote
better government. (Segal was not a
member of the Association. The fact that his
column bore that title appears to have
been a coincidence since Segal referred to
himself as Cincinnatus.)
The day after Seasongood's speech the Post
summarized his remarks without
comment, but on October 11 Segal led off
his column with the following statement:
Cincinnatus is glad to hear other voices
joining his to cry out against the political evils that
afflict the city. He likes especially to
be joined by a good, clear voice like that of Murray
Seasongood, a former member of the
Republican Executive Committee, who has called
public attention to the tax spenders at
the City Hall who now are asking for millions more
to spend.
But merely to cry out is to be as
ineffective as the giant who thought he could crumble
a mountain with the thunder of his echo.
But when all the giants in the land combined,
not their voices, but their mental and
physical forces, they succeeded in moving the mountain.
It seems to Cincinnatus that the time is
at hand for a union of independent men to wreck
the political machine that is the
government of Cincinnati; an organization of Republicans
and Democrats to plan for the municipal
campaign of 1925 and, when the time comes, to
nominate and elect a competent mayor.
Let us make an end to crying out and
commence the doing. Who will lead in the doing?
Strong young men are needed for
leadership, zealous young men who are not afraid.15
For the time being, the
"doing" fell to Seasongood. The machine felt that criti-
cisms from respected Republicans should
be answered, so Vice-Mayor Froome
Morris and Seasongood countered one
another in a series of joint appearances
before civic groups. Seasongood also
made other speeches alone to support his
position. All Cincinnati newspapers gave
the speeches good coverage, especially
when the two men appeared together. In
Seasongood's opinion, city officials would
have been wiser to have ignored his
charges. "Had they done nothing the matter
would doubtless have ended right
there," he later wrote.16 But the attacks and
counterattacks made news and the
controversy was kept before the public.
The Post had little sympathy for
the Republican side. Typical was this report.
after Morris talked to the City Club:
"Froome Morris, vice mayor, spoke before
Seasongood. He painted a picture of
civic poverty and destitution with the city
administration battling desperately with
its army of officeholders to keep the wolf
away from the door at City Hall. . .
." Almost daily, Segal praised Seasongood's
position. On October 20 the columnist
suggested that a citizen's charter committee
be formed to draw up a type of
government under which "the business of the city
may be conducted for the benefit of the
citizens instead of for the benefit of a
political organization."17
The Times-Star, meanwhile, was
taking a dim view of the whole business. "The
time to effect changes in party or
government control is at the primaries or at an
election," the Taft newspaper
argued. "It does not help to strike at the city by refus-
ing to give those, to whom the voters
have entrusted the business of running the
15. Post, October 11, 1923.
16. Murray Seasongood, Local
Government in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), 23.
17. Post, October 20, 1923.
236 OHIO
HISTORY
municipal government, funds necessary
for carrying out their work."18 The Post
also had some concern about what the
levy's defeat would mean to citizens in
terms of curtailed services. An
alternative was suggested:
Popular resentment indicates a pretty
general feeling that the incompetents at City Hall
should be kicked out. . . . Those who
feel that way about it and still believe that the city
should have the funds it asks, so that
important public services may not be further crippled,
are embarrassed.
To them The Post offers the suggestion
that by voting for the tax measures, and thus
relieving their consciences, they may do
the city a great service if at the same time they
pledge themselves to vote out the ruling
crowd at the first opportunity and declare for a
new deal at City Hall.19
Disregarding the newspapers' appeals,
the voters rejected the three-mill levy by
14,000 votes. The Post immediately
issued a call for a nonpartisan form of govern-
ment to restore public confidence in
city hall. An editorial, probably written by
Segal, was printed in the Post November
7, the day after the levy's defeat. It read,
in part:
The results of Tuesday's vote on the
proposed city tax levy . . . give evidence that the peo-
ple have lost faith in the political
management of the city government. . . .
But merely to cry out on election day is
bootless; to protest one day of the year and to
shut our eyes on the other 364 days to
the political evils that afflict the city is worse than
folly. So on this day after election The
Post repeats its call for courageous citizens to orga-
nize to make an end of the rule of
politics and to put in its place a government without
politics and without
politicians--Democratic or Republican; a government that knows no
party and is conducted for the benefit
of the community and not for a political machine. . . .
What is needed is not a governmental
house-cleaning, but a new house-a new form of
government! A non-partisan form of
government, a new governmental house built on the
model that progressive cities in Ohio
have adopted.20
The Hamilton County Republican executive
and advisory committee, sensing
trouble ahead, soon appointed its own
study group, headed by Lent D. Upson,
director of Detroit's Bureau of
Governmental Research. While Seasongood, the
Cincinnatus Association, and other
reformers continued to point out the need for
better municipal government, the
GOP-sponsored study group went about its work
gathering information on the good and
bad in city politics. The Post kept an inter-
ested eye on the activities. In May
1924, the Post ran a series of civic progress
articles, and in his column Segal
continued to call for the adoption of nonpartisan
city government. Meanwhile, the status
of the incumbent mayor and council was
shrinking fast. Real estate taxes had to
be redistributed to meet city expenses and
services were seriously curtailed. Sewer
construction was virtually stopped, police
were laid off, fire stations were
closed, and street cleaning became less frequent.
The Upson Report, the work of the
special study committee, was released to the
press on July 28, 1924. It contained
several recommendations, including sugges-
tions for a nonpartisan ballot, a
nine-man council elected at large by proportional
representation, and the hiring of a city
manager. "Cincinnati's situation is to-day
unique in the completeness of
organization control and the degree of helplessness
18. Times-Star, October 20, 1923.
19. Post, November 5, 1923.
20. Ibid., November 7, 1923.
Cincinnati Post 237
of council," the committee
observed.21 Although the report was not entirely satis-
factory, this type of reorganization was
what the Post and other reformers were
seeking.
The Post liked the city manager
idea. On May 28 it had asked supporters of
nonpartisan government and the city
manager idea to unite. On July 29, the day
following the release of the Upson
Report, the Post editorial again called on Cin-
cinnatians to support proportional
representation and the city manager form of
government, stating, "Adoption of
the city manager plan will be equivalent to
exile for life-a fitting punishment for
the parasitical politicians, dominated by a
New York boss, who have brought distress
and shame upon the great city of Cin-
cinnati."22 The Times-Star
interpreted the Upson Report in a different way. It
argued that like other human
institutions, local government in Cincinnati was a
mixture of good and bad, and "It
has been our opinion that the good predominates."23
As a result of the recommendations made
in the report and the work of a non-
partisan city charter committee,
Cincinnati voters in November 1924 were given
the option of choosing one of three
possible amendments to the city charter, or
they could reject all three. Under
amendment one city government would remain
essentially the same except for two
changes: the number of councilmen would be
reduced to nine and they would be
elected from the city at large. Amendment two
called only for reducing the number of
councilmen to nine, but they would still
be elected from districts. The third
proposal was long and complicated and was
supported by those who sought basic changes
in the structure of city government.
Under this amendment the charter would
be changed to provide for nine city
councilmen to be elected at large on a
nonpartisan ballot by the Hare system of
proportional representation. Candidates
for council could be nominated by petition
only, not directly by parties. A mayor
would be selected by the councilmen, from
their number, but his powers would be
limited; and a city manager would be hired
to be the city's chief administration
officer. Amendment three also authorized city
council to appoint a commission to study
the charter thoroughly and submit other
revisions to the voters.
The Post liked amendment three
the best. During the late summer and early
fall of 1924, the paper backed this
proposition in a variety of ways. Editorials favor-
ing this amendment were run frequently,
as were letters to the editor in support
of a city manager and proportional
representation. Editor Fries knew how to make
the most of news in the campaign.
Speeches by Cincinnatus Association members
were covered, other reformers were
interviewed, and articles were printed describing
the experiences of cities that had
adopted city manager government. Seasongood
saw the Post's contributions as
primarily educational. Calling the newspaper a
"potent ally," he remarked
that it "helped familiarize the people with what we
were trying to accomplish and what our
opponents were trying to prevent. . . ."24
Segal, of course, threw the weight of
his column behind amendment three and also
covered many of the speeches discussing
the controversy.
The city's other dailies were divided on
the various proposals. The Times-Star,
which recognized that some changes were
needed in city government, liked amend-
ment one and called proposition three
"complicated, experimental and probably
21. Lent D. Upson, ed., The
Government of Cincinnati and Hamilton County (Cincinnati, 1924), 191.
22. Post, July 29, 1924.
23. Times-Star, July 29, 1924.
24. Seasongood, Local Government, 26.
238 OHIO
HISTORY
futile."25 The Commercial
Tribune, which depended on public advertising for much
of its income when the machine was in
control, did not particularly care for any
of the proposals and remained silent on
its amendment choice, repeating only the
Republican charge that proportional
representation might lead to "Sovietism."26 The
Enquirer favored amendment two and felt that the city manager
proposal, if adopted,
would only strengthen the Hynicka
machine since a small council and a city man-
ager with broad powers would be easier
for a political boss to control. Calling
upon Republicans to purge themselves of
"alien and reprehensible. leadership,"
the Enquirer told voters,
"Form means nothing; men everything."27
On November 3, the day before the
voting, the Post summed up its feelings in
a page one editorial which declared:
A vote against the city manager charter
would be a vote:
For Hynicka
For holes in the streets
For 10-cent car fare
For higher gas rates
For secrecy in government
For closed sessions of public officials'
negotiations on public utility contracts
For financial mismanagement that
constantly requires more bond issues and more tax
levies than come out of the taxpayer's
pocket
For all the other evils that result from
incompetent political mismanagement28
The hard work of the Post and
reformers paid off. The city manager charter
amendment won easily, receiving twice as
many yes votes as amendments one and
two combined, and more than twice as
many yes votes as no votes. The Post de-
clared, "The people have won a
great victory over government by politicians, and
by privilege. . . ."29
The next obstacle was to get candidates
of the newly-formed Charter party
elected to city council in November
1925. Six Republicans and three Democrats,
all pledged to reform, filed for council
under the sponsorship of the Charter party,
and the Post endorsed all nine of
them. "There are 39 candidates running for
Council, but The Post believes that only
by the united vote of all the friends of
good government can there be elected a
solid block of good government candidates,"
the newspaper explained.30 For
nine days immediately prior to the election, the
Post ran the name of one Charter candidate each day in large
type over its name-
plate and asked voters to "Memorize
This Name!" On the day before the election,
the Post ran a seven column
drawing by Claude Shafer showing "Cincinnati"
escaping the fog of "Boss
Rule" by climbing a mountain labeled "City Charter
Ticket" to look into the sun of
"Good Government." The Post added to the draw-
ing: "The eyes of the nation are
upon Cincinnati in this election. By its votes will
be written a message that will proclaim
its desire to be bossed and bled or free and
forward looking."31
The Times-Star endorsed six
Republicans and four Charterites, asking voters to
25. Times-Star, November 3, 1924.
26. Cincinnati Commercial Tribune, November
2, 1924.
27. Cincinnati Enquirer, November
2, 1924.
28. Post, November 3, 1924.
29. Ibid., November 5, 1924.
30. Ibid., October 29, 1925.
31. Ibid., November 2, 1925.
|
choose any nine of the ten candidates named.32 The Commercial Tribune backed nine "Republicans," although several Charter party candidates were included in its list.33 The Enquirer backed the Charterites, requesting voters to "Give the City Manager Plan of Government a fair trial at the hands of its friends."34 Six Charterites, including Seasongood, were elected to the nine-man council on November 3, 1925, and Seasongood was later named mayor by his fellow council- men. The forty-year domination of local politics by boss-ruled Republicans had come to an end. The Post declared: "The votes of the people have said that there shall be neither Republicans nor Democrats in the city government, but only pub- lic servants with minds single to the purpose of serving the city well." Segal sup- ported Seasongood for mayor, writing prior to his selection that he "possesses not only the qualifications, but is entitled to the recognition of the service he has ren- dered as a pioneer in the fight for better government." City council selected Colonel C. O. Sherrill, a West Point graduate who was Superintendent of Parks and Public 32. Times-Star, November 2, 1925. 33. Commercial Tribune, November 1, 1925. 34. Enquirer, November 1, 1925. |
Cincinnati Post 241
Buildings in Washington, D.C., as
Cincinnati's first city manager. Segal also en-
dorsed this choice, saying "He will
have no friends to reward here and no enemies
to punish. The great fault of city
government in Cincinnati has been that it has
been government by favor and government
for reward of insiders."35
The election of 1925 proved to be
"one of the great turning points of the Queen
City's history."36 The
power of the Hynicka machine in Cincinnati was broken,
and its boss retired in 1926. That same
year the charter was revised again to clarify
the city's home rule powers. The Charter
party and Sherrill put the city back on
its feet swiftly. Bond issues were passed
for a number of improved services, the
city's debts were paid, civil service
was reorganized, taxes were lowered, and out-
side investments flowed in as a result
of restored confidence in government.
The Charter party held a majority in
city council until 1941, and its efforts, along
with those of the talented city managers
who succeeded Sherrill, kept the govern-
ment running efficiently. When the GOP
recaptured control of council in 1941, it
was no longer boss-ridden and was
pledged to continue what the Charter party
had started.
After the 1925 election, other
newspapers than the Post soon began to support
the city manager government and the
Charter party. The least enthusiastic was the
Commercial Tribune. Although it praised Sherrill for his "unsurpassed
service,"
this paper considered many Republican
reformers to be "malcontents" who had
deserted the GOP only because they could
not have their way.37 The Enquirer paid
tribute to Sherrill and the Charterites
as early as 1927 but still felt that men were
more important than form.38 The
Times-Star felt much the same way, but in 1931
indicated it was for continuance in
power of the Charter party only "as long as
things go as well as they have been going."
In the same editorial it was also ad-
mitted that the Charter party had given
Cincinnati "a good city administration."39
The Post continued to be a
steadfast friend of the new city government and pro-
portional representation. While the
city's other dailies endorsed a mixture of can-
didates for city council during the
1930's, the Post endorsed all nine Charter
candidates at every city election until
1941, when two Republican candidates were
added to its list. Proportional
representation was the most controversial provision
of the new city charter. Neither the Times-Star
nor the Enquirer liked the system,
and other foes thought it was too
complicated or was based on appeals to minority
blocks. In 1936 and 1939 attempts were
made to eliminate this provision from the
charter, but the Post vigorously
defended it both times. When it was under siege
in 1936, the Post literally
borrowed a page from the 1936 PR Speaker's Manual to
editorialize: "The PR system is the
finest and most democratic system of election
that Cincinnati has ever had. . . . The
PR system has given union labor, the Negroes,
every minority able to muster a quota
vote, genuine representation in council with-
out overrepresenting the majority."40
In 1939, when another proposal to kill "PR"
was on the city ballot, the Post sent
a staff member to Kansas City, where there
35. Post, November 14, 16,
December 4, 5, 1925.
36. Louis Leonard Tucker, Cincinnati's
Citizen Crusaders: A History of the Cincinnatus Association,
1920-1965 (Cincinnati, 1967), 142.
37. Commercial Tribune, November
4, 1927. The Commercial Tribune went out of business on
December 3, 1930. It had been existing
on political subsidies for several years, and after Republican
defeats in Cincinnati and Hamilton
County it suspended publication.
38. Enquirer, November 6, 1927.
39. Times-Star, November 2, 1931.
40. Post, March 2, 1936.
242
OHIO HISTORY
was a city manager but not proportional
representation, to report on the Pendergast
machine's control of the city. As a
result of its study, the newspaper issued the
warning that those seeking repeal of
proportional representation in Cincinnati were
trying to reestablish bossism in the
Queen City. This Post campaign was credited
with turning possible defeat of
"PR" into victory.41
The Post won the lasting
gratitude of reformers for its part in starting the re-
forms and keeping watch to see that they
were successful. After the newspaper's
1939 defense of proportional
representation, civic leaders recommended the paper
for a Pulitzer prize. In a letter to the
Pulitzer committee, reformer and civic leader
Ed F. Alexander called the Post's defense
"extremely effective" and pointed out:
"For at least forty years [the Post]
has been the spearhead of every reform move-
ment in the city of Cincinnati.
Practically always it has fought alone among local
newspapers."42
The paper's local government crusades
from 1914 to 1941 gave the Post's staff
members a feeling of great satisfaction.
In 1931 Segal said that the staff considered
themselves "not merely hired hands,
but the bearers of a flaming spirit and the
voices of a brave and warm heart."43
Taking pride in what the newspaper helped
to accomplish, the columnist wrote,
"The motto which The Post flies from its mast-
head is: 'Give light and the people will
find their own way.' The Post rejoices that
the people by the light it has offered
have found their way."44
41. Ralph A. Straetz, PR Politics in
Cincinnati (New York, 1958), 246. Proportional representation
was finally voted out in 1957 after two other attempts
to kill it and was replaced by a "9X" voting
system. The Post defended PR
vigorously until the end.
42. Ed F. Alexander to Carl W. Ackerman,
January 25, 1940, Box 2, Folder 9, Ed. F. Alexander
Papers, Cincinnati Historical Society.
Civic leaders had also recommended the Post for a Pulitzer Prize
in 1931 after a crusade for county
government reform. On neither occasion did the newspaper win
the award.
43. Address by Segal to the Golden
Jubilee Celebration of the Cincinnati Post, January 12, 1931.
Located in Post and Times-Star library.
44. Post, November 5, 1930.