508 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications
It will not be disturbed by wars and
revolutions, but it will tower
sublime, while monarchies totter and
fall; it will stand majestic,
immutable, the American Republic. (Applause.)
ADDRESS OF THEODORE E. BURTON
Following the address of Colonel Cole,
President
Johnson said:
I wish I might possess some of this
inspiring oratory of the
last speaker in making these
introductions. However, my limi-
tations leave me only the power to say in
simple way that one of
the world's greatest statesmen, a man
full of years and honors,
who is today rendering the greatest
service of his career to his
state and his country, has left his busy
life in Washington that
he may come here to witness these unveilings
and make an ad-
dress. I shall introduce to you a man,
who, trite as the saying
may seem, needs no introduction,
nevertheless we will present
Honorable Theodore E. Burton, who will
address you on the
subject, "The World War and Its
Lessons." (Applause.)
When the last echoes of the generous
applause that
greeted Congressman Burton had died
away, he ad-
vanced to the speakers' stand and spoke
as follows:
It is most unfortunate that the faithful
labor of those who
organized for this occasion should be
marred by the inclement
weather. We cannot say that Winter is
lingering in the lap of
Spring, for Spring has not yet appeared
upon the scene. And
yet, let us not forget how much darker
were the skies, how much
more gloomy were the days when our
soldiers were battling
abroad. The dough-boys went down into
the trenches, slimy,
damp, and dark, not to protect
themselves against the elements,
but that they might not be slain by the
murderous shells of the
foe.
It is for us, by such memorials as this
and by the more sub-
stantial tributes of our gratitude and
affection, to remember those
who fought in the late war. Let not the
voice of the living or
the dead be able to say to us,
"Are we then so soon forgot?"
My friends, the late World War, from 19I4
to 1918, was the
most frightful conflict in the world's
history. Absorbed in the
busy whirl of the present, with its
excitements, we do not realize
Dedication of Ohio's World War
Memorial 509
its magnitude or importance. Maybe those
who come after us
will have a better grasp upon its significance. In that
awful con-
test more than ten million of the
bravest and best marched
through the dark valley of the shadow of
death to certain de-
struction, and deeply engraven on a
multitude of hearts are the
records of grief, rendering homes which
might otherwise be alive
with happiness and joy, abodes of
suffering and sorrow. The
number disabled by wounds or sickness
can scarcely be enumer-
ated. The material loss in that awful
contest was more than two
hundred and fifty billions of dollars.
The stored up savings of
the ages, more in amount than the
combined wealth of any four
of the leading countries originally
involved in the struggle, were
burnt up in the waste and destruction of
war. And yet, when
we contemplate the aftermath, the
spiritual and moral legacies
of hatred and vindictiveness may be more
disastrous than the
material damage.
What was America's part in this great
struggle? Nine years
ago today the declaration against the
rulers of Germany went
forth to the world. Then there was an
uprising such as no nation
has ever seen. By material assistance,
by sending two million
soldiers across the sea, and by the
readiness of many millions
more, America threw the weight of her
might into the contest,
sustaining those who were worn and
weary; and turned doubt
and defeat into victory. Whatever our
critics may say at home
or abroad, I shall always maintain that
our entrance into the war
was largely dictated by a spirit of
altruism and by a desire to
preserve liberty and free government.
Our nation's strength was
exerted for the supremacy of right over
might, for justice and
with a hope, -- a burning hope, -- that
the terrible struggle might
be the last and peace might follow.
Our participation in the war was not
unanticipated, and when
the tocsin of alarm sounded, millions of
soldiers were gathered
from far off Texas, from California,
from where roll the waters
of the Oregon, from across the mountains
and on to the plains,
and clear on to the Atlantic shore. We
saw the well-trained, well-
equipped soldier made out of the raw
recruit. We saw them say
farewell to kindred and friends, and go
down to the ocean side
to sail for the field of battle. They
were waving a last farewell
to us as they sailed forth, looking back
on their native land per-
haps for the last time.
"Sailing, sailing, over the
bounding sea," in danger from
the torpedo and the submarine, until
their eyes rested upon the
farther shore, a strange land indeed.
And when they landed in
France they needed no martial music, but
with strength and
brawn, with vigor and confidence, they
marched through the
510 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications
streets; and the population of Brest,
the women and children, for
the men had gone, climbed up to roofs and towers,
shouting, "The
Americans have come, the Americans have
come, to save France
and to save the world." And later,
in the awful clash of battle
were their efforts known, and American
soldiers never knew re-
treat. We have never engaged in a war
but what triumph rested
upon our banners. Such were the
achievements of the men who
fought on the land, in the air, and on
the sea, -- let not our tri-
umphs on the sea be forgotten. Let not
our tribute of mourning
and praise be withheld from those
carried not by tender hands
to the cemetery but lost in the deep. Of
them we may say:
The waves became their winding sheet,
The waters were their tomb;
But for their fame, the ocean sea
Was not sufficient room.
It is especially fitting that we should
gather here today in
the presence of the Governor, who has
spoken, and of Colonel
Cole, and General Hough, who will
address you. Around us is
a throng of young men who took part in
the struggle. Here also
are the women who did their part as
nurses and otherwise, min-
istering to the wants of the wounded and
dying. And I see all
around me that throng of those who, at
home, with the deepest
anxiety but with devotion to the cause,
saw their kindred and
friends go forth to be, if necessary, a
sacrifice on the altar of
patriotism.
What was Ohio's part in this great
contest? For country
and for the rule of justice the state of
Ohio between the declara-
tion, April 6, 1917, and the Armistice,
November 11, 1918, con-
tributed two hundred and two thousand
enlisted men, beside some
eleven or twelve thousand officers, --
two hundred thirteen or
fourteen thousand engaged directly in
the service, to which must
be added the very considerable number of
those who enlisted as
marines, in the navy, and in the regular
army. Ohio, as in all
great crises of the past, responded to
the call.
There was the 27th Division recruited
from Ohio, which did
service in the Argonne and St. Mihiel
and other bloody battlefields
of France. There was the 83rd and part
of the 84th which also
fought bravely. Then there was the 166th
Regiment, represented,
I believe, by General Hough, which
performed most notable
service; and although some are wont to
look with despite upon
that humble class, I cannot help but
recall the 9th Battalion,
made up of the descendants of freedmen,
who fought so well. I
would mention also the 332nd Regiment,
part, I believe, of the
83rd Division. That was the only
regiment which went to Italy,
Dedication of Ohio's World War
Memorial 511
and following examples that have been
given in duplication and
multiplication, they moved from sector to sector, and
conveyed the
impression that a large share of the
American Army was there.
Although there were only 3600, they
rendered a most efficient
service.
You who fought in the war, you who took
part as men and
women, occupy a unique position.
Napoleon marched over the
Alps to the plains of Italy, and when he
sought to inspire his
troops, he gave an address in which he
said, "When you are old
and feeble, the young and the beautiful
will point to you and say,
'There goes one who served in the Army
of Italy.' " How much
more appropriately can the young and
beautiful of the future
point to you who in the time of your
country's perils, risked your
lives in the great World War from 1914 to 1918.
Now you have duties as citizens, and if
you fought for your
country in time of war, you must be
ready to serve it and strive
for it in time of peace. I wish I had
time to give some of those
injunctions which one long in public
life could give to a young
citizen. I shall mention only a few.
Bear in mind the perils which confront
your country in these
piping days of peace, -- the excitement,
the hysteria, the super-
ficial grasp on public questions,
participation in things which thrill.
Though I do not wish to be regarded as
unusually conservative,
I think sometimes it would be better if
invention would cease now
with its last great product, perhaps the
radio, and we should
utilize those which we have, before
seeking other inventions which
may turn us aside from the more sober
and deliberate duties of
life.
I would say to you, you should have some
part in trying to
stay the extraordinary wave of crime
which has overspread the
country. Some say it is due to the war.
I do not think so. There
is always a degree of restlessness after
a war, but in several of
the countries which participated, crime
has since very much di-
minished. It is due in far larger
measure to the lax administra-
tion of justice, and to the efforts of
the flimsy sentimentalist, who
weeps for the guilty criminal, but has
no tears for his victim who
lies buried in the cemetery.
And again, as to the quality of our
citizens, I would say a
word to you. Let us not have any
Bolshevists or Communists in
this country. There is one country
across the sea that is ruled
by them, and there is a large sprinkling
in others. They are ob-
taining a foothold in China and, I fear,
in Mexico. Let us say
to those who wish to establish here a
Bolshevik or a Communist
regime, -- "The ocean lies there,
broad and open. You cannot
sail away too soon."
512 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications
Now what are the lessons of the World
War? When we
survey its events we cannot be
altogether satisfied with its results.
There is still antagonism, and hatred,
and militarism among the
nations of Europe. Most fortunately we
have been free from
the accumulated antagonisms of
centuries. We had no deep-
seated animosity to the German people,
but we knew that there
was an element in control led by a
Kaiser who believed in the
mailed fist and the rattling sabre.
There was a worship of brutal
force, which was a constant threat to
the peace of the world.
But as far as the East is from the West,
so far were we removed
from any spirit of revenge.
In a spirit of amity and with
willingness to forget, we should
construct our policy for the future. But first, let us
note a few
practical considerations. I have a certain admiration
for those
who would outlaw war. That is the goal to which we
should
all bend our efforts. That is the millennium of the
future, but
until there is some substitute for war we cannot do
away with it.
Disarmament, except in a limited degree,
is perilous unless there
is assurance of security. We do not have for our young
men
the compulsory military training in vogue in most of
the nations
of Europe, because it is contrary to our
ideals and we do not
feel that any necessity exists for it.
We are fortunate in our
isolation, and across the border no armed forces
threaten our
tranquility; but to say that we can
never be in any danger is
most hazardous. Preparedness is necessary, and military
train-
ing, voluntary and even compulsory in
colleges receiving support
from the government, is most desirable.
In his first Annual Message, January 8,
1790, President
Washington said, "To be prepared
for war is one of the most
effectual means of preserving peace. A
free people ought not
only to be armed but disciplined",
and in the responsive address,
-- in those days when the Senate and the
House sent an address
in response, they said, "We are
persuaded that one of the most
effectual means of preserving peace is
to be prepared for war."
Some twenty years later, President
Madison, the scholar of the
formative period of our country, said,
"Nor can the occasion fail
to remind you of the importance of those
training seminaries",
that is, training schools. We may pass
by the more militant ex-
pressions of President Roosevelt and of
those men in the mili-
tary service and elsewhere who are
constantly conjuring up danger
of war with Japan and other countries.
But until a new order is
established in the world, our country
with its vast resources must
not be left defenseless.
Every good citizen should be ready to
respond with his
substance, his service, and even with
his life if his country is in
Dedication of Ohio's World War
Memorial 513
danger. That is the condition under
which we enjoy the political
society of this wonderful country of ours. Indeed I
would go
further. I think it extremely desirable
that legislation should be
enacted, such as that proposed by the
American Legion, and which
I had the honor to suggest in a keynote
speech in 1924, under
which, in time of war, all forces,
economic as well as man power,
be mobilized for defense. When the
nation is in peril there should
be room neither for the slacker nor the
profiteer.
But if practical considerations dictate
preparedness, surely
our general policy should be one which
looks to lasting peace.
If there is one universal desire among
the more humane and
enlightened, it is for peace. Moral and
intellectual forces have
been aroused as never before over the
horrible sufferings of the
late war, and the threat that another
combat would be even more
terribly destructive than the last. Such
a combat might even
destroy the most precious achievements
of civilization. It is well
to begin with that quality of restraint
which makes for good-will
in our domestic affairs, as in the
relations between employer and
employee, between whom there is frequent
conflict to the equal
injury of each and in the avoidance of
sectional strife. In olden
days when state was arrayed against
state, repulsion was the
dominant spirit, and in a lesser degree
this feeling still survives.
Let us consider a present day
illustration, -- the bitter recrimina-
tions between the advocates of
prohibition and its opponents.
Let there be no bandying of epithets but
a calm and dispassionate
weighing of arguments pro and con,
never forgetting that our
chief duty is to respect the established
law of the land. If we
maintain among ourselves an attitude of
composure and self-
possession rather than one of acrimony,
our influence abroad will
be greatly strengthened.
What are some of the discouragements
which face those who
seek for better relations between
nations? In the first place there
are some who believe that war is the
natural condition of man-
kind; that contests, bloody contests,
are inevitable; even more, --
that the field of battle is essential
for the maintenance of profi-
ciency, discipline and courage; and that
war is a part of the life
of the country the same as any of the
other various activities of
society. With that I cannot agree, and I
believe their number
is diminishing. There are myriads,
countless myriads of those who
have fought, who have seen bloodshed,
who have gone through
the hardships of war on the
battlefields. Leave it to them. Do
they desire another war? Leave it to the
women and children.
Do they wish war? Leave it to the
humanitarians. Leave it to
the Christian church; -- and I wish to
impress the responsibility
of the Christian church in this regard.
Devotion to the ideals
Vol. XXXV -- 33.
514 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications
of the Master would put an end to wars.
You all remember the
story of Mary and Martha and Lazarus; just like many a
home
in Ohio; two maiden sisters and a brother. One day
Lazarus
sickened and died, and while the
mourners were coming to com-
fort Mary and Martha, the Master came,
and Mary said to him,
"Master, if Thou hadst been here my
brother would not have
died." As one looks over that broad
expanse stretching as it does
from morning till evening, with the
crosses, the government monu-
ments, the battlefields and cemeteries
in France where hundreds
of thousands lie buried, can we not say,
"If Thou hadst been
here, these myriads would not have
died"?
Then there is an exaggerated and selfish
nationalism in the
way of peace. As the different portions
of the earth come more
and more into contact, there arises a
pride in race which pro-
motes unreasonable claims under the
guise of a false patriotism,
and which demands that each country take
a more aggressive
position. Then the people of each nation
begin to think that they
have all the knowledge and all the good
things of this world, and
national pride is exaggerated. Different
races as well as differ-
ent people have different capabilities.
One person may be a great
orator and another a great musician, and
all cumbine in making
up society. We must realize that peoples with a
different genius
from ours are entitled to our respect.
There is another obstacle in the way of
peace, and it is
serious, -- the coming to the front of
other races. I regret to
say that in my time there has been an
increase of race repulsion.
True, we have indulged in a sentimental
liking for many peoples.
When we have seen them at a distance we
have not only been tol-
erant but appreciative of their virtues.
But when we come in
closer touch we recognize a lack of
entire congeniality. We per-
ceive that they have different ambitions
and different ideals. We
thought when we considered the nations
of Asia that they were
of little political importance, and we
had the idea that we would
be dominant for all time; but we find
that they resent this atti-
tude, and are beginning to say among
themselves, "The ravages
of war have so impaired the strength of
the white race that maybe
the time will come when we will put the
Caucasian to bed."
Then, beyond all this, are the
deeply-rooted feelings and an-
tagonisms which have grown out of this
recent war, and the recol-
lection of former wrongs. These can be
dissipated only by the
lapse of many years, for only time,
patience, and a disposition
to smooth away asperities can cure the
hatreds which have devel-
oped. These hatreds are heightened by
new alignments and boun-
daries, the permanence of which I
question. The forces of civili-
Dedication of Ohio's World War
Memorial 515
zation are not static. They do not keep
nations in the same con-
dition.
New boundaries were created in the
treaties after the war in
which nations of superior civilization
were put under inferior;
burdens unduly harsh were imposed upon
the vanquished. New
countries without experience in
government were sent forth as it
were upon uncharted seas without a
compass. We love the idea
of popular government and democracy, but
I must candidly say
I doubt whether it is a panacea for all
conditions. The motto,
"Make the world safe for
democracy" really means in some situ-
ations, "Make the world safe for
stupidity", -- make the world
safe for that which tends downwards
rather than upward.
I have dwelt on the factors which make
for war, for its con-
tinuance, and for its unnatural
miseries. Now, what are the
methods to prevent war? First of all, it
is desirable to have a
great, august court for the whole world,
to which all nations,
weak and small as well as great, may
submit their differences, just
as individuals and states of this Union
submit their controversies
to the Supreme Court of the United
States, which is a proper
model; and where, in the splendid
language of Chief Justice
Marshall a hundred years ago,
"Russia and Geneva shall be re-
ceived with equal consideration".
It is the aim of those who ad-
vocate this idea that international law
shall be rescued from
vagueness and uncertainty; that new
principles be established, and
that there be the same method of
settlement between nations as
between individuals.
But there is a more immediate means to
promote peace and
that is by education, -- education which
teaches that the world
is becoming one great commercial
republic and that there is a
community of interest, the importance of
which increases with
the years. In that education the first
and foremost need is to
build up an international mind and a
rational public opinion. On
that subject one of our great statesmen,
Senator Root, has said,
"There is but one power on earth
that can preserve the law for
the protection of the poor, the weak and
the humble; there is but
one power on earth that can preserve the
law for the maintenance
of civilization and humanity, and that
is the power, the mighty
power of the public opinion of mankind.
More than the sheriff,
more than the constable, more than the
state's prison, is the citi-
zen's fear of the condemnation of the
community in which he
lives, and in international affairs the
respective countries fear
more than anything else the condemnation
of the rest of the
world." Germany sincerely thought
that she had the greatest
military organization the world had ever
seen, and she had. Why
was it she did not succeed? It was
because the public judgment
516 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications
and the public opinion of America was
against her and her ruth-
less methods that she met defeat. Our own President
Coolidge
has said on this subject, "World peace, a world
affair, stands or
falls by world opinion. If we are to
have world peace, we must
have the necessary world opinion to
support it."
In movements for peace, what country has
the opportunity
which our own possesses? We are the
mightiest in resources; we
are greatest in potential military
force; we have in a very excep-
tional degree the confidence of all. Let
our part be that of jus-
tice, with a spirit of fairness to all,
and with a realization that in
foreign relations, as between
individuals, neither can have his
own way, but that concession and a
spirit of amity are necessary
in order that nations may live in peace.
At present there is some
little friction in regard to debts to
the United States. Foreigners
are saying very generally, "Uncle
Samuel ought not to insist on
payment of the debts." I think all
due leniency should be exer-
cised, though the sacredness of
financial obligations between coun-
tries should be preserved. We ought to
treat Italy and France
and all the rest with forbearance and
good-will. I sincerely hope
that the proposed debt settlement with
Italy approved by the Debt
Commission and the President will be
confirmed by the Congress
in a few days. Let us bear in mind that
these debts were largely
for supplies sent from our own country
when prices were very
high; and let us bear in mind also that
these loans were made in
time of war for the carrying on of war,
-- largely for the work
of destruction, and not for any
productive enterprise which would
yield a return.
Let us, by example, show that we are
fair. We have stood
as a friend to all; we are ready with
our good offices to prevent
quarrels. Let us feel that our glory is
not so much in battles
won as in wars prevented. We have
extended aid by the hun-
dreds of millions of dollars, and the
kindness with which it has
been done is more than the money. We
have been deeply moved
by the suffering of Europe and of all
countries. We have fed the
hungry and starving, we have furnished
shelter for the homeless.
We have given succor to the sick and the
dying, we have lifted
up the heads of the broken-hearted; and
in this as much as in
military achievement rests the glory of
the American name.
It should be our most earnest hope that
our country may not
be guided by those motives of
imperialism and selfishness which
have dominated so many other lands, --
that our policy should
not be one of greed. Thus the prophecy
may be fulfilled that
"westward the star of empire takes
its way" and that this great
experiment in government shall be the
best.
My friends, let me say in closing, this
memorial will endure,
Dedication of Ohio's World War
Memorial 517
as we trust, for centuries to come. How
massive are these pillars
and foundation stones. Here we see the
beauty of the sculptor's
art, a monument to the skill of the
architect. And as these pillars
stand out in the darkness and the light,
each pillar may seem to
say to the mortal passing by, "When
you are dead and gone I
shall remain, for I speak for that which
is eternal. Here we will
stand, mightier in strength than the
fabled Atlas bearing the
round globe upon his shoulders, with no
muscles to grow weary
and with no heart to faint." And
yet, when this building
crumbles, as in the ages to come it
must, that which this build-
ing commemorates will be immortal, for
it is the symbol of an
event and of an idea. That event was the
world's colossal
struggle, in which the sons and
daughters of Ohio, with abun-
dant heroism and sacrifice, bore a
splendid part; and that idea
was liberty, humanity, the everlasting
triumph of truth and
justice, the might of our own United
States.
Mr. Burton spoke most effectively. His
established
fame as an eminent Ohio statesman, his
position on
the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the
National House
of Representatives, his membership on
the World War
Foreign Debt Commission and the
Executive Committee
of the American group of
Inter-Parliamentary Union
and his chairmanship of the U. S.
Delegation of the
1925 Geneva Conference for Control of
International
Traffic in Arms peculiarly qualified
him to speak on
"The World War and Its
Lessons." The audience with
rapt attention caught every word of his
noble address.
At a few points the tense silence was
broken by applause
and at the conclusion of the peroration
the audience
arose and manifested its enthusiastic
approval by long-
continued applause. A number of persons
present who
had frequently listened to Mr. Burton
on other occasions
declared that they had never before
heard him speak so
impressively. His address will long be
cherished as a
classic of patriotic oratory.