MOBBING THE SHAKERS OF UNION VILLAGE.
J. P. MACLEAN, PH. D.
It may be affirmed that of all the
Christian sects of America,
not one is less aggressive or lives more
within itself than that
known as The SHAKERS, or more properly
speaking The Millen-
nial Church. It is true that in its
early history it possessed a
little missionary zeal, but this was not
of the offensive kind.
In common with all the sects it placed
its own doctrines to the
front, proclaiming them to be the true
representative ideas of
Jesus Christ. It cannot be denied that
the SHAKERS indulged in
extravagant expressions of religious
emotions, and were ex-
cessively strict in their discipline;
but this was all within them-
selves, for they did not encroach upon
their neighbors. Towards
the strangers and co-religionists they
were harmless, kind and
considerate.
It is worthy of remark in this age of
endowments or special
benefactions, the SHAKERS have never
received any donations or
gifts save those which have come from
within their own com-
munion.
In proportion to the number and wealth, no sect
has been so generous. In all probability
no sect has lived so
closely to the Christ ideal as that
under consideration.
When it is considered that a sect free
from trespass, given
to good works, benevolent and devout,
refraining from the tur-
moils of political strife and the
carnage and inhumanity of war,
should be subject to the passions of a
mob, it behooves one,
having optimistic views, to inquire into
the source or controlling
motive that led to the public violence.
It is the history of every
Shaker community to experience rough
treatment even at the
hands of those who should have been
respecters of law and order.
ORIGIN OF THE MOB OF 1810.
Religious hate and rancor have been the
source of untold
misery. Even in the light and
discoveries of this age, only a
small portion of the enlightened have
been brought to the realiz-
ing sense that every man must be supreme
within himself re-
(108)
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 109
specting his tenets. It does not require
wide observation to
note the fact that even those claiming
to be most liberal, and
really having broad views, are too often
the most illiberal.
Numerous instances can be produced to
prove that many liberals
are even more illiberal than the
dogmatist and the bigot. Such
may be shown to be the case in the
persecution of the Shakers of
Union Village, Ohio.
The origin of the various communities of
Shakers of Ohio
and Kentucky may be directly traced to
the "Great Kentucky
Revival" of 1800, 1801. This was
the greatest religious upheaval
ever known in America; and the
conditions were such as to
make it impossible to have the same ever
repeated. The causes
that led to the commotion and insured
its success were mani-
fold. The cry for a broader basis, or
more toleration, was
not among the least. While the
exictement lasted there was a
display of emotions, an extravagance of
expression or manners,
that beggars all description. Among the
leaders there were really
able men; who during the revel were
unfortunately overcome
by the pressure and gave countenance to
transactions that, in
their cooler moments, would meet with
their condemnation. The
outbreak began in Logan and Christian
counties, Kentucky, on
the waters of the Gasper and Red Rivers.
The first meeting
was held at Cabin Creek, May 22, 1800, and continued four days
and three nights. "The scene was
awful beyond description;
the falling, crying out, praying,
exhorting, singing, shouting,
etc., exhibited such new, and striking
evidences of a super-
natural power, that few, if any, could
escape without being
affected. Such as tried to run from it
were frequently struck
on the way, or impelled, by some
alarming signal to return."
Among the prime movers were such men as
Malcolm Worley,
John Dunlavy, Richard McNemar, Robert
Marshall, John Thomp-
son, David Purviance, Barton W. Stone,
etc. Before the year
1805
the Schismatics had regular societies in Ohio at Turtle
Creek, Eagle Creek, Springfield,
Orangedale, Salem, Beaver
Creek, Clear Creek, etc. In Kentucky at
Cabin Creek, Flem-
ingsburgh, Concord, Caneridge, Indian
Creek, Bethel, Paint
Creek, Shawny Run, etc., besides an innumerable
multitude scat-
110
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
tered throughout Tennessee, North
Carolina, Virginia, and the
western parts of Pennsylvania. These
Schismatics were known
then, and are still called by the name
of New Lights, but among
themselves they take the name of
Christians. Their recognized
leader was Barton W. Stone.
The news of the Revival spread all over
the country and
in due time aroused the interest of the
Shaker Ministry at New
Lebanon, New York, who dispatched John
Meacham, Issachar
Bates and Benjamin Seth Youngs to the
scene of the commo-
tion. These missionaries set out on foot
on January 1st, 1805,
and arrived at Turtle Creek Church
(Union Village) on March
22nd, as a propaganda. The first convert
from the Turtle Creek
Church was Malcolm Worley, on March 27,
a wealthy and in-
fluential man, but somewhat eccentric.
The next was Anna
Middleton (colored), March 29, and on
the 31st, Cornelius
Campbell. Richard McNemar and his wife
Jenny joined on
April 24. In the year 1805, or soon
after, the families or heads
of families that joined the Shakers,
besides those already
mentioned, were Francis Bedle, Samuel
Sering, Samuel Hollo-
way, Elijah Davis, Jonathan Davis,
Stephen Spining, David
Spining, John Dennis, Abner Bonnell,
Stephen Williams, Ben-
jamin Howard, Amos Valentine, John
Miller, Joseph Stout,
James Bedell, David Hill, Calvin
Morrell, Joseph Patterson, John
Wallace, John Able, Samuel Rollins,
Thomas Hunt, Charles West,
Allen Woodruff, Moses Easton, David
Corey, Daniel Boyd,
Lorenzo Belcher, John Gee, David
Johnson, John Sharp, Mat-
thew Houston, Andrew Brown, John Naylor,
John Carson,
Belteshazzar Draggoo, John Houston,
Robert Baxter, James
Dickson, Joseph Irwin, Nathan Pegg, John
Woods, James
Smith, Garner McNemar, William Davis,
Sr., Abigail Kitchell,
Malinda Watts, Jenny Byrne, Rachel
Seward, Betsy Anderson,
Reuben Morris, Jacob Holloway, Caleb
Pegg, John Slater, Jon-
athan Gaudy, Joseph Lockwood, Thomas N.
Naylor, William
Runyon, and some others. To these there
must be added about
thirty unmarried.
It is safe to assume that the greater
percentage of these,
as well as those who soon after followed
(numbering in all
prior to 1812, 370 souls) was
converted from the New Lights.
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 111
Add to this the fact that Shaker
missionaries were sent among
the New Light Churches, and, in the
vicinity of some, Shaker
communities were being established, it
may easily be seen that
all the venom of religious hate would be
stirred up among the
New Lights, however much they may have
called for more
freedom. The heart of Barton Stone was
stirred within him,
and he with some of his coadjutors set
about to put down Shak-
erism.
It is not intended here to have it
inferred that Barton Stone
desired violent means against the
Shakers. His intentions may
have been of the more peaceful order.
However that may be he
certainly paved the way that the
thoughtless and violent might
pass over.
The leaders of the Schismatics must be
judged in the light
in which they taught. Revolting against
dogmatism they be-
came dogmatists; proclaiming religious
liberty they became per-
secutors, and decrying a written creed
they became advocates
of "a system of theology." The
first words against the Shakers
did not come from any of the members of
the Turtle Creek
Church, but from Springfield, and under
date of April 5, 1805:
"It matters not to me who they are,
who are devil's tools,
whether men or angels, good men or bad.
In the strength of
God I mean not to spare. I used lenity
once to the devil, be-
cause he came in a good man (viz.)
Worley. But my God
respects no man's person. I would they
were even cut off who
trouble you. I mean in the name and
strength of God to lift his
rod of Almighty truth against the
viper," etc. Thompson fol-
lowed the Shakers to a campmeeting held
at Turtle Creek, and
in a loud voice proclaimed, "They
are liars! They are liars!
They are liars! According to the fable,
'A liar is not to be be-
lieved, even when he speaks the truth.'
" Another Christian
followed Issachar Bates, crying out,
"Go to hell," and another
pursued John Meacham from place to
place, spitting in his face,
and crying aloud to make a great fire,
and burn these false
prophets, while others laughed and
encouraged him. Stone
having invited McNemar to attend a
general meeting at Concord
in August, 1805, forbade him
to speak or even come in the
house. At the same time silence was
imposed on John Dun-
112
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
lavy, Benjamin Youngs and Malcolm
Worley, while John Thomp-
son, Robert Marshall, Barton W. Stone,
David Purviance, J.
Stockwell and A. Brannon, alternately
delivered addresses against
the Shakers, in which some of them were
named out, pronounced
liars, defamed by many slanderous
reports, which they could
have proven false if opportunity had
been given. The only
reply given was, "I am sorry to see
you abusing your own
light." In the introduction to his
"Letters on Atonement" Stone
observes that the arguments used by his
opponents are "Bold,
inscriptural assertions - hard names -
delusion - error -
doctrines of devils - Arminianism - Socinianism - Deism,
etc. Such arguments have no effect on a
candid mind, but they
powerfully influence dupes and bigots.
The candid look for
truth and plain, unequivocal
arguments." In the postscript of
his reply to Campbell's strictures, he
says: "You have heard no
doubt before this time, of the
lamentable departure of two of our
preachers, and a few of their hearers
from the true gospel, into
wild enthusiasm, or Shakerism. They have
made shipwreck of
faith, and turned aside to an old
woman's fables, who broached
them in New England, about twenty-five
years ago. These wolves
in sheep's clothing, have smelt us from
afar, and have come to
tear, rend and devour," etc. It was
currently reported among
the New Lights "that the Shakers
castrated all their males, and
consequently exposed their necks to the
gallows; or divested of
all modesty, stripped and danced naked
in their night meet-
ings, blew out the candles, and went
into a promiscuous de-
bauch. And what was still more
shocking--the fruits of their
unlawful embraces they concealed by the
horrid crime of mur-
der." It was charged that
"these men say that each one of
them is a Christ, and we must throw our
Bibles away and
follow them; they forbid to marry, and
attach criminality to
that for which we have the express
command of God; they
encourage men to beat and abuse their
wives, and turn them
away; they are a set of worldly-minded,
cunning deceivers, whose
religion is earthly, sensual, and
devilish (see Stone's Letter, July
1806); these men have testified they
would never die." Even
the grave was robbed of its sanctity,
and the word went forth
that Prudence Farrington had recanted
Shakerism on her death
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 113
bed. She arrived at Union Village May
31, 1806, and died
April 11, 1807, in the 31st
year of her age, a loving sister, a
blessed virgin, a holy woman. Among her
last words she uttered:
"Strengthen the brethren."
"Her holy examples of infinite
price:
Brought up in the gospel, a stranger to
vice;
Her cross from the first she did
faithfully bear,
And finish'd her course in her
thirty-first year:
Her heaven-born spirit, to angels akin,
(Not stain'd with the flesh nor polluted
with sin)
Has now got releas'd from the sorrows of
earth,
And shares the full joys of her heavenly
birth."
There is another factor too important to
overlook. Every
community has a few restless spirits
ever ready to take up with
the latest fad or doctrine. Such an
upheavel as the Kentucky
Revival would throw all sorts of
humanity to the surface, many
of whom would be left stranded on the
shoals of uncertainty.
Many of these would be taken with
Shakerism, but only to leave
and then vilify those who had trusted
them. They would circu-
late reports having no foundation, but
tending to excite the law-
less or vicious. Taking all things into
consideration, it is not
surprising that a mob might be incited.
NARRATIVE OF THE MOB OF 181O.
The first mob that assembled at Union
Village was on Mon-
day, August 27, 1810. The mob consisted
of a body of five
hundred armed men, led by officers in
military array, pre-
ceded and followed by a large concourse
of spectators of all de-
scriptions of people, estimated at
nearly two thousand in num-
ber, whose object was to witness a
conflict between the military
and a few harmless and defenceless
Shakers. Among this great
concourse were many who were friendly to
the Society, and
whose only wish was to prevent mischief
and preserve peace;
but the far greater number was either
entire strangers or de-
cided enemies, who came to support the
military in case of ne-
cessity. Many of these were armed in mob
array, some with
Vol. XI-8
114
Ohio Arch. and His. Society
Publications.
guns and swords, some with bayonets
fixed on poles or sticks of
various lengths, and other with staves,
hatchets, knives and clubs.
These formed a motley multitude of every
description, from
ragged boys to hoary-headed men,
exhibiting altogether a hideous
and grotesque appearance. This ruthless
assemblage, gathered
for the purpose of infringing on the
rights of conscience, and
in the public press of the day was
called "An expedition against
the Shakers."
This extraordinary proceeding first
began to be agitated prin-
cipally through the instrumentality of
one John Davis, John and
Robert Wilson and John Bedle, apostates,
who had become bold
in wickedness and false accusations
against their former co-
religionists, whereby those who had long
waited for false wit-
nesses to accuse the Shakers of
something criminal seized the
opportunity to accomplish their purpose.
Accordingly, about the first of June,
Col. James Smith in-
serted in the public press a declaration
that he had been informed
by the aforesaid apostates that the
education of children among
the Shakers was chiefly a pretense; that
they whip their under-
lings severely, and also their children;
that they count it no
sin to have carnal knowledge of their
own women; that all sur-
plus money and property are given up to
Elder David Darrow;
that he keeps the whole treasury of the
Society in his own hands;
that he, like the pope, exercises
unlimited authority over all under
his control; and that he, with his
council, live sumptuously on
the labors of others; with many other
things of a like nature, all
of which were made to exasperate the
public mind with indig-
nation against the Believers.
What seemed intended to be the
weightiest charges in the
publication were certain things therein
alleged against James
Smith, Jr., who was a Believer, and for
which there was a plaus-
ible pretense. James' wife, Polly,
having deserted him on ac-
count of his faith, and he refusing to
give up his children to
her, furnished the old man with many
charges of oppression.
The advertisement of Col. Smith did not
go unchallenged,
but was answered publicly in a spirited
manner by Richard Mc-
Nemar, who not only exposed its falsity,
but also cited its author
to prove what he had alleged, or else
bear the character of a
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 115
slanderer. The answer was little
regarded, and it appears that
Smith and his associates had no
intention of prosecuting the mat-
ter in a lawful manner.
During the month of July the Shakers
were secretly informed
that a subscription was being circulated
for the purpose of rais-
ing a mob and that John Davis and the
two Wilsons were active
agents. Having been publicly accused of
the matter they denied
that there was any such thing in
agitation. On August 23, an
intimation was given that Col. Smith,
with a number of men
from Kentucky, were over and engaged in
collecting others to
assist in carrying off his
grandchildren. On the next day, Fri-
day, it was learned from credible
authority that five hundred men
were to assemble on the following Monday
at Capt. Kilbreath's,
distant about three miles, and intended
to come as a mob and
take off the Smith children and enact
other outrages. The next
day the news became more definite, and
in the afternoon Wade
Loofbourrow, a young man living near
Hamilton, informed them
that he had seen the written instrument
which the designing party
had signed, but did not read it; that it
was in the hands of Major
J. Potter at Hamilton Court the day
before; that the mob was
a subject of common conversation on that
occasion; that he heard
Major Potter say that five hundred were
subscribed; also, that
Rev. Matthew G. Wallace was forward and
active in the busi-
ness; that Major Potter would be second
in command; that the
Springfield Light-Horse would be on the
ground and many more
of the baser sort from Springfield, the
Big Hill, from around
Hamilton and from the vicinity northwest
of the village; that
the party would appear on Monday; and
that he came purposely
to inform them and desired to tarry that
he might witness the
result. The same evening information
came in from every quar-
ter of their preparations and threats of
abuse; that they meant
to tar and feather Richard McNemar and
drive the old Shakers
out of the country and restore the rest
to their former faith and
method of living.
The following Sunday (August 26) some of
the party at-
tended the religious services,
especially Captain Robinson, who
avowed that they would be on the ground
the next day for the
purpose of violence.
116 Ohio Arch. and His.
Society Publications.
The State's Attorney, J. Collet, and the
Sheriff of the county,
T. McCray, both of Lebanon, went to the
place of rendezvous
and warned the party of the unlawfulness
of their intentions.
Attending the Sunday services were Dr.
Budd and Dr. Bladgley,
of New Jersey; Colonel Stanley, from
Cincinnati, and D. Corneal,
a noted young man from Kentucky. They
determined to re-
turn the next day and witness the event.
Early Monday morning, August 27, all the
Shakers of Union
Village might have been seen at their
usual avocations, just as
though no note of warning had been
received. About 8 o'clock
strangers began to come in from
different quarters. Early on
the ground was Francis Dunlavy, first
Circuit Judge of the State,
intending that the peace and dignity of
the law should be up-
held. Dr. Bladgley, with some company
who had rode out to
meet the mob, returned at noon with the
information that the
troops would arrive in less than an
hour. About 1 o'clock the
troops appeared, entering by the Dayton
road from the north,
marching in order and finally halted in
front of the Meeting
House. A number of the officers were in
uniform and the troops
armed and generally equipped in
regimental order.
The peace-loving men were active with
the troops and the
undisciplined multitude. It is more than
probable that through
their intercession the expedient was
reached of choosing a com-
mittee to state to the Shakers their
proposals and to receive and
return answers. A committee came forward
and faced the
dwelling house of the old Believers.
They requested three of
the original men (meaning John Meacham,
Benjamin S. Youngs
and Issachar Bates) to come forward in
order to confer with
them on the occasion of the people's
assembling, observing that
a committee was chosen for that purpose,
consisting of twelve
men then present, among whom was one
chief speaker. As only
Benjamin S. Youngs of the three called
was present, assent was
given that two others might be called.
Standing in the yard
at that time were Judge Dunlavy, General
William Schenck and
J. Corwin. As the mob's committee
contained twelve persons
the Shakers desired that these three
gentlemen might be per-
mitted to act with them, but this
request was denied. Judge
Dunlavy then asked, "Have you any
objections to by-standers?"
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 117
They answered, "Yes." It was
insisted that the three Shakers
should go alone with them to the woods.
Unreasonable as the
demands were the Shakers consented.
Benjamin S. Youngs,
Peter Pease and Matthew Houston withdrew
with the committee
to a woodland lying about sixty rods
south of the dwelling house
and half a mile south of the Meeting
House.
The leading characters of the committee
were Matthew G.
Wallace, a noted Presbyterian preacher,
chief speaker; Doctor
Squire Little, a Newlight; Captain John
Clark, and John Fisher.
The names of the others have not been
preserved. Wallace be-
gan in the name of the people to state
their grievances, observ-
ing that the Shaker principles and practices
had caused great
disturbances in the minds of the people
and led to the extinction
of civil and religious society, which
they are determined to up-
hold; that their system was a pecuniary
one and led mankind into
bondage and oppression; and that the
people were determined
to bear it no longer. The committee
insinuated that they were
in a capacity to prevent evil being done
and perhaps prevent much
blood being shed, because as the people
were fully resolved on a
redress, provided the terms were
complied with, that were pro-
posed. After speaking in extenso, in
this matter for some time,
the following conditions were the only
ones that would be ac-
cepted, and which would prevent forcing
a compliance by violent
measures:
I. The children of the late James Watts
should be given
up to their grandfather; it being
alleged that the said James
Watts, at his decease, gave his children
to his father. It was
hoped that the propriety of this would
readily be seen.
To this the Shakers answered: "We
had not seen the pro-
priety hitherto, as we supposed the
mother, under whose care
the children now were, had the greatest
right to them; and
asked them if it was recorded, that the
said James gave his chil-
dren to their grandfather? They answered
that it was not. We
told them that we could not give up that
which was not in our
possession. The children were with their
mother, and under
her care, and we exercised no authority
over them. We were
sure that the mother and children might
be seen by any two or
three civil men, and if the parent was
willing, and the children
118 Ohio Arch. and His. Society
Publications.
wished to go, it was not our wish to
have them retained; nor if
any demanded them, and chose to force
them away, would any
violence be used to prevent them."
2. That old William Bedle be permitted
to see his grand-
child, a son of Elijah Davis, alleging
that the said child came
away (from his father) and was forcibly
brought back contrary
to his inclination.
To this it was replied: "That the
child was under the care
of his own parents; that we had not any
control over him; that
we did not usurp the parents' rights
over their children, but we
doubted not that the child might be
seen," etc., etc.
3. That the children of James Smith
should be given up.
To this the observation was offered that
the Shakers were doubt-
less well acquainted with the
circumstances relative to these chil-
dren.
To this the information was offered:
"That the children were
under the care of their father; that
they were now in the hands
of the authority, and that a suit in
court had commenced respect-
ing them."
4. In presenting the next demand the
speaker observed that
it probably might seem hard, and then
declared that the weightiest
proposition was, that the Shakers must
cease publicly to inculcate
their principles, and their practices
must cease; that no dancing
on the Sabbath or any other day should
be permitted; or else
all should depart from the country by
the first Monday in De-
cember next.
This demand was tantamount to a renunciation
of faith and
practice, mode of worship, preaching and
manner of living.
These terms were a declaration that if
acceded to all would
be well; and if not they should be
enforced by violence. It was
requested that these propositions should
be reduced to writing,
but Wallace stated that what had been
proposed was short and
could easily be remembered without
writing. The reply was
made that as the proposals were short
they could readily be com-
mitted to writing, but the point was
abruptly refused.
It is worthy of mention that although
the committee had
solemnly agreed not to admit or suffer
any of the party near
them while they conferred together, yet
during the conference
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 119
there was present a number of false
witnesses and accusers stand-
ing by, particularly the apostate John
Davis, who brought false
accusations. Again and again the Shakers
asked the committee
if their replies were understood, and
every time the answer came
in the affirmative; but still the
Shakers were urged to comply,
for it was impossible for them to resist
a thousand men.
At 2 o'clock the conference adjourned
for one hour, that
the Shakers might in that time give a
positive answer. All the
elder brethren and sisters there present
were assembled together
in an upper room of the residence near
the Meeting House.
Judge Dunlavy, General Schenck and
Squire Corwin were invited
to take part in the consultation. In
their presence the committee
of Shakers stated the proposals and
demands and the answers
agreed upon, with the observation that
the requirements were
unreasonable and unjust, particularly
because no person was al-
lowed to be present at the conference
who might serve as a wit-
ness against the unlawfulness or
injustice of their demands; and
also of the unreasonableness of
grandfathers demanding to be
given up to them their grandchildren who
were under the care
of their own parents. The three invited
guests took no part in
the meeting, but appeared to be much
affected and feelingly in-
terested in the cause of justice. When
the meeting ended Judge
Dunlavy and General Schenck went out and
found Dr. Little,
one of the committee, in the yard before
the house, and talked
to him in an affecting manner on the
illegality and consequences
of the concourse of people.
The hour having expired Benjamin S.
Youngs informed Dr.
Little that they were ready to meet
them, and accordingly both
committees retired to the same place in
the woods, and there
delivered the following answer:
"1. Respecting the children
demanded to be given up, we
observed, that we had already stated
what we had to say on
that subject; adding, that all adults
among us were free, and that
it was contrary to our principles and
our practice to oppress any,
or hold them in bondage.
2. Respecting
our faith which we held in the gospel, we
esteemed it dearer than our lives, and
therefore meant to main-
tain it, whatever we might suffer as the
consequence. And as
120
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
to our leaving the country, we were on
our own possessions which
we had purchased with money obtained by
our own honest in-
dustry. It was our endeavor not to owe
any man anything; we
had not a cent of any man's money; we
enjoyed our own peace-
able possessions in a free country, and
were entitled to those lib-
erties (including the liberty of our
consciences) which the laws
of our country granted us."
In the course of the first sitting of
the committee the Sha-
kers observed that things were
misrepresented and wrongly re-
ported concerning them; that there was
no evidence of the ex-
istence of those things of which they
were accused, and that
the reports came from prejudiced
persons; that there was no need
of all this concourse of people; if
wrong had been done in any
matter the laws of the country made
ample provision for a
redress of grievances. To all this
Wallace replied that the means
required too lengthy a process, and that
the people would not wait
the issue of such measures. It was
necessary to rehearse some
of these facts during the sitting of the
second conference.
While these proceedings were
transpiring, about the Meeting
House, the school house, the children's
family, and the first family
of young Believers, there was a vast and
promiscuous concourse
of armed men and spectators, some
disputing, some inquiring,
others railing out against and
endeavoring to scatter falsehood,
and urging the propriety of banishing
the Shakers out of the coun-
try by violence. Women of the baser
sort, who were in fellow-
ship with the riot, had placed
themselves within sight of the
buildings, on the edge of the woods,
waiting to see the Shakers
destroyed; others, of the same cast,
were taking an active part
in urging on parties of the mob to take
away, by force, children
of their connections, and other such
like acts of violence. In the
meantime there were men of talents and
good principles who
engaged in contesting those violent
measures agitated by the mob
party, urging the Shakers' right of
citizenship from their peace-
able deportment, and the
unconstitutionality of infringing upon
their right, which had never been
forfeited by any misconduct.
About three o'clock, a public speaker of
the party, standing
in the street before the door of the
Meeting House, proclaimed
liberty, that all who had any charges
against the Shakers might
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 121
come forward and enter them. A number of
charges were pro-
duced; but none however that was
regularly entered and taken
up, except a charge of murder against
Amos Valentine, upon
the assertion of John and Robert Wilson,
two of the before
mentioned apostates, who deposed, that
when they lived among
the Shakers, the said Amos had a boy
afflicted with fits; that
he whipped said boy unmercifully; also,
that the said boy was
whipped by Daniel Moseley, and that the
said Amos and Daniel
both wished that he was dead; that the
boy for some time past
had been missing, and the said witnesses
believed that the said
boy was murdered, and put out of the
way. A habeas corpus
was immediately served on Amos and he
was put under arrest
until the the said boy should be
produced. The boy was im-
mediately sent for, being at Moses
Easton's, about two miles
off. About this period of the
transaction, the committee was hold-
ing its second session, with the three
Shakers before mentioned.
Judge Dunlavy, who understood the
proceedings of the com-
mittee before, followed them to the edge
of the woods, and
there sat down upon a log, about five
rods distant from where
the committee was sitting, and there
waited to see the issue.
Immediately after the Shakers withdrew
from the committee,
he mounted his horse, in the midst of
the assembly, and, with
a loud voice, delivered a solemn
injunction, that no one violate the
laws of Ohio, and required all civil
officers present to take cog-
nizance of the conduct of any who should
violate them. Soon
after this, the aforesaid boy arrived,
very corpulent and hearty.
This was about four o'clock. Judge
Dunlavy, understanding
the case, gave public information of the
boy's arrival, and the
satisfaction which was given of the
innocence of the party ac-
cused, ordered the prisoner to be
released, and the people to
disperse, as nothing remained for
investigation. Nevertheless
Capt. Kilbreath refused to comply with
the judge's order to
release the prisoner, alledging that he
was just as high an officer
as Dunlavy. Upon this Judge Dunlavy
ordered him to be ap-
prehended, and put in prison; but
Kilbreath being armed with
a sword and pistol, and refusing to be
taken, the matter there
rested. The prisoner, however, was
released; but some of the
mob treated the judge with great
contempt, and uttered the
122
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
most bitter invectives against him for
his interference. At this
stage of the proceedings, the committee
having returned and
mingled among the multitude; Judge
Dunlavy having given his
orders, the mob was thus irritated and
thrown into confusion.
But the word of command being given, and
the party mounted,
they moved down the street in a violent
career, amid clouds
of dust, and halted in a vast crowd
facing the dwelling house
of the Elders; and after a little pause,
Major Robinson, with a
loud voice, demanded of those in the
house whether they would
comply with the proposals of the
committee, Yea, or Nay. This
was repeated a number of times, crying
aloud, "Give us an answer,
Yea, or Nay!" but no one answered a
word. Then all the
people in the house, men and women,
young and old, were
commanded to come out of the house, and
place themselves in a
circle on the green before them. But
none offered to move.
Then Major Robinson continued his
harangue to the fol-
lowing effect: that the Shakers must
comply immediately with
the proposals of the committee, and
accede to remove out of
the country by the first of December
next, to suffer the conse-
quences; and then cried, "Is not
this the voice of the people?"
which was immediately answered by the
mob with uplifted hands,
and a general loud and hideous yell, in
the most exasperated
manner. But as none appeared or
answered, they ordered the
gates to be thrown open, which, after
considerable hesitation,
some of the concourse ventured to
perform. The doors of the
house were now instantly shut and
fastened, as hitherto they
had been left open. After the gates were
thrown open, the
house was immediately surrounded by a promiscuous
multitude
of armed men and spectators, but the
main body of the corps
remained on their horses in the street.
After some consulta-
tion among the mob, they proposed a
committee from among
them, whom they wished to enter and
search every apartment
of the house, to see whether there were
not some held in bon-
dage, and such other like instances of
cruelty and injustice as
were reported. This committee consisted
of Major William Rob-
inson, Captain John Robinson, Captain
John Clark, Captain Cor-
nelius Thomas, and one or two others.
They entered upon con-
ditions of behaving civily, and began
their search and exam-
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 123
nation with the young sisters, and asked
them, one by one, if
they desired to leave the Shakers.
To the question of the mob committee
Betsey Seward re-
plied, that she was satisfied with the
people, and her present
place of abode; that she liked it better
than among her natural
relations; because they treated her more
kindly than ever her
own relations had done, and that she did
not wish to see any
of them again, while they remained so
wicked. The committee
then said, "Let her stay."
Prudence Morrell being interrogated,
replied, that all the world would be no
inducement to her to
leave; that she preferred to place her
head on the floor and
be decapitated than to be taken away
from the Believers. Caty
Rubart also made a firm reply, in
substance as above; and so
did Jenny McNemar, and all the rest,-all
declaring that they
were free to go away, if they chose, at
any time, and that
nothing bound them but their faith and
love. All others, whether
brethren or sisters, made the similar
replies.
After searching every apartment of the
house the com-
mittee expressed their satisfaction.
Captain Thomas, more up-
right than the others, said he saw a
"decent house with decent
people in it." Then they drank
copiously of cold coffee, went
out, and reported themselves as
"well satisfied." After this,
they returned to their former ground at
the Meeting House,
and the same committee proceeded to examine
the family of
the young Believers. All who were
interrogated, made firm
replies, that they were free, and might
go away whenever they
chose, but would not; some said they
would rather die, than
abandon their faith, or forsake the
people of God. By this
time the committee was under great
mortification, and their zeal
began to abate, having been disappointed
in all their researches,
and some persuasion had to be used in
order to get them into
the school house. Matthew Houston being
present at their exam-
inations, desired them to go,
especially, as they had it reported
that the Shakers would not suffer their
children and youth to
read the Bible. When they went into the
school they found
Testaments in abundance. Elder Houston
observed they might
see at least one lie had been told them.
They looked at the chil-
dren's penmanship, which they
acknowledged surpassed their
124
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
expectations. Houston next requested
them to ask the chil-
dren questions, whether they had enough
to eat, etc., observ-
ing, that he had children among them,
and had long been
absent, and knew not at present how it
might be with them.
When they asked, First: "Have you
enough to eat?" they
answered, "Yea! yea! yea! as much
as we want," which ran all
through the school. Second: "Are
you punished more than
you deserve?" They answered, "Nay! nay! nay,"
and some
replied, "We are never
whipped." Third: "Do you want to
leave these people? If you do, fear not,
we will protect you."
"Nay! nay! nay! sounded through the
school. Next the com-
mittee was invited to hear the children
read, but this was de-
clined, declaring they were fully
satisfied. Next they were re-
quested to go to John Wood's, in order
to find that enslaved
woman, of whom they had spoken, and
about whom there was
so much agitation (for it was reported
that a certain woman
was enslaved by the Shakers; those in
search had not yet found
her, for another select party had
searched the Meeting House
for her a little while before, and the
Children's Order at John
Wood's had also been searched and
examined.) But the com-
mittee refused to investigate farther,
declaring that all of them
were fully satisfied.
No ground of accusation being found or
reported to the
party, and the generality being wearied
and perplexed with
the same, and under a mortifying
disappointment, were dis-
missed; the last of them disappeared as
the darkness of night
began to creep over the horizon, without
leaving behind them any
visible marks of cruelty.
Through this whole transaction no
visible disturbance or
confusion appeared among the Shakers.
The greater number
kept busy at their usual employments;
took dinner in the usual
manner, and entertained such as they
could with convenience.
They answered those mildly who spoke to
them, whether peace-
ably or in a taunt. Such as wished to
enter the rooms from
the noise and clamor, did so, and spent
their time in conversation.
That no evil or cruelty was transacted
after such formid-
able preparations of design, can only be
accounted for by the
stand taken by Judge Dunlavy, assisted
by the persuasive powers
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 125
of those who came with good intentions,
and their love of justice
and right.
The foregoing account of the
transactions of the mob is
taken from the narrative of Benjamin
Seth Youngs, written
August 31, 1810. When I visited Union
Village May 10, 1901,
Miss Susan Liddell was sent for. She is
among the oldest Shakers,
in point of service, in the village, and
the best acquainted with its
history. She gave me the additional
information which she re-
ceived from Shakers who were living at
the time of the mob;
Judge Dunlavy was a cousin of Richard
McNemar; George Har-
lan had a sister who was then a Believer
and came to assist
and protect the Shakers; Richard McNemar
found it neces-
sary to go among the younger members and
insist on non-
resistance, for there was an indication
among them to act in self-
defence, and some of the Shakers were
struck with whips and
knocked down. This was particularly true
in the instance of
Calvin Morrell, a physician, who had
become a convert.
Book A, of the Records, for Dec. 29,
181O, notes that again
the Shakers were threatened by mob
violence, which would in-
dicate that nothing was done with the
ringleaders of the mob of
August 27.
MOBS OF 1813.
The records of the mobs of 1813 are
exceedingly brief. They
must have been of small moment or else
an interested chronicler
would have preserved the details. The
first was on May 12, and
the following is the sole entry:
"Mob at the West Section;
trying to take a woman away against her
will."
For December 16th we have the following
minute: "A vio-
lent mob came to the Center House today,
in the employ of
James Bedle, who had previously left the
Society and bound his
children to Peter Pease. His present aim
is to take the children
away by force. The house doors being
closed and barred, they
took a battering ram and broke a door in
two; they then rushed
in and committed considerable violence
and abuse; but failed in
getting the children. After a shameful
day's riot, they dispersed
for the night."
126
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
For December 29th the subject
is continued. "Another mob
appears to be collecting at Bedell's;
meanwhile they are trying to
prove before referees that the children
have been abused by the
Society; in this Bedle failed. The
referees then recommended
to Peter Pease to give up the
Indentures, for the sake of peace,
which was accordingly agreed upon; and
the mob dispersed."
The next day James Bedle came in the
"morning and dragged
off his 2 youngest children, much against
their wills. They went
off screaming and hollowing. The mother
and the 2 oldest chil-
dren have fled to some other quarter to
avoid violence and enjoy
their own faith."
MOB OF 1817.
The year 1817 was fruitful in
disturbances at Union Village.
The Church Record is very brief on this
subject, although nam-
ing some of the parties participating in
the riots. The Hamp-
ton MS. is more complete, and in the
main, will here be followed.
The riotous proceedings commenced as
early as January 12,
when Patty Rude, an apostate woman, came
to church, with a
party of ruffians, to take her daughter
Sarah (a young woman)
away, by force.
On July 31, under pretence of law, a
scene of mobbing and
rioting was perpetrated. The object was
to get a youth (Jona-
than Davis, Jr.) away, who had left the
society some time previ-
ously. Being under age his father
authorized some of the breth-
ren to go and bring him home, which was
done. John Davis,
an outsider and cousin, by whom he was
harbored, raised a
company in Lebanon, who came out in
great indignation and
threatened to burn the village to ashes,
if the youth was not given
over to them. Thirty or forty men came
with a constable and
arrested the brethren who brought the
boy home; and had them
bound over to court. They were indicted
before the grand jury,
but nothing came of it.
On December 3rd, Richard McNemar and
Calvin Morrell
went to Columbus to present a
remonstrance to the Legislature
against Van Vleet and Cameron, editors
of the Western Star,
and others on account of persecutions.
These persecutions grad-
ually died away, and in a few years
ceased altogether.
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 127
As there was some little
after-litigation on account of the
John Davis affair, and as at the time of
these troubles, the prose-
cutors had their say in the Western
Star, added to which there
was placed in circulation a book
derogatory to the Shakers,
it may be well here to note the facts as
they occurred.
The following is a narrative of William
Davis, a near relative
of the said John and Jonathan Davis:
"This is to certify that I,
William Davis, of the County of Warren,
and State of Ohio,
being one of the party included in the
deposition of John Davis
for committing a riot etc., on the
bodies of the said John Davis
and Jonathan Davis, which deposition
hath been published to the
world: in consequence of all being
indicted who were present
at the transaction, we have never had a
suitable opportunity to
open the matter as it really was. I now
feel it my duty to give
the public a statement of the facts
which were as follows:
Some time in the month of July 1817 my
youngest brother
Jonathan Davis ran away from the school
where my father Elijah
had placed him and went to the town of
Lebanon, to the said
John Davis, his cousin. My Father and I
went after the boy, but
John Davis, Eli Truitt, and others
forbade us to have anything
to do with the boy; stating that they
would protect him from
his father, to the shedding of the last
drop of their blood. -I
went several times, to see if by any
means I could get them
to give him up to his father; but to no
effect. My Father and
Mother went, but could effect nothing.
Some time after, John
Wallace was informed by a friend, where
John Davis and the
boy were at work, some distance from the
town. My father,
anxious to obtain the boy, and insisting
on having him brought
home, myself and four others went to the
place where they were
at work; I went forward and took my
brother by the arm and told
him he must go home with me; John Davis
rose up with a large
drawing-knife in his hand and told me if
I did not let him go,
he would cut off my arm; -at this time
John Wallace came
forward and said to John Davis, 'Be
civil we want nothing to do
with you;- we only wish to take Jonathan
to his father;'- the
said Davis then left me and turned to
Wallace with his knife
drawn, in a position to strike. At this
time, it is said, that Wallace
showed a spear to Davis and bade him
stand off. - I then took
128
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
the boy some distance, when John Davis
called to the boy and
said, 'You have got my hat.' We then
threw the hat back to
Davis. When we had gotten about 50 yards
with the boy, John
Davis passed us with the knife in one
hand and a club in the
other, stating that he would soon have
help, and take the boy from
us. After passing us a little, he turned
back and came to where
we were, and drew the knife as if to
strike; one of us then
stopped the knife with a stick--he drew
it again and it was
stopped in like manner, which ended the
attempts at striking.
We frequently requested him to withdraw
peaceably, for we
wanted nothing to do with him;
nevertheless he continued to
follow us for sixty or seventy rods,
threatening us with violence.
- He then returned to the town of
Lebanon, and made oath that
violence was committed by us and
obtained a warrant for us all;
which was executed without resistance. -
He also, on the same
day, collected a mob who came to take
the boy; -they sur-
rounded the house where the boy was,
with clubs, loaded whips
etc. -but the boy made his escape
through the midst of the
crowd, and went to the woods and
secreted himself from them. -
I do further testify, that we had no
intentions of injuring the
said John Davis, nor any other person or
persons;-our only
object was to bring the boy to his
father and mother. This I
am willing to testify to, when legally
called upon.
WILLIAM DAVIS."
MOB OF 1819.
On the 7th of August, while the Shakers
were quietly attend-
ing to their respective duties, suddenly
a mob of horsemen, from
about Middletown, between thirty and
forty in number, entered
the village from the North, passed the
Meeting-House, and
moved on swiftly, till they reached the
South House; where they
stopped, hitched their horses, and with
great agility entered the
yard, rushed to the door, but finding it
barred, commenced strik-
ing it with their feet, to burst it
open. There being none but
women in the house at their arrival, a
number of the Brethren
collected to see the cause of the
uproar, and their business was
demanded. The reply was that they had
heard that one Phoebe
Johnson, a member of the Society, wanted
to leave, but was forc-
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 129
ibly restrained. Miss Johnson, at that
time, was in the orchard,
and could have kept out of the way, but
refrained from so
doing. It was agreed that members of the
mob should con-
verse with her, conditioned however that
she should not be
abused in any manner whatsoever. The
young woman then
came to the opposite door and conversed
with them through
the window, and informed them that she
had no desire to leave
the Society, and if she had there was no
one to hinder her from
going whenever she chose; that she was
of lawful age to choose
and act for herself, and especially
would scorn to go in such com-
pany as those men assembled. They
persisted however, as if they
meant to force her away, surrounded the
house to prevent her
from escaping,and grew insolent and
daringly wicked with railing
and cursing. Attempts were made to enter the house, which
were successfully frustrated, and the
intruders were ordered off
the premises, but without effect. They
mocked at the mention
of the law, and answered every
suggestion of reason with curses.
In this manner they went on until late
in the afternoon, when
they withdrew after being convinced that
the lady had effected
her escape from the house.
On the Monday (August 9th) following,
early in the day,
the mob again appeared with a formidable
reinforcement of
horse and foot, amounting in all to
about two hundred. They
passed through the village in the same
manner as before, and
towards the same place, but with greater
fury and less appearance
of order or government. Their abuse was
perpetrated on all
such as they could sieze on the road
till they reached the South
House, where they hitched their horses
and then paraded towards
the gate, where they were met by the
Deacons, and by the author-
ity of the laws of the State, were
forbidden to enter the yard;
but with savage shrieks they leaped the
fence in swarms, bearing
down all who stood in their way. Calvin
Morrell was knocked
down and beaten almost to death, though
he had uttered no word
nor made any interruption. They rushed
on towards the house
-the Shakers standing in crowds to
obstruct the passage; but
with fists, clubs and loaded whips, the
mob forced its way to the
door which they commenced beating.
Captain Spencer, who had
some authority over the mob, now
commanded the rioters to
Vol. XI-9
130
Ohio Arch. and His. Society Publications.
desist; but on every side the outrage
continued, crying out in false
terms, and seeking every occasion to
vent their lawless fury with
hard blows on both men and women, for no
distinction was made.
Thus, in one continued uproar of
violence, they continued until
2 o'clock in the afternoon, when Squire Welton appeared, and
by the laws of the State commanded them
to disperse; that, if
there was any duty to be performed, it
belonged to the civil
officers; that only resistence to the
constituted authority could
the military be called out, etc. To this
some mocked, and others
stated the magistrate should be tarred
and feathered. However,
the civil authorities were strong enough
to disperse the mob.
This mob had been incited by the
"Western Star," published
at Lebanon, under the pretence of
liberating the children of David
and Anna Johnson, who had been with the
Shakers for thirteen
years, and that with the consent of the
parents. Their mother,
who had there deceased, a member of the
Society, left it as her
last and special request, that her
children might be brought up
under the care of the Shakers. The
father, who was not a mem-
ber had given his consent that they
should remain. Indeed he
appeared in the midst of the mob and
disapproved of their pro-
ceedings, but they heeded him not. The
Shakers did not prohibit
the mob from taking the children,
provided they could be found,
because their lawful protection was in
their father; and they
would not be justified in giving them
up, contrary to their own
feelings, and the will of both parents.
Some of the children fled
and hid themselves. Ithamar, who was
nearly of age, was over-
powered and dragged off to Lebanon and
there put under keepers,
under a pretence of a precept for debt;
but obtaining his dis-
mission, he returned home the next
morning. David, the father,
collected his children and encouraged
them to persevere, promis-
ing to protect them to the utmost of his
ability. The good offices
of the Shakers supplemented the efforts
of the father.
MOB OF 1824.
The last recorded acts of a mob I have
been able to find in
the Journal is that of September 7, 1824. It is
mentioned as fol-
lows: "This evening at 8 o'clock, a
small mob of about 16 men,
Mobbing the Shakers of Union
Village. 131
came to the East house with one Francis
Drake, to take away his
daughter, Harriet R. D., a young woman,
who did not choose
to go. After making some disturbance in
the family; the chh.
heard the alarm. The Brethren
immediately repaired thither and
took 10 of them prisoners without any
harsh means, and brought
them to the office - fed and lodged them
comfortably till morn-
ing.-Sept. 8. This morning we discharged
our prisoners, on
their giving us their 'Word and
honor!!' that they would do better
hereafter."
SOME SHAKER METHODS.
From the statements already made it may
be assumed that
the Shakers did not rest quietly under
persecutions. At times
they were compelled to take a bold
stand. The attitude of the
"Western Star" was so flagrant
and bitter towards the Shakers
as to cause hatred towards the Society
by the people of the vil-
lage of Lebanon. Just why this hostility
was displayed men-
tion is not given. In order to resent
the bitter course of the
denizens of Lebanon the Shakers employed
drastic measures.
Under date of June 15, 1818, the Journal
state that, "Elder Peter
(Pease?) and Nathan S. (Sharp) went to
Lebanon and settled
all accounts, intending to trade no more
with them at present,
in consequence of their inveterate
prejudice and persecuting
spirit." When trade was again
resumed the Journal does not
state. In all probability this condition
did not last long, for the
people of Lebanon could not afford to
suffer the stand thus taken,
and concluded to mend their manners.
For Sunday, August 5, 1829, the
following notice occurs:
"The execrable John Wallace dared
to come here today, and set
his feet within our Meeting House
door." Nothing more is
added. This is too frequently the case
throughout the entire
Journal. The Shakers had every reason to
feel resentment to-
wards John Wallace. My Mother, then a
girl of thirteen, was
present on the occasion above referred
to. I have often heard
her tell the story. On that day a large
crowd attended the Sha-
ker meeting. John Wallace entered and
quietly took a seat and
behaved with decorum. One of the Shakers
arose and said:
"The children of God cannot worship
so long as the devil was
in their midst," and then commanded
Wallace to leave the Sanc-