Ohio History Journal

4                                                      OHIO HISTORY

and admonished his listeners to bring the influence of organized religion

to bear against it. He advised rejection of the two major political parties

but denied the Garrisonian view that the Constitution was a proslavery

document. Douglass repeated these ideas on different occasions, always

making a strong impact on his listeners. He was a very effective speaker,

but more than that his words carried weight because he spoke from per-

sonal experience. His eloquence and unquestioned ability provided a direct

challenge to slavery and the doctrine of racial inferiority by which it was

justified.

A reporter from the Wilmington, Ohio, Herald of Freedom was present

when Frederick Douglass spoke at Harveysburg. The journalist, who may

have been the Herald's editor, John Wesley Chaffin, acknowledged that he

did not record Douglass' opening remarks "in regard to the employment

of the Sabbath," and that he was not able to preserve "that beautiful

connection which was exhibited in the speech." Also admitting that he

had not reported the speech in full, the writer inserted some paraphrases

into the midst of verbatim quotations by Douglass and sometimes sub-

stituted his own digests of the orator's argumentation with results that may

appear abrupt. (These sections have been placed within parentheses in the

text.) Nevertheless, he was able to report most of the address faithfully

and he urged his readers to give it "a careful and candid reading," for it

contained "many brilliant thoughts and important truths -- truths which

must be faithfully presented to this nation in order to effect its reforma-

tion." Except for the correction of typographical errors, the talk is published

here exactly as it appeared in the Herald of Freedom:

We have assembled here for the true worship of God -- to sympathize

with the oppressed, and act our part in breaking their bonds. This is true

religion. That is not true religion which is not Godward, and also manward.

Christianity teaches the doctrine that if any man has ought against his

brother he should leave his gift at the altar, and go and first be reconciled

to his brother and then make the offering. There is a sable brother -- yea

three millions of brethren in this land, to whom the American church, and

clergy have yet to be reconciled.

In addressing you at this time we do not expect to present any new

truth. It will be time to present new truth, when old truths are reduced to

practice. There is no new truth -- truth is eternal. The abolitionists have

endeavored to present by lectures and through the press, this truth, that

every man is himself, belongs to himself, that singly he comes into the

world, singly he breathes, singly he lives, singly he dies, and singly his

spirit goes to God who gave it. That every man has a right to be free, needs

no proof. It is self-evident. The assertion of freedom touches a sympathetic

cord which sends a thrill around the world -- a denial of it, a shriek.

Nine years have elapsed since it was my privilege to stand here. I hardly

know what were the aspects of this subject then, and it is no difference,

things are substantially the same. The nation is guilty as ever, and the

church is more guilty, for she has more light. When I first commenced

THOUGHTS AND TRUTHS                                               5

discussing this subject I thought five or six years would accomplish the

work. I had not comprehended the deep root this Upas had taken in

American soil. I did not know the power slavery had to beget sentiments

like itself. But my disappointment in some respects has served to increase

my confidence, and faith, in the goodness and forbearance of God. I have

a bright faith, and strong hope that slavery will come to an end. It is

opposed by the principles of the great Jehovah, by the constitution of our

government and the genius of American Institutions. I see its destruction

in every railroad bar, in the electric wire, in the improvements of the age.³

Something more must be done for the abolition of slavery. There must be

a struggle to unmask the hypocrisy of those who profess to love God, and

yet hate man. The war must be carried into the church. The church is

the light of the world. There are individuals out of the church frequently

who seize the torch of God's truth and outstrip the multitude, even the

church remains behind. But the church is still the light of the world. The

slave can never be redeemed until the organized religion of this land pro-

nounces its fiat against slavery. I need not go to the Presbyterian synods,

the Methodist conferences, the Baptist associations to show you their nu-

merous resolutions declaring that they have no sympathy with the aboli-

tionists. The two hundred years this curse has sat in the sanctuary proves

that there is no warfare between slavery, and the church. The church has

remained on the side of slavery, and is linked, and interwoven with slavery,

she has bolted her doors, barred her gates against anti-slavery truth. The

true representatives of a nation are but the full length and character of

the nation itself. No people are better than their law makers. The law

makers are the representative characters of the nation or people. The two

old parties aim at availability, not righteousness.

When the Whigs were about to nominate a candidate for the presidency

in the last campaign, they took a survey of the morals of the American

people; and of the American church, they tried their thurmonitor, [sic]

and it stood precisely at Zachary height.⁴ [Great laughter] They said he is

a war man -- and in the circumstances we would have been so too; he will

swear -- he did say in the midst of the groans and shrieks of the dying at

Buena Vista, "Give them hell" -- we would have done so too under the

circumstances. He owns slaves, traffics in human beings, but he once hon-

ored by his presence a Methodist Episcopal Conference, which is evidence

he is a little disposed to religion, and that is as much as we are. [Much

laughter] What did our people care for that? Show me the man at whose

presence the drum beats, and the houses and streets are illuminated on

account of his deeds of blood, and I will show you a man much more popu-

lar than a man imbued with the principles of Jesus Christ. The church

must be opposed, in this enterprise. Necessity compels us to do it, we

attack it because we feel it to be our duty.

The noble Garrison thought that he would only have to announce to the

church her duty relative to this subject and it would rush to the rescue.

Therefore he asked the clergy to come with their learning, their logic, their

6                                                     OHIO HISTORY

influence, their eloquence, to the slave's rescue, but they thundered their

anthems upon him, and any other that would plead the cause of the dumb.

Slavery had coiled itself in the pulpit, vaulted itself over the sanctuary. It

had traced the sacred pages of the New Testament finding no comfort.

It came to the church praying for protection, the church threw its mantle

over it, stood by it, and declared it a Bible Institution. The most learned

doctors of divinity came forth and advocated the doctrine that man may

hold property in man. God is favorable to it, nature not opposed to it.

Drs. Sharp, Spring, Spencer, Lord, Dewey,⁵ and others declared that

Bible Christianity is in favor of slavery. This causes us to make war upon

the church. Such organizations as these are opposed to Christianity. We

must have a better religion -- a religion which is love to God and man.

Love to man only is not sufficient, this might render us selfish, it is not

sufficient to hold us up. To use a homely expression, I might as well

expect to raise myself up by my boot straps as to raise man up looking

only to man. I look to God, and in proportion as I get a glimpse of God I

embrace Christianity, love God, and love his purity.

The mass of the religionists of the day would call me an infidel. But I

think I now drink at the true fount of Christianity.

In the middle of the nineteenth century, you may see the church and the

slave-prison next door to each other, while the groans of the slave are

drowned by the deafening shouts of the church. Revivals of religion and

revivals of slave selling at the same time. Devils clothed in Angel's robes

stand in the church and pray, Our Father who art in Heaven, hallowed be

thy name, thy kingdom come, thy will be done, on earth as it is done in

Heaven, &c., and we thank thee, O God, that we live in a land of liberty

where every man can worship thee under his own vine and fig tree, when

none dare to make him afraid &c. We pray for righteous rulers that they

may rule this people in fear, &c. And the next day go to the ballot-box, and

vote for the oppressor, the warrior! for Whigs. But what is a Whig -- a

compromise man. Goes for negro hunting, negro catching. Perhaps there

are Whigs here who this morning prayed that God would bless their families,

that God would enable them to love him, while they are the very men of

all others who are upholding the system of man-stealing, women-catching, and

cradle-plundering. That minister who does not preach against the sin of

slavery is not a minister of God. Men may be converted under their preach-

ing to Methodism, &c., but not to Christianity. We want a better ministry,

men who will preach in the name of God and not man. There are powerful

temptations presented to the minister and the editor to let these sins alone.

If the minister feels like preaching a little on land reform, as he is convinced

land monopoly is oppressive and wrong, wherein there sits a large land-

holder of the church, and it won't do, it may drive him away and he then

might lose his precious soul!!

(Mr. Douglass then made a few remarks in regard to the national party.

He said until we have a party established independent of all support of

slaveholders -- a party that will render itself distasteful to the South, we

THOUGHTS AND TRUTHS                                              7

can never effect much.) The two old parties are like two large serpents

throwing their bodies across this whole land, their tails twisting about in

the North while their heads are in the South together, and they looking

most placidly in each other's eyes. The South rules the North. You may

talk here in the North about nominating a candidate for the presidency,

but you have no voice, you are proscribed by the South and have to vote

for the man the South tells you to. You may talk about your choice of candi-

dates, but you are like little boys playing upon the pond. You would

acknowledge this to me if we were in the woods together.

Do you mean to continue to be the vassals of the Slave power? There

are interests at the North dearer to us than any which can be attained by

a co-operation with the parties. We are met by the assertion that we must

have a disruption of this confederacy before Slavery can be overthrown.

(Mr. Douglass avowed that this formerly was his opinion, and he had

withdrawn from all action under or support of the Constitution, denouncing

it as the deadly foe of humanity. He had once said in view of the evils of

Slavery that he would welcome the bolt whether it came from the North or

the South, from Heaven or Hell, which should shiver the Union into frag-

ments. But he has since examined the question here carefully and now

believes the Constitution to be an Anti-Slavery instrument and that it should

be so construed and enforced.⁶ His reasons for the change in opinion in

part are that though he always knew that taken in its plain reading, it did

not uphold Slavery, yet he had got the impression we were to look beneath

the surface and to find an occult meaning. There are several passages which

look like sustaining Slavery. He had not then read law, and knew little

of the debates on the adoption of the Constitution or the history of the times.

When he came to examine the rules and principles by which such instru-

ments should be construed, his opinions changed.) We are taught by tradi-

tion that what is said in the Constitution was the intent of the so called

pro-slavery portions. When we look at it through the pro-slavery action of

the Government, it bears a still worse appearance.

The proper rules in construing the Constitution are:

1st. In all cases an instrument which is ambiguous in its terms should

be construed favorably to freedom and natural right. Any lawyer will tell

you that. It has been adjudged by the Supreme Court that an evil intent

in any written document must be expressed with irresistible clearness.

2nd. Another rule is where two interpretations, an innocent and a guilty

can be given, the innocent should always be taken, and,

3rd. Where it is sought to sustain anything against the rights of man we

are to be confined to the strict letter of the instrument authorizing it. (Thus

construed he maintains there is no pro-slavery in the Constitution. Under

the opposite belief persons supposing we must have Slavery or anarchy,

choose to continue to support the former. But there is no such alternative

presented by the case. The speaker holds that one of the great purposes of

the adoption of the Constitution was to secure the overthrow of slavery.)

In proof of this look at the intent expressed in the preamble. 'We the people

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of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish

justice &c. and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our pos-

terity do ordain and establish this constitution.' Hear it, old men and young,

and especially the young who are coming up to construe and sustain it.

Humanity may range throughout the universe for proof in her favor, but

crime must have the letter on its side and that above to abide by. This

was once shown rather ludicrously in the Legislature of Connecticut. A

law was passed there that negroes should not be allowed to travel after

nine at night unless they carried a lantern. It was resolved to cast a light

upon their dark countenances. Accordingly the colored people bought lanterns

and carried them but without candles in them. When hauled up for trial

it was proved they were taken up with lanterns in their hands but no candles.

The proof was satisfactory they had complied with the letter of the law

and they were acquitted as such a law must necessarily be construed

strictly. Another law was passed that negroes should carry lanterns with

candles in them. This they complied with but without lighting them and

were again hauled up and acquitted.

The law was amended so as to require them to carry lanterns with lighted

candles in them and anon the negroes were found parading with lighted

candles in dark lanterns and being again acquitted the Legislature gave in

and let the matter drop.

It is evidently our interest to make Legislators find it difficult to enact

villainy into law. If then, the Constitution may be used to sustain natural

right and against slavery, what we need is a party which will deal out equal

and exact justice to all men. Here is a work for those to do who pray for

just rulers, and it is hoped that such a party will be established by the

people. It is necessary to place vital questions before the people -- Whilst

we cling to the old parties we can do nothing against Slavery.

We want a party that will make its politics a transcript of its religion.

We feel for Hungary and for Ireland,⁷ but how can we as a nation exert

an influence favorable to freedom in the old world, while we are oppressors

at home. Since I last addressed you I have seen the effects of American

Slavery in other countries. The Irish cannot complain of the oppression of

the British Crown, or speak of the land where they would gladly go without

having it hurled at them, it is the land of oppression. They enslave the

blacks, and he that would enslave one man would another. He may look at

it but he sees no protection for him, he may be seized under it, and in the

midst of the light of the religion of this day and hurled into the hell of

slavery. The old world knows this, it delights the despots of Europe.

(The speaker then made some remarks in regard to the light in which

the great O'Connell8 looked upon this land of blood and slaves, said that

O'Connell was true to liberty everywhere, hated oppression in all lands,

and dealt his bolts wherever the oppressor was seen to rear his head, and

then proceeded to remark that he would to God that the great Hungarian

had been as true, and faithful to human liberty as O'Connell; but that

Kossuth had injured his cause.)9

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We want our land to be something more than a by-word, and a hissing.

Let us up to the work. The truth must accomplish it. Let us proclaim this

truth to the state and to the Court, which have established Oppression for

Liberty. Don't think you can do nothing; you are armed with the power

to move the millions.

THE EDITOR: Larry Gara is Professor

of History and Government at Wilming-

ton College.