Ohio History Journal




Romance Rides the Circuit

Romance Rides the Circuit

 

By PAUL H. BOASE*

 

 

 

Romantic love--unpredictable, capricious, and mercurial at its

best--survived precariously for the mounted Methodist parson on

the American frontier. His salary, when paid, provided scarcely a

living wage for one person, limiting his bride's prospective dowry

to little more than a horse, saddle bags, and blanket. His eccle-

siastical superior often cast an unfriendly, even malignant eye to-

ward his romantic endeavors. His parish often embraced a vast un-

charted forest with a congregation of backwoodsmen scattered over

half a state, and unless his wife was willing to ride the circuit too,

they might share common quarters only a few days each month.

Freighted thus with marital encumbrances, this twice-born pioneer

preacher furnished a poor target for amorous darts from the god

of love. Indeed, so great were the hazards of romance for the

Methodist itinerant that the first four bishops and most of the early

circuit riders experienced the hilarity of a frontier wedding only in

their performance of the ceremony. More intimate involvement in

the rite usually stripped the victim of his status as a traveling parson.

These celibate horsemen, however, did not despise the estate.

An eminent Ohio divine solemnly warned the males in his congre-

gation "that no old bachelors would get to heaven except those that

were in the ministry."1 Some of his colleagues excepted neither the

layman nor the priest, hoping thereby to enjoy earthly as well as

eternal bliss. Like George Callahan, the first circuit rider to preach

in Ohio,2 they "felt the marriage fever," and "caught by the charm"

* Paul H. Boase is an associate professor of speech at Oberlin College. A pre-

vious article of his, "Slavery and the Ohio Circuit Rider," was published in the

April 1955 Quarterly, pages 195-205.

1 James Mitchell to Samuel W. Williams, June 5, 1850. Williams Manuscript

Collection, Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio.

2 Samuel W. Williams, Pictures of Early Methodism in Ohio (Cincinnati, 1909),

36-38.



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bid the "circuit farewell for ever."3 During the first thirty years of

American Methodism about one half of those in the itinerant ranks

forfeited their circuits for brides,4 few being able to emulate the

example of the eloquent Ohioan John P. Durbin, later president of

Dickinson College and pastor of Union and Trinity churches in

Philadelphia.5 Using Job for a guide, Durbin primly observed, "I

made a covenant with mine eyes; why then should I think upon a

maid?"6 William Winans of the Miami Circuit in Ohio, some years

after a leader of the Methodist Church South,7 found it impossible

to limit his thoughts to just one. The Western Conference of 1809

ordered bachelor Bishop McKendree to "give him a severe repri-

mand for his . . . making proposals of marriage to the Sisters &

his general familiarity with the fair."8

The church set a rigid, chaste pattern for matters romantic,

cautioning its traveling preachers to "avoid all lightness, jesting, and

foolish talking" and further fortified its interdictions by invoking

the Biblical injunction to "converse sparingly, and conduct your-

selves prudently with women."9 An unwritten rule, canonized in

some conferences,10 "inexorable as death" prohibited marriage dur-

ing the four-year probationary period. In 1809 the Virginia Con-

ference of eighty-four ministers contained only three who were

married.11 Itinerant preachers "were not exactly obliged to take the

Popish vow of celibacy," wrote Ohio's most famous circuiteer, James

3 Methodist Magazine, XI (1828), 191.

4 Nathan Bangs, A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church (New York, 1839),

II, 421-454.

5 John A. Roche, The Life of John Price Durbin (New York, 1893), 98-108,

141-154.

6 Williams, Pictures of Early Methodism, 250-251.

7 See the Report of Debates in the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal

Church . . . 1844 (New York, 1844), 87-90, for Winans' part in the discussion

on slavery.

8 Manuscript journal of the Western Conference, September 1809. Ohio Wesleyan

University, Delaware, Ohio.

9 The Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church (New York,

1832), 34. Cited below as Discipline.

10 Journal of the Indiana Conference, October 1841, in W. W. Sweet, Circuit

Rider Days in Indiana (Indianapolis, 1916), 258.

11 Joseph Tarkington, Autobiography (Cincinnati, 1899), 27. "The high taste of

these southern folks," wrote Asbury, "will not permit their families to be degraded

by an alliance with a Methodist travelling preacher . . .; all the better--care and

anxiety about worldly possessions do not stop us in our course." Francis Asbury,

The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury (New York, 1821), III, 257.



ROMANCE RIDES THE CIRCUIT 169

ROMANCE RIDES THE CIRCUIT             169

 

B. Finley, "but it almost amounted to the same thing;...if a preacher

married he was looked upon almost as a heretic who had denied the

faith."12 John L. DeSellem of Columbiana, Ohio, experienced this

heartless ecclesiastical ostracism when he married after traveling

only eighteen months. "My name," he wrote bitterly in his manu-

script autobiography, was dropped "from the Traviling List for no

Crim[e] but that of marrying a lawfull wife." His request for

redress and explanation perished amidst the taunts of his former

colleagues who contemptuously hurled "a Slur at the married boy

Saying you married too soon[.] Another[,] ah you backed out did

you[,] & such like Reflections[;] hoever [sic] I went to my old

business namely working & preaching."13 Lucien Berry, the second

president of Indiana Asbury University, now DePauw University,

suffered a similar fate at the hands of the Ohio Conference in

1835.14

Ten to twenty years later Buckeye Methodists were still firing

their embryonic theologs for the sole reason that they married be-

fore completing their probation.15 In 1845 an Ohio itinerant noted

sadly in his journal that two "young brethren who had traveled

one year were discontinued, one for marrying too soon & with-

out consultation--one for imprudent conduct with respect to

marriage."16 Elnathan C. Gavitt, a probationer in 1830, recalled

nostalgically fifty years later that he did not dare to "squint" at

the delightfully attractive frontier belles on his circuit in Monroe,

Michigan.17

The first bishop, Francis Asbury, himself a bachelor, and the one

largely responsible for the church's ascetic program adamantly de-

clared: "When men enter their probation, they have ministerial

characters to form.... Prudence says, that they ought to form that

character, and exhibit those talents, before they take that important

 

12James B. Finley, Sketches of Western Methodism (Cincinnati, 1855), 180-181.

13 DeSellem manuscript autobiography. Nessly-DeSellem Collection, Ohio Historical

Society.

14 Journal of James Gilruth in W. W. Sweet, Religion on the American Frontier,

1783-1840, Volume IV, The Methodists (Chicago, 1946), 456-457.

15 Finley, Sketches, 181.

16 Manuscript journal of Uriah Heath. Ohio Historical Society.

17 Elnathan C. Gavitt, Crumbs from My Saddle Bags (Toledo, 1884), 172.



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step."18 Attempting to explain his own celibacy, Asbury laid the

blame on the Revolutionary War, his inability "to find a woman

with grace enough to enable her to live but one week out of the

fifty-two with her husband," his poverty, and his obligation to

support his mother. "If I have done wrong," he wrote in his Journal,

"I hope God and the sex will forgive me."19

Married men applying for admission faced almost insuperable

barriers, and James B. Finley, one of the few family men accepted

as an itinerant, observed proudly that "only one or two had courage

and endurance enough to travel when married."20 Alfred Brunson,

a married veteran of the War of 1812, repeatedly sought admission

to the Ohio Conference only to be rejected on the assumption that

the circuits of northern Ohio were too poor to support a married

man.21 Though Brunson finally won his parchments, his wife un-

questionably received the same tactless treatment accorded Mrs.

William Fee on the Guyandotte, Virginia, Circuit in 1847. An of-

ficious "sister" bluntly informed the young bride that "they had no

use for preacher's wives, and that preachers had no business to

get married. Mrs. Fee bore this insult in silence," wrote her husband,

"as she has borne all the trials of an itinerant life."22 Petitions like

the one from Irville, Ohio, in 1845--"Could we be favored with

a pious single man"23--echoed monotonously in conferences along

the frontier, while the eccentric Jacob Gruber implored divine in-

tervention to prevent "boys getting married to the first girl silly

enough to have them. What will become of us? Many a circuit,

not able to support one preacher, must take two married men; and

the younger is the most particular about his and his lady's support

and accommodation."24

At the conclusion of the trial period the church reluctantly granted

the circuit rider permission to seek a helpmeet, if the courtship was

18 John F. Wright, Sketches of the Life and Labors of James Quinn (Cincinnati,

1851), 77-78.

19 Asbury, Journal, III, 128.

20 Finley, Sketches, 181.

21 Alfred Brunson, A Western Pioneer (Cincinnati, 1880), I, 170.

22 William I. Fee, Bringing the Sheaves (Cincinnati, 1896), 215.

23 C. W. Rutgers to James B. Finley, August 18, 1845. Finley Papers, Ohio

Wesleyan University.

24 Jacob Gruber to James B. Finley, May 10, 1844, in Western Christian Advocate

(Cincinnati), November 20, 1850.



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ROMANCE RIDES THE CIRCUIT           171

 

conducted according to specified rules on the highest ethical plane.

Approval by the girl's parents was mandatory. The luxury of an

elopement, sanctioned for the ordinary Methodist, was specifically

denied for the minister. Before asking the timeless question, the

prospective bridegroom was also expected to consult his brethren,

particularly his presiding elder.25 Michigan pioneer James Gilruth

recognized the hazards of this marriage counseling arrangement for

both the advisor and the advisee, but he endeavored to carry out its

provisions tactfully. Writing in the early nineteenth century to his

former Ohio colleague James B. Finley, he detailed the conjugal

fortunes and romantic vicissitudes of his Michigan preachers, whom

he described as "not deficient in the matrimonial spirit--Colelager

& Whitney have each taken a wife, & Pilcher is expected to--

Elliott was on the point of so doing; but another gained his fair

one--I have cautioned & reasoned on this subject as far as I felt

was becoming me. But man is man: & young men will have wives

& young women will have husbands so that I am on the point of

saying I will not meddle myself on this subject."26

A meddler from Piqua, Ohio, found little cause for rejoicing at

the marriage of his preacher, Richard Brandriff. Six days after the

wedding he fired off a letter to one of the bridegroom's colleagues,

the Rev. George Maley of Columbus, charging that "Brandriff has

diddled it in marrying an unconverted girl, she is no more fit to

support under the trials incident to a Methodist preacher's wife

than I am to be President of the United States of America. Pray

for us George, we have been in the dark for a long time."27 Happily,

Brandriff's presiding elder took a less lugubrious view of the nup-

tials. The bride, he opined optimistically in a letter to Maley, ap-

pears "to be a sincere Seeker. I think she will do well. She is well

calculated to travel and go into all kinds of Company. If she gets

religion she will be a helper."28 Mrs. Brandriff apparently got the

right type of religion, having been prior to her marriage a Pres-

 

25 Discipline, 1832 ed., 88, 34-35. See Tarkington, Autobiography, 28.

26 James Gilruth to James B. Finley, May 19, 1833. Finley Papers, Ohio Wesleyan

University.

27 B. M. Mitchel to George W. Maley, October 12, 1825. Maley Correspondence,

Ohio Wesleyan University.

28 Russel Bigelow to George W. Maley, January 17, 1826. Maley Correspondence,

Ohio Wesleyan University.



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byterian, and when she died sixty-two years later in 1887, an official

Methodist publication glowingly described her "deep, mature Chris-

tian experience," and praised her conduct as a minister's wife. This

happy couple, parents of eight children, came within thirteen days

of fulfilling the prayer of the minister officiating at their wedding,

who asked that they "might live to a good old age, and die

together."29

Harvey Sweney, a circuit rider still on trial,30 hoped to avoid any

such gossip as accompanied the Brandriff marriage. Writing from

his home in Piketown, Ohio, to his presiding elder, he set forth

four good reasons, though probably not the real ones, why he had

"come to the conclusion to chang[e] my state in life from a single

.... to a double one." Nowhere does he mention his prospective

wife, nor any overpowering emotional attachment. The condition of

his clothes, he argued, scattered from house to house convinced him

that marriage would enable him to "be more useful and live better."

His second motive, that "it will free me from some temptations

that I am at present exposed to," sounded more plausible than his

feigned distaste for "some females [who] are so foolish about yong

preachers they are allways throwing themselves in thare way." These

feminine advances, he insisted, "frequently embarises me for I doe

not like it." Moreover, the young circuit rider implied, his colleagues

advised him to marry, and he had "maid it a matter of prayer and

series thought for I want to act prudent in the matter." His pious,

concluding clincher, expressing his "sole aim . . . to do good and

gett to heaven,"31 apparently fell on unsympathetic ears. Pastor

Sweney's name mysteriously disappeared from the Ohio Conference

Minutes the following year.32

Sweney was hardly unique in picturing marriage as a coldly cal-

culated, practical arrangement devoid of any passion. Their piety

and natural suspicion of worldly pleasure often rendered the letters

of the circuit riders on marriage, masterpieces of dissimulation.

29 Minutes of the Cincinnati Conference (Cincinnati, 1887), 128-129.

30 Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church for the

Years 1829-1839 (New York, 1840), II, 354, 419. Cited below as Minutes.

31 Harvey Sweney to James B. Finley, December 8, 1836. Finley Papers, Ohio

Wesleyan University.

32 Minutes, II (1837), 497-500.



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ROMANCE RIDES THE CIRCUIT          173

Even during the honeymoon there hovered the fear expressed by

Shakespeare that "these violent delights have violent ends." Thus,

William Simmons guarded his expression of pleasure to his friend

Samuel Williams: "You will pardon me if I say the day glides

Sweetly oer our heads made up of innocence and love--in a word

I feel as if I was a member of Social Society. I think I rejoice with

trembling, remembering that each pleasure hath its poison to[o]

and every Sweet a Snare."33

The highly mobile nature of circuit life likewise rendered court-

ship an extremely precarious exercise for both sexes. If a lovely pros-

pect were sighted in one community, the necessity for the male

suitor to fulfill appointments on his circuitous route might make

further contact impossible for a month or perhaps a year. And

with the rapid exchange of ministers a good potential preacher's

wife might appear tempting to several itinerants almost simultan-

eously. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that one presiding elder

met three preachers in one day, each declaring his love for, and

God's approval of, his marriage to the same frontier lass. The

elderly church officer understandably concluded that someone had

misunderstood the Lord's message, and consigned the attractive

young miss to the circuit rider with the swiftest steed.34

Henry E. Pilcher, on completing his probation in 1832,35 hoped to

avoid such complications by employing the highly explosive Miles

Standish-John Alden plan. On a trip through Hillsboro, Ohio, he

espied a young lady possessing "real merit & the necessary quali-

fications for a Methodist preach[er's wife]." His prospect, the

sixteen-year-old daughter of Ohio's former Governor Allen Trimble,

was indeed an alluring choice. The best approach, thought Pilcher,

was through her pastor, George Maley, so the young circuit rider

wrote immediately, but begged his friend to "keep dark" from the

other traveling preachers his romantic endeavor. "Dont by any

means betray me as you know how my standing is[.] Everybodys

eye fixed on me, & a little step aside would be looked at with more

 

33 William Simmons to Samuel W. Williams, October 12, 1827. William Simmons

Collection, Ohio Historical Society.

34 Tarkington, Autobiography, 31-32.

35 Minutes, II (1832), 123.



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criminality than any body els all most." Exhibiting the usual con-

fusion of the timid male, Pilcher confessed his suppressed desire

to make his "pretentions known to her, but feel somewhat delicate

on the subject. I have no convenient opportunity. As I feel willing-

ness to confide in you, I thought I would ask the favour of you to

recommend me to the young Lady & asertain what the prospect

would be."

In his eloquent exhortation to the intermediary to apply every

persuasive trick, Pilcher proudly displayed his qualifications as a

husband. Free from debt and entangling female alliances, he

reckoned his pecuniary fortunes at from sixty to one hundred dol-

lars, and his "past" romantic ventures at zero, at least since donning

the cloth. In a final burst of specific instructions, amidst profuse

expressions of gratitude, the young itinerant vowed to "seek her

happiness" as "the zenith of my ambition"; and indicating his will-

ingness to call on Miss Trimble if there seemed to be any hope for

success, he closed his letter "in suspens till I hear from you."36 This

romance, so carefully nourished, however, failed to bear fruit. Five

years later Eliza Jane Trimble married a young attorney, James

Henry Thompson, and in 1873, familiarly known as Mother

Thompson, she led the celebrated temperance crusade in Hillsboro,

the inspiration for the W.C.T.U., formed the following year in

Cleveland.37

Pilcher's failure to win the heart of Eliza Jane Trimble was not

necessarily typical of the circuit preacher's romantic fortunes, and

in spite of the hardships of itinerant life, frontier lasses were often

eager to catch a preacher. When an unmarried parson stopped at a

cabin, often selected because of the eligible lovelies within, the

oldest daughter was on her best behavior.38 An exchange of letters

between Polly Dana, later the wife of Mighill Dustin, popular

Ohio circuit rider, and Eliza Reed, her love-sick chum, reveal how

desperately Eliza wanted a husband, how she envied the engaged

 

36 Henry E. Pilcher to George W. Maley, May 18, 1832. Maley Correspondence,

Ohio Wesleyan University.

37 Violet Morgan, Folklore of Highland County (Greenfield, Ohio, 1946), 89-93.

See also the Autobiography and Correspondence of Allen Trimble (Columbus, 1909),

79, 239.

38 Tarkington, Autobiography, 34-35.



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ROMANCE RIDES THE CIRCUIT           175

 

Polly and others who had ensnared a preacher.39 The eagerness of

the young ladies, their mothers, and the village gossips often

rendered the single state of their pastor untenable, and when the

itinerant exhibited common politeness to more than one female he

risked the danger of a church trial for breach of promise.40 Of

course, both sexes could play this game, and in 1809 the White

Oak, Ohio, Circuit tried Jean Wood "for a breach of a Matrimon[i]al

Contract with Thomas Sutton," but apparently not enough witnesses

heard the proposal to "criminate Sister Wood."41

Circuit rider James Parcels was not so fortunate in his breach of

promise trial, since he did his romancing via the mails. Haled be-

fore a church court and confronted with his billets-doux, he was

found guilty and expelled from the itinerancy.42 Both he and James

Morris would have profited by reading a "Letter to a Junior

Preacher" carried by the 1824 Methodist Magazine, advising those

considering marriage to "fix on a suitable person and have done with

it. Do not pay your addresses to half a dozen or more at once.

Never thus trifle with their affections and your own."43 The con-

ference at Zanesville, Ohio, heard Morris charged with "unchristian

conduct" in "prematurely entering into a marriage contract," and

"hastily breaking off the same--and too hastily forming and con-

summating a marriage contract with another." Only Morris'

humility, expressions of regret, and resignation to the will of the

conference saved him from expulsion.44

Perhaps the most celebrated case of a broken troth involved

Wesley Rowe and Cornelia Andrews. In 1830 the twenty-one-year-

old Rowe married Cynthia A. Kious, and four years later, in spite

of this encumbrance, joined the Ohio circuit ranks, serving ac-

ceptably until 1844. The year previous, his wife, mother of four

children, died,45 and the widower, preaching in Portsmouth, Ohio,

soon began a search for a suitable companion and guardian for his

 

39 Dana-Dustin Collection, Ohio Historical Society.

40 Tarkington, Autobiography, 30.

41 Manuscript record of the White Oak, Ohio, Circuit. Williams Manuscript Col-

lection, Ohio Historical Society.

42 Manuscripts of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Ohio, Ohio Historical Society.

43 Methodist Magazine, VII (1824), 114.

44 Manuscripts of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Ohio, Ohio Historical Society.

45 Minutes, IX (1862), 185.



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orphans. Engaging in a highly dangerous operation, he carried his

list of prospects to Amanda Purcell, one of the church sisters, seek-

ing her opinion of each matrimonial candidate. Wilhelmina Jeffer-

son passed the test for Mrs. Purcell, but the anxious bridegroom

complained of her as "too old, that she had been crossed in love

too often," and "that she had not religion enough for her and him

both." Mrs. Purcell also ruled favorably on Elizabeth Taylor, but

this lady, Rowe decided, was neither socially poised nor sufficiently

learned; "he wanted a wife that was smart enough to converse with

any person, and that he could not think of going into a family where

there was so mean a man as her Brother." The marriage conference

went on with a discussion of the marital virtues of the central figure

in the case, Cornelia Andrews. Of all the candidates, Cornelia, who

was about the same age as Rowe's oldest child, was the only one

to whom Mrs. Purcell held serious objections. She bluntly told the

circuit rider "that he had enough children[;] he had better get a

mother for what he had." Exhibiting typical masculine independence

and lover's myopia, Rowe immediately sought the hand of Miss

Andrews.

Highly flattered by the preacher's advances, Cornelia accompanied

him to seek her mother's blessing. An older sister, however, had

already warned Mother Andrews that their pastor's affection for

Cornelia was more than brotherly, so she met the couple, prepared,

if possible, to extinguish the romantic spark. After much discussion

she eventually acceded to Rowe's importunities and reluctantly gave

her consent.

The heat of Wesley's kindled affection for Cornelia was cool in

comparison to the firey dust stirred up by the Portsmouth gossips

when news of the engagement spread. Soon the preacher's passion

apparently cooled and reason returned. In his effort to extricate him-

self from his own trap he only became more embroiled in con-

troversy. Denying that he was ever really serious about marrying

Cornelia, he infuriated both the mother and her jilted daughter.

Tempers flared, charges and countercharges flashed about Ports-

mouth, until, finally, on April 25, 1844, pastor Rowe faced a church

court, charged with immorality and imprudent conduct, the former



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dealing with his denial of the engagement, the latter with his

"saying in the public street that a brother in the Church was a liar

&c &c &c--"

The trial, which lasted for two days and required forty-three

pages to hold the testimony, stripped Rowe of his official church

standing until the Ohio Conference could hear his case in September.

During the summer the Portsmouth busybodies informally pro-

longed the trial, but much to the beleaguered minister's credit, he

visited from house to house urging the brethren to forget their

differences and close ranks. For this pacific gesture Rowe received

generous praise from his successor and from sixteen members of

the church who wrote to the bishop begging leniency for their un-

frocked pastor. While admitting that the itinerant was "greatly

wanting in discretion, and indeed sometimes imprudent," they felt

he had suffered sufficiently, so much so that his physician despaired

of his life from infirmities which "arose more from the state of his

mind, than from his bodily disease." Furthermore, if the case were

not settled amicably, the pro-Rowe committee feared a loss in church

membership, profitable only to "rival sister churches, who look upon

the desolation that has come upon us, as tending perhaps ultimately,

to their advantage."46

For two days the Ohio Conference listened to evidence for and

against Wesley Rowe, and when the vote was called, he was de-

clared guilty of "highly improper conduct." A motion to suspend

the guilty man for a year failed for a substitute requiring that he

"be brought before the conference & required to make acknowl-

edgments." That afternoon a contrite penitent faced the conference,

"made his acknowledgments[, and] said the sentence was as light

as he could expect. He acknowledged he had acted highly im-

prudent, said what he ought not to have said[.] He had repented

& believed God had forgiven him & he hoped his brethren would

forgive him, and by the help of God he would never give us trouble

in future, and on motion his character passed."47

Such an experience would have convinced a more timid man

 

46 Manuscripts of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Ohio, Ohio Historical Society.

47 Manuscript journal of the Ohio Conference, September 1844. Ohio Wesleyan

University.



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that he should eschew future romantic entanglements. Rowe was

not so easily discouraged. The following year he married the

daughter of Mr. John Hitch of Clermont County, Ohio, with whom

he lived happily for the remaining seventeen years of his life,

leaving her at his death with four children, in addition to the four

by his first marriage.48

The romantic adventures of Wesley Rowe, Henry E. Pilcher,

Richard Brandriff, and Harvey Sweney would not have surprised

the venerable Henry Smith of Baltimore, for many years a circuit

rider on the western frontier. His letters on marriage, written in

1840 for Methodist newspapers, contained a multitude of anony-

mous cases involving misplaced ministerial affection, almost per-

suading the old pioneer to abandon his faith in ecclesiastical re-

strictions on marriage. "Better take one well made, well married,

laborious, enterprising minister of Jesus Christ," he concluded, "than

half a dozen such fickle-minded boys."49 On the other hand, Caleb J.

Taylor, a western circuit rider and camp meeting hymnist, used his

skill as a rhymester to fidicule the unenviable position of his former

colleagues whose texts were now, "My dear." Nevertheless, he

concluded his satire with the reluctant admission that the ministerial

summons often met more that its match in competition with the

mating call:

The strongest need a double guard,

And men like Paul, it's to be fear'd

Are in our day uncommon;

Who think it lawful for to wed,

Yet act as though they thought it good

Never to touch a woman.50

48 Minutes, IX (1862), 185.

49 Henry Smith, Recollections and Reflections of an Old Itinerant (New York,

1848), 137.

50 Methodist Magazine, XI (1828), 191.