HARRISON'S GREAT
SPEECH
At the Wonderful "Log Cabin" Campaign Meeting at
Ft. Meigs, in
1840.*
Closely intertwined with the coming
dedication of the Fort
Meigs monument at Perrysburg is the
history of a gathering
which rivaled, numerically, the meeting
which will take place
there when the monument is dedicated in
September.
The occasion was a speech by General
Harrison, in 1840,
then a candidate for the presidency, and
40,000 persons assembled
to hear his address. When modes of
travel are taken into con-
sideration it was one of the most
notable events in the history of
the country.
Among his auditors were governors of
state, military men
and prominent citizens, and every state
of the Union was repre-
sented. It was the tribute of the people
to the man who had
been with the forces of the country in
the bloody Indian wars
from the time when he was a subordinate
under Wayne until
he reached the position of commander of
the Army of the
Northwest.
In enthusiasm and decorations, and, in
fact, in all features,
it eclipsed any gathering held in the
states prior to that time.
The political campaign of 1840 was
unique in American
history. Nothing like had preceded it.
No political campaign
since has equaled it in spectacular
features and enthusiasm-
not even the "Wide Awake"
campaign of 1860.
The "log cabin" and "hard
cider" campaign of 1840 stands
without a parallel in our political
history.
At the Whig national convention which
assembled at Harris-
burg, Pa., in December, 1839, General
William Henry Harrison
and John Tyler were nominated for
President and vice president.
* [For this article we are indebted to
the Toledo Blade, of May 8,
1908. - EDITOR.]
(197)
198 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson
were the opposing
candidates nominated by the Democratic
convention.
Opposing General Harrison an eastern
correspondent in-
dulged in much ridicule, and, among
other things, referred to
the candidate of the Whig party as a man
whose acme of happi-
ness would be found in a log cabin with
an inexhaustible supply
of hard cider drunk from a gourd.
This jibe at the habits of one, whose
military career from
the battle of Fallen Timber through
successive stages to his
brilliant victory over the British and
their Indian allies in Canada
in 1813, had endeared him to the
American people, was at once
taken up as the slogan of the campaign,
and the "log cabin" and
"hard cider" became the
keynote of the memorable contest of
1840.
Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune,
published a cam-
paign paper entitled, "The Log
Cabin," and all over the country
rude log cabins were constructed in
almost every city, town and
village. These cabins were furnished with rude tables and
benches; the walls hung with coonskins,
accompanied with a
barrel of cider and gourds for drinking
cups. In these structures
political meetings were held, not only
weekly but almost daily.
The campaign in Ohio was opened at
Columbus, February 22,
Washington's birthday, and it was a
memorable day for Columbus.
From fifteen to twenty thousand persons
had gathered there from
every section of the state. Columbus had
made great prepara-
tions for the event. An immense log
cabin had been constructed.
Every Whig residence in the city was
brilliantly illuminated, and
the hotels, boarding houses and private
homes were crowded to
the limit. The processions were
punctuated with the peal of
cannon, the roar of musketry, the
jubilant strains of music from
a score of bands, and the vociferous
shouts of thousands carried
away with the enthusiasm of the hour.
The representation from northwestern
Ohio was simply im-
mense. An imitation of Fort Meigs was
constructed and de-
scribed in a Columbus paper as
"twenty-eight feet long, embank-
ments six inches high, surmounted by
piquets of ten inches, seven
blockhouses and a garrison of forty men.
Twelve cannon with
appropriate mountings were properly
disposed of at the batteries."
Harrison's Great Speech. 199
Floating from this miniature fort were
several flagstaffs, one
of which displayed the following
inscription:
"Fort Meigs,
"Besieged May, 1813.
"Tell General Proctor when he gets
possession of the fort,
he will gain more honor in the
estimation of his king and country,
than he would acquire by a thousand
capitulations."
Another streamer contained the dying
words of the brave
Lawrence: "Don't give up the
ship."
Among other resolutions adopted at this
gathering was the
following:
"Resolved, That it be recommended to the young men of
the states of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana,
Illinois, Michigan, Western
New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, to
celebrate the next anni-
versary of the raising of the siege of
Fort Meigs in June, 1813,
on the ground occupied by that
fort."
In pursuance of this resolution, on the
11th of June, 1840,
there assembled at Perrysburg and Fort
Meigs a gathering esti-
mated at 40,000 enthusiastic Whigs, not
only from Ohio and
neighboring states, but from the more
distant states south and
east - in fact, no section of the union
was unrepresented. Among
these were many distinguished statesmen
of that day as well as
many of the veterans who had faithfully
served their country
under their beloved commander, who came
to do him special
honor on that occasion. These thousands
came on horseback, on
foot, by wagon and by boat. In those
days it was no small effort
to make the journey that thousands did
make through a sparsely
settled country, without the means of
travel afforded in this year
of grace. Other thousands came by boat,
from the eastern states.
The names of some of these steamers were
the Commodore Perry,
the General Wayne, Lady of the Lake,
General Scott, Jefferson,
United States, Sandusky, Huron, etc.
These came to the foot of
the Rapids, then the head of navigation.
The display of banners, the roar of
musketry, the belching
of cannon, ringing of church bells, the,
shrill notes of fife and
drum, bands of music, military companies
- all made an im-
pressive scene never to be forgotten by
those who witnessed it.
200 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
A few of the older inhabitants of
Perrysburg - boys then - who
participated in those demonstrations,
speak of those scenes with
a feeling of enthusiasm and pride.
H. S. Knapp, in his "History of the
Maumee Valley," gives
the following names of the speakers on
that day:
"Colonels Todd and Clarkson, of
Kentucky, former officers
under General Harrison during the siege;
Hon. Thomas Ewing;
General Woodbridge, of Michigan; General
Ford; John R. Osborn,
Esq., then of Norwalk, now of Toledo
(since deceased and well
remembered by Toledo citizens), on this
occasion rendered him-
self conspicuous in an effort which
challenged the encomiums of
some of the most distinguished persons
present; Hon. Oliver
Johnson, of Michigan; Dr. Smith, of
Monroe, Mich.; Robert
Schenck, of Dayton; George C. Bates,
Esq., of Detroit; Mr.
Saxton, an old Revolutionary soldier
from Connecticut; James
Fitch, of New York; Hon. E. Cook, of
Sandusky City, delivered
a brilliant oration; Mr. Chamberlain, a
blacksmith, from Kinder-
hook, gave a humorous and witty
discourse. Rev. Joseph Badger,
the chaplain in 1813, eighty-five years
of age in 1840, offered the
opening prayer."
But the principal attraction was the
address of General
Harrison, which was eagerly listened to
by the assembled thous-
ands and stenographically reported by
the correspondent of the
New York Tribune. A copy of that address
may not be without
interest to the reader of the present
day. General Harrison said:
Fellow-Citizens-I am not, upon this
occasion, before you in ac-
cordance with my own individual views or
wishes. It has ever appeared
to me, that the office of President of
the United States should not be
sought after by any individual; but that
the people should spontaneously,
and with their own free will, accord the
distinguished honor to the man
whom they believed would best perform its
important duties. Enter-
taining these views, I should, fellow
citizens, have remained at home,
but for the pressing and friendly
invitation which I have received from
the citizens of Perrysburg, and the
earnestness with which its accepta-
tion was urged upon me by friends in
whom I trusted, and whom I am
now proud to see around me. If, however,
fellow citizens, I had not
complied with that invitation-if I had
remained at home-believe me,
my friends, that my spirit would have
been with you; for where, in this
beautiful land, is there a place
calculated, as this is, to recall long past
Harrison's Great Speech. 201
reminiscences, and revive long
slumbering, but not wholly extinguished,
emotions in my bosom?
In casting my eyes around, fellow
citizens, they rest upon the spot
where the gallant Wayne triumphed so
gloriously over his enemies, and
carried out these principles which it
seemed his pleasure to impress
upon the mind, and in which it has ever
been my happiness humbly to
attempt to imitate him. It was here,
fellow citizens, I saw the banner
of the United States float in triumph
over the flag of the enemy. There
it was where was first laid the
foundation of the prosperity of the now
widespread and beautiful West. It was
there I beheld the indignant
eagle frown upon the British lion. It
was there I saw the youth of our
land carry out the lesson they imbibed
from the gallant Wayne-the
noblest and the best an American can
acquire-to die for his country
when called to do so in its defense.
(At this moment the speaker's eye fell
upon Gen. Hedges, when he
said: "Gen. Hedges, will you come
here? You have stood by my side
in the hour of battle and I cannot bear
to see you at so great a distance
now." Immense cheering followed
this considerate recognition, and the
cries of "raise him up,"
"place him by the side of the old general," had
scarcely been uttered when Gen. Hedges
was carried forward to the
stand.)
The general continued: It was there I
saw interred my beloved
companions, the companions of my youth.
It was not in accordance
with the stern etiquette of military
life then to mourn their departure;
but I may now drop a tear over their
graves at the recollection of their
virtues and worth.
In 1793, fellow citizens, I received my
commission to serve under
Gen. Wayne. In 1794 I was his aide at
the battle of Miami. Nineteen
years afterward I had the honor of again
being associated with many
of those who were my companions in arms
then. Nineteen years after-
wards I found myself commander-in-chief
of the northwestern army;
but I found no diminution in the bravery
of the American soldier. I
found the same spirit of valor in
all-not in the regular soldier only,
but in the enrolled militia and
volunteers also.
What glorious reminiscences do the view
of these scenes around me
recall to my mind! When I consented to
visit this memorable spot, I
expected that a thousand pleasant
associations (would to God there were
no painful associations mingled with
them) would be recalled-that I
should meet thousands of my fellow citizens
here-and among them
many of my old companions-met here to
rear a new altar to liberty in
the place of the one which bad men have
prostrated.
And, fellow citizens, (continued the
general), I will not attempt to
conceal from you that in coming here I
expected that I should receive
from you those evidences of regard which
a generous people are ever
willing to bestow upon those whom they
believe to be honest in their
endeavors to serve their country. I
receive these evidences of regard
202 Ohio Arch. and
Hist. Society Publications.
and esteem as the only reward at all
adequate to compensate for the
anxieties and anguish which, in the
past, I experienced upon this spot.
Is there any man of sensibility, or
possessing a feeling of self-respect,
who asks what those feelings were? Do you suppose that the com-
mander-in-chief finds his reward in the
glitter and splendor of the camp?
or in the forced obedience of the masses
around him?
These are not pleasures under all
circumstances-these are not the
rewards which a soldier seeks. I ask any
man to place himself in my
situation, and then say whether the
extreme pain and anguish which I
endured, and which every person
similarly situated must have endured,
can meet with any adequate compensation,
except by such expressions
of the confidence and gratitude of the
people, as that with which, you
fellow citizens, have this day honored
me? These feelings are common
to all commanders of sense and
sensibility. The commanders of Europe
possess them, although placed at the
head of armies reared to war.
How much more naturally would those
feelings attach to a commander
situated as I was? For of what materials was the army composed
which was placed under my command? The
soldiers who fought and
bled and triumphed here were lawyers who
had thrown up their briefs-
physicians, who had laid aside their
instruments-mechanics, who had
put by their tools-and, in far the
largest proportion, agriculturalists,
who had left their ploughs in the
furrow, although their families de-
pended for their bread upon their
exertions, and who hastened to the
battle field to give their life to their
country if it were necessary, to
maintain her rights. I could point from
where I now stand, to places
where I felt this anxiety pressing
heavily upon me, as I thought of the
fearful consequences of a mistake on my
part, or the want of judgment
on the part of others. I knew there were
wives who had given their
husbands to the field-mothers who had
clothed their sons for battle;
and I knew that these expecting wives
and mothers were looking for
the safe return of their husbands and
sons. When to this was added
the recollection that the peace of the
entire west would be broken and
the glory of my country tarnished if I
failed, you may possibly conceive
the anguish which my situation was
calculated to produce. Feeling my
responsibility, I personally supervised
and directed the arrangement of
the army under my command. I trusted to
no colonel or other officer.
No person had any hand in the
disposition of the army. Every step
of warfare, whether for good or ill, was
taken under my own direction
and of none other, as many who now hear
me know. Whether every
movement would or would not pass the
criticism of Bonaparte or
Wellington, I know not; but, whether
they would induce applause or
censure, upon myself it must fall.
But, fellow citizens, still another
motive induced me to accept the
invitation which had been so kindly
extended to me. I knew that here
I should meet many who had fought and
bled under my command-
that I should have the pleasure of
taking them by the hand and recur-
Harrison's Great Speech. 203
ring with them to the scenes of the
past. I expected, too, to meet with
a few of the great and good men yet
surviving, by whose efforts our
freedom was achieved. This pleasure
alone would have been sufficient
to induce my visit to this interesting
spot upon this equally interesting
occasion. I see my old companions here,
and I see not a few of the
revolutionary veterans around me. Would
to God that it had even been
in my power to have made them
comfortable and happy-that their sun
might go down in peace! But, fellow
citizens, they remain unprovided
for-monuments of the ingratitude of my
country. It was with the
greatest difficulty that the existing
pension act was passed through con-
gress. But why was it restricted? Why
were the brave soldiers who
fought under Wayne excluded ?-soldiers
who suffered far more than
they who fought in the revolution
proper. The revolution, in fact, did
not terminate until 1794-until the
battle was fought upon the battle
ground upon which my eye now rests
(Miami). War continued with
them from the commencement of the
revolution until the victory of
Wayne, to which I have just alluded. The
great highway to the west
was the scene of unceasing slaughter.
Then why this unjust discrimina-
tion? Why are the soldiers who
terminated the war of the revolution,
in fact, excluded, while those by whom
it was begun or a portion of
them, are rewarded? I will tell you why.
The poor remnant of Wayne's
army had but few advocates, while those
who had served in the revolu-
tion proper had many friends. Scattered
as they were over all parts of
the Union, and in large numbers, they
could exert an influence at the
ballot-box. They could whisper thus in
the ears of those who sought
their influence at the polls: "Take
care, for I have waited long enough
for what has been promised. The former
plea of poverty can no longer
be made. The treasury is now full. Take
care; your seat is in danger."
"Oh ! yes, everything that has been
promised shall be attended to if you
will give me your voice." In this
way, fellow citizens, tardy, but partial,
justice was done to the soldiers of the
revolution. They made friends
by their influence at the ballot-box.
But it was different with Gen.
Wayne's soldiers. They were few in
number, and they had but one or
two humble advocates to speak for them
in congress. The result has
been, justice has been withheld.
I have said that the soldiers under
Wayne experienced greater
hardships even than the soldiers of the
revolution. This is so. Everyone
can appreciate the difference between an
Indian and a regular war.
When wounded in battle, the soldier must
have warmth and shelter be-
fore he can recover. This could always
be secured to the soldiers of the
revolution. In those days the latch
string of no door was pulled in.
When wounded, he was sure to find
shelter and very many of those
comforts which are so essential to the
sick, but which the soldiers in an
Indian war cannot procure. Instead of
shelter and warmth he is ex-
posed to the thousand ills incident to
Indian warfare. Yet no relief was
extended to those who had thus suffered!
204 Ohio
Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
After the war closed under Wayne, I
retired; and when I saw a
man poorer than all others, wandering
about the land, decrepid and de-
cayed by intemperance, it was
unnecessary to inquire whether he had
ever belonged to Wayne's army. His
condition was a guarantee of that-
was a sufficient assurance that he had
wasted his energies among the
unwholesome swamps of the West, in the
defense of the rights of his
fellow citizens, and for the maintenance
of the honor and glory of his
country.
Well, fellow citizens, I can only say,
that if it should ever be in my
power to pay the debt which is due these
brave but neglected men, that
debt shall first of all be paid. And I
am very well satisfied that the
government can afford it, provided the
latch string of the treasury shall
ever be more carefully pulled in.
Perhaps you will ask me for some
proof of my friendship for old soldiers.
If so, I can give it you from
the records of congress. When the
fifteen-hundred-dollar law was re-
pealed, I opposed it, as I opposed
changing the pay of members of
congress from six to eight dollars,
until we had done justice to and
provided for these soldiers. You will
find my votes upon this question
among the records of congress, and my
speech upon it in the published
debates of the time.
I will now, fellow citizens, give you my
reasons for having refused
to give pledges and opinions more freely
than I have done since my
nomination to the presidency. Many of
the statements published upon
this subject are by no means correct;
but it is true that it is my opinion
that no pledge should be made by an
individual when in nomination for
any office in the gift of the people.
And why? Once adopt it, and the
battle will no longer be to the
strong-to the virtuous-or the sincere
lover of the country; but to him who is
prepared to tell the greatest
number of lies, and to proffer the
largest number of pledges which he
never intends to carry out. I suppose
that the best guarantee which an
American citizen could have of the
correctness of the conduct of an
individual in the future, would be his
conduct in the past, when he had
no temptation before him, to practice
deceit.
Now, fellow citizens, I have not
altogether grown gray under the
helmet of my country, although I have
worn it for some time. A large
portion of my life has been passed in
the civil departments of govern-
ment. Examine my conduct there, and the
most tenacious Democrat-
I use the word in its proper sense; I
mean not to confine it to parties,
for there are good in both-may doubtless
discover faults, but he will
find no single act calculated to
derogate from the rights of the people.
However, to prove the reverse of this, I
have been called a fed-
eralist! (Here was a cry of "The
charge is a lie -a base lie. You are
no federalist.") Well, what is a
federalist? I recollect what the term
formerly signified, and there are many
others present who recollect its
former signification also. They know
that the federal party was accused
of a design to strengthen the hands of
the general government at the
Harrison's Great Speech. 205
expense of the separate states. That
accusation would nor cannot apply
to me. I was brought up after the
strictest manner of Virginia anti-
federalism. St. Paul himself was not a
greater devotee to the doctrines
of the Pharisees than was I, by
inclination and a father's precepts and
example, to anti-federalism. I was
taught to believe that sooner or
later that fatal catastrophe to human
liberty would take place; that the
general government would swallow up all
the state governments and
that one department of the government
would swallow up all the other
departments. I do not know whether my
friends Mr. Van Buren (and
he is and I hope ever will be, my
personal friend), has a throat that can
swallow everything; but I do know that,
if his measures are carried out,
he will lay a foundation for others to
do so if he does not.
What reflecting man, fellow citizens,
cannot see this? The repre-
sentatives of the people were once the
source of power. Is it so now?
Nay. It is to the executive mansion now
that every eye is turned-that
every wish is directed. The men of
office and party who are governed
by the principles of John Randolph,
towit: the five loaves and two fishes,
seem to have their ears constantly
directed to the great bell at head-
quarters to indicate how the little ones
shall ring.
But to return, I have but to remark that
my anti-federalism has
been tempered by my long service in the employ
of the country-and
my frequent oaths to support the general
government; but I am as ready
to resist the encroachments on state
rights as I am to support the legiti-
mate authority of the executive, or
general government.
Now, fellow citizens, I have very little
more to say, except to exhort
you to go on peacefully if you can-and
you can-to effect that reform
upon which your hearts are fixed. What
calamitous consequences will
ensue to the world if you fail? If you
should fail how the tyrants of
Europe will rejoice. If you fail, how
will the friends of freedom, scat-
tered, like the planets of heaven, over
the world, mourn, when they see
the beacon light of liberty
extinguished-the light whose rays they had
hoped would yet penetrate the whole benighted
world. If you triumph,
it will only be done by vigilance and
attention. Our personal friends,
but political enemies, remind each other
that "Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty." While journeying
thitherward, I observed this motto
waving at the head of a procession
composed of the friends of the pres-
ent administration. From this I inferred
that discrimination was neces-
sary in order to know who to watch.
Under Jefferson, Madison and
Monroe, the eye of the people was turned
to the right source-to the ad-
ministration. The administration,
however, now says to the people,
"You must not watch us, but you
must watch the Whigs! Only do that
and all is safe!" But that my
friends, is not the way. The old-fash-
ioned Republican rule is to watch the government. See
to the govern-
ment. See that the government does not
acquire too much power. Keep
a check upon your rulers. Do this, and
liberty is safe. And if your
efforts should result successfully, and I should be
placed in the presi-
206 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
dential chair, I shall invite a
recurrence to the old Republican rule, to
watch the administration and to condemn
all its acts which are not in
accordance with the strictest mode of
Republicanism. Our rulers, fellow
citizens, must be watched. Power is
insinuating. Few men are satisfied
with less power than they are able to
procure. If the ladies whom I see
around me were near enough to hear me,
and of sufficient age to give an
experimental answer, they would tell you
that no lover is ever satisfied
with the first smile of his mistress.
It is necessary, therefore, to watch,
not the political opponents of
an administration, but the
administration itself, and to see that it keeps
within the bounds of the constitution
and the laws of the land. The
executive of this Union has immense
power to do mischief, if he sees fit
to exercise that power. He may prostrate
the country. Indeed, this
country has been already prostrated. It
has already fallen from pure
Republicanism, to a monarchy in spirit,
if not in name.
A celebrated author defines monarchy to
be that form of govern-
ment in which the executive has once the
command of the army, the
execution of the laws and the control of
the purse. Now, how is it with
our present executive? The constitution gives to him the
control of the
army and the execution of the laws. He
now only awaits the possession
of the purse to make him a monarch. Not
a monarch simply, with the
power of England, but a monarch with powers of the autocrat
of Russia.
For Gibbon says that an individual
possessed of these powers "will, un-
less closely watched, make himself a
despot."
The passage of the sub-treasury bill
will give to the President an
accumulation of power that the
constitution withholds from him, a mon-
arch. This catastrophe to freedom should
be and can be prevented by
vigilance, union and perseverance.
["We will do it," resounded
from twenty thousand voices, "we
will do it."]
In conclusion, then, fellow citizens, I
would impress it upon all-
Democrats and Whigs-to give up the idea
of watching each other, and
direct your eye to the government. Do that, and your
children's children,
to the latest posterity, will be so
happy and as free as you and your
fathers have been.
At the close of General Harrison's
address the vast multitude
of hearers gave "three times
three" with a vim, an earnestness
and an unanimity that eloquently voiced
the truth and beauty of
the sentiments so forcibly portrayed by the honored speaker.
This monster demonstration at Fort Meigs
was well calcu-
lated to give even additional force and
character in the further
progress of that remarkable
campaign. Not a political meeting
of any consequence was held throughout the country that did
Harrison's Great Speech. 207
not bring out delegations in wagons and
vehicles of every de-
scription, reaching sometimes a mile in
length. These wagons
were trimmed in many fantastic designs,
and always accompanied
with martial music.
On General Harrison's return from Fort
Meigs, he visited
a number of towns in Ohio, among them
Columbus, Springfield,
Dayton, Germantown, Cincinnati and other
places.
At Germantown there were some unique
preparations for
his reception. Among the features were
thirteen lads, of whom
the writer was one, representing the
thirteen original states.
These were dressed in blue hunting shirt
with coonskin caps, and
sang campaign songs from the Log Cabin
Song Book. Among
the airs were Dan Tucker, Rosin the Bow,
Buckeye Brawn, John
Anderson My Joe, Auld Lang Syne, etc.
Some of the lines were:
"Say, Oh where was your Buckeye
cabin made?
Away down yonder in the sylvan shade,
Where the Buckeye boys wield the plow
and spade,
There, Oh there, was our Buckeye cabin
made."
Then again:
"Oh, what has caused this great
commotion
The country through?
It is the ball a-rolling, rolling on
For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too.
For with them we can beat any
man-man-man
Of the Van Buren clan;
For with them we can beat any man."
And so on, with many doggerel jingling
songs of a similar
character.
Another ornamented wagon containing a
number of girls
dressed in white, and these represented
the stars in the Union
at that time.
Many similar spectacular features,
processions, patriotic dis-
plays and illuminations characterized
the campaign of 1840 in
every town and village of note
throughout the country, north
and south - a campaign that has never
had its counterpart in
our political history.