166
Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society
Publications.
to live, before he has had a chance for
self-realization? Why
cut off a man's opportunities in his
youth? Why rob him of
the holy right to live and to make the
best of himself? There
are doubtless moments of exhiliration
and glory in the dangers
of battle, but these are as nothing when
balanced against the
wholesale slaughter of men.
Herein then lies the secret of our
anti-war spirit. Not that
we would not fight if necessary. No
people is more jealous of
its rights and its honor. And in the
language of Dryden, "Be-
ware of the fury of the patient
man." But unless war is un-
avoidable, we are for peace at all
times. This intense devotion
to peace is, I believe, strengthening
with the years, is becoming
deep and ineradicable in the American
heart. The fact that at
this time there is a national impulse
for greater preparedness
does not change this basal truth in the
least, and when the his-
torian of the remote future sums up the
qualities and character-
istics of the nations of our age,
perhaps he will place this Devo-
tion to Peace as the most pronounced,
distinctive characteristic
of the American people.
WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL
CONVEN-
TION OF OHIO.
BY D. C. SHILLING, MONMOUTH COLLEGE,
ILL.
The question of extending the franchise
to woman on an
equality with man is an outgrowth of
nineteenth century democ-
racy, and a tribute to the progress
woman has made in almost all
fields of human endeavor. It is no
longer a local issue, but has be-
come a national one and from a broader
point of view, an inter-
national one. It, therefore, may be
worth our while to analyze
the movement in Ohio as reflected in the
Constitutional Conven-
tions of 1851, 1873 and 1912, especially the
first two.
Ohio, like several of the states which
entered the union in
the early part of our national history,
has changed her organic
law by a subsequent constitution,
incorporating to be sure, many
principles of the older yet altering
what progress and experience
taught should be altered. This
constitution adopted in the middle
of the nineteenth century together with
several amendments con-
stitutes the organic law of the state.
Annual Meeting Ohio Valley Historical
Association. 167
In Article XVI, section 3 of this
document provision is made
for the submission to the electors of
the state at the expiration
of each twenty year period the question
of calling a convention
"to revise, alter or amend the
constitution." In the case of a
favorable vote-the majority of all the
electors-the General
Assembly at its next session is required
"to provide by law for
the election of delegates, and the
assembling of such convention."
In accordance with this provision a
constitutional conven-
tion was called for by the electors in
1871. The convention sat
during the winter and spring of 1873-4,
but its work was rejected
at the polls by a majority of 147,284.
In 1891 by a vote of two
to one the people decided against
calling a convention; by 1911,
however, popular sentiment demanded a
change in the organic
law and by a vote of ten to one a
convention was ordered. This
Convention did not favor an entire
change but was content to
put new wine in old bottles and proposed
some forty-two amend-
ments, thirty-four of which were
ratified by the people at the
polls.
The report of the constitutional
convention of 1802 contains
no mention of an attempt to enfranchise
the women of Ohio.
It will be recalled however, that it did
debate the extension of
the franchise to the negroes of the
state. By 1851 there had
developed considerable sentiment in
favor of investing the women
of Ohio with the right to vote. While
the report of the proceed-
ings of this convention does not include
many of the debates,
from the petitions, memorials, and in a
few instances, the resolu-
tions, we can approximate the magnitude
of the movement two
generations ago. From an examination of
these petitions and
memorials we are forced to conclude that
the grandmothers or
many of us were ardent supporters of
"female suffrage" at a
time when woman's sphere was much
narrower than it is at
present; therefore if there is any
virtue in the movement today,
and if it is productive of any good, a
part of the praise must
be accorded to those sturdy pioneer
women of Ohio who three
score years ago asked as a matter of
simple justice that "the
word male be struck out" of the
clause granting the franchise.
Remembering that this convention sat a
decade prior to
the Civil War one is not surprised to
find many petitions asking
168 Ohio
Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
for equal suffrage "regardless of
color or sex." Such petitions
were presented from Stark, Portage,
Columbiana, Tuscarawas
and Shelby counties. Portage county was
especially anxious to
enfranchise the blacks. Petitions were presented from this
county bearing the signature of 426 of
her citizens asking that
the franchise be extended to both races
irrespective of sex.1
In addition to the above mentioned
counties which desired
the extension of the franchise to all
citizens, there were several
others which asked for "female
suffrage"-the term invariably
used by the official reporter in the
proceedings of the convention.
In this group are Cuyahoga, Ashtabula,
Muskingum, Clark,
Morgan, Medina and Warren counties.
There were therefore
twelve counties each represented by one
or more petitions pray-
ing that the women of Ohio be given the
right of suffrage. Peti-
tions bearing the signatures of more
than one thousand citizens
were presented to the convention.
While a study of sectionalism in Ohio is
not within the
province of this paper, one cannot fail
to note that of the twelve
counties asking for an extended
franchise - some petitions ask-
ing that the negro be included -but two
were from the south-
ern part of the state. The reasons for
the hostility of the river
counties to the enfranchising of the
negro are apparent. An
enfranchised negro on the north bank of
the Ohio would be a
constant menace to the owner of an
enslaved negro on the south
bank. There is ample evidence to prove
that the southern coun-
ties of Ohio contained many men who,
because of commercial,
social and political affiliations were
bitterly opposed to giving
any offense to their slave-holding
friends across the river. In-
deed during a part of the period from 1802 to 1860 the
National
Road was to Ohio politics what Mason and
Dixon's line was to
national politics - a line of cleavage.
Perhaps the conservation
and the political ideas held by the
states whose sons and daugh-
ters constituted a large proportion of
the population of south-
Debates in Ohio Constitutional
Convention; vol. 1, p. 107. (Since
all the data for this paper is taken
from the reports of the conventions.
the necessity for citations is somewhat
lessened.)
Annual Meeting Ohio Valley Historical
Association. 169
ern Ohio go to explain their diffidence
on the extension of the
suffrage to the women of the state.2
The character of the men and women who
signed the peti-
tions was often referred to by the
members of the convention
who presented the petitions. Invariably
they were mentioned as
persons of unimpeachable character. The
language of the peti-
tions was temperate, sane and
respectful. One signed by one
hundred and twenty ladies of Morgan
county prayed that "the
word male be left out of the
constitution and that such provision
shall be therein inserted as shall
restore to woman her rights
without impairing, or in any way
abridging those which belong
to man." 3 Mr. Hawkins while
presenting this petition stated
that the signers were highly endowed
with moral and mental
attainments of a very superior order.
Mr. Woodbury in present-
ing one from residents of Ashtabula
county said that the signa-
tures represented "the most
respectable and intelligent persons
in the country."
The petitions which asked that both
"white" and "male" be
stricken from the clause vesting the
franchise placed the age
requirement at twenty-one. Those which
did not include "color"
put the suffrage age at eighteen.
Frequently the petitioners
asked for "equal rights"
sometimes applicable to all regardless
of color or sex. A joint petition from
Stark and Portage coun-
ties asked for "equal rights
political and civil without regard, to
sex or color." 5 Portage county
presented at least five petitions
bearing the signatures of nearly three
hundred of her citizens
asking for equal rights without regard
to color or sex.6 Mus-
kingum county citizens were content to
ask for "the granting of
the right of suffrage and all the other
privileges and immunities
enjoyed by the opposite sex to all white
women in our state over
the age of eighteen years." 7
Medina county desired "equal rights
2For a study of sectionalism in Ohio see
the writer's article in
the Quar. Pub. of the Hist. and Philos.
Soc. of Ohio, vol. VIII, No.
1. (1913).
3Vol. I, p. 615.
Ibid, p. 327.
Debates, vol. I, p. 75.
6Ibid.,
pp. 236, 354, 726.
7Ibid., p. 59.
170
Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
political and social without regard to
sex." 8 It does not appear
that any careful distinction was made in
the use of such terms
as rights, privileges and duties. As if
to guarantee that all were
meant to be included thirty-three
citizens of Cleveland asked
that "the right to participate in
the government equally with men
be secured to the woman in the new
Constitution."9
While the movement had some ardent
friends among the
delegates, especially among those
representing the northern and
eastern counties of the state, there was
at no time a possibility
of breaking down the barriers and the
word "male" was written
in Article 5, section I which grants the
elective franchise.
That the movement for equal suffrage in
Ohio grew during
the two decades following 1851 can be
proven very conclusively.
As was pointed out above, there were
twelve counties represented
by petitions bearing the signatures of
more than one thousand
persons who asked for woman's suffrage.
In the convention
of 1873 thirty-three counties were
represented by petitions bear-
ing nearly eight thousand names.
Geographically considered, no one
section of the state was
more zealous than the others to secure suffrage
rights for the
women of Ohio. In other words the
movement had support and
opposition from all parts of the state.
From the report of the
convention one would conclude that the
most ardent supporter
of "female suffrage" was Mr.
Voris of Summit county. It was
he who moved that a special committee be
appointed to receive
the petitions asking for woman's
suffrage, because he considered
the regular committee on the franchise
were hostile to the move-
ment. This action was the occasion of
sharp debate but Mr.
Voris gained his point.
An Ashland county delegate, Mr. Hill,
thought that "a full
discussion of the question of woman's
suffrage would produce
no harm." "I have no
eulogy," he said, "to pronounce upon the
women of Ohio. It is sufficient for me
to know that they are
our mothers, sisters, wives and
daughters. That fact of itself,
should awaken a most chivalrous
consideration of their petitions
8Ibid., p. 191.
9Vol. II, p. 232.
Annual Meeting Ohio Valley Historical
Association. 171
*
* * I have no
fear that if suffrage should be conferred
upon our mothers, wives, sisters and
daughters they will disgrace
it. It would be pleased to see a system
of education inaugurated
that would require parents to give their
daughters the same op-
portunities for mental training that are
now awarded their sons."
He said the problem was "whether
suffrage would add to their
happiness and progress and at the same
time result in additional
usefulness." He doubted if a
majority of the women really
desired the franchise and favored a
proposition to submit it to
the women to ascertain "their
wishes on the subject." 10
During the discussions several of the
delegates expressed
themselves in favor of submitting the
question to the women
alone. To provide a method for
ascertaining the position of the
women, "Proposition Number 222" was offered. It provided
that "the General Assembly at its
first session after the adoption
of this constitution, shall cause a
registration to be taken of all
the women in this state, 21 years of
age, who would, if males,
be legal voters in their respective
wards and townships; the
returns of which registration shall be
forwarded to, and filed
with, the Secretary of State, and shall
be also provided for the
submission at the next general election
for State officers, at
separate polls * * * the question of
woman suffrage to the
women of the state, * * * and if a
majority equal in num-
ber to a majority of all the women
registered" shall favor the
extension of the franchise to them, the
General Assembly was
directed to prepare an amendment which
would provide for equal
suffrage.11
The special committee on woman's
suffrage which was ap-
pointed, as was shown above, because of
the supposed prejudice
of the regular committee of the elective
franchise, made its report
in the form of a proposed amendment
under the caption, "A
Substitute for Section I of Article V of
the present Constitu-
tion." It provided that "Every
citizen of the United States of
the age of 21 years," a resident of the state for one year and
of county, township or ward such time as
required by law, "shall
10Report of Const. Conv., 1873, vol. II,
part III, p. 2747-48.
Vol. II, part II, p. 1922.
172
Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
have the qualifications of an elector
and be entitled to vote at
all elections." 12
The question of submitting the
proposition to the electors
caused a very spirited two days' debate
but when the vote was
taken the convention stood, for
submission 49; against submission
41; but since it failed by 4 votes to
secure the majority of all the
delegates it was defeated.
During the debates on the above
considerable use was made
of the Bible to prove that man's position
was and should be su-
perior to that of woman. This drew some
clever remarks from
Mr. Voris who scoffed at the idea that
"the paternal advice of
a Roman citizen of Jewish birth and
education, in the days of
the Empire, to a barbarian people, who
had recently been con-
verted to Christianity, who had never
heard of such a thing as
American liberty, or even the ballot
box, should be construed
to prohibit our free citizens from
voting at the elections is too
absurd to be tolerated for a
moment." He thought that if politics
were too corrupt for women it augured
"badly for the future,
and is a withering commentary on man's
management of our
public affairs." He argued that the
franchise would give woman
"additional moral force, make her
influence greater and better
qualify her for her mission, * * * make
her a better wife
and mother and just as good a
Christian." 13
The opposition found a champion in Mr.
Powell of Delaware
county. He appears to have seen more
clearly than most of the
delegates the distinctions between such
terms as "rights" "privi-
leges" "duties" et
cetera. His speech covers ten pages of the
proceedings, and is worth perusal by
present day students of this
question.14
Despite every effort made by its friends
the case was hope-
less and the regular committee on the
elective franchise reported
in favor of limiting the franchise to
"male" citizens of the state
21 years
of age or over. This ended the struggle as far as the
convention of 1873 was concerned. That
the work of the con-
12Vol. II, part I, p. 567.
13Vol.
II, part III, p. 2800-2808.
14 Ibid., part II, pp. 1830-1839.
Annual Meeting Ohio Valley Historical
Association. 173
vention did not meet with approval
everywhere is evidenced by
the action of the Woman's Suffrage
Association of Toledo.
In response to an invitation to
participate as an organiza-
tion in the celebration of the Fourth of
July, 1876 (centennial
year), the president of the Association
replied that while the
members were grateful for "the
implied recognition of their
citizenship, yet they manifestly have no
centennial to celebrate,
as the government still holds them in a
condition of political
serfdom. * * * In an equal degree we feel it inconsistent
as a disfranchised class to unite with
you in the celebration of
that liberty which is the heritage of
but half the people." 15
In response to a favorable vote in 1911,
a constitutional con-
vention assembled early the following
year. A prophetic vision
was not necessary to anticipate an
attempt to win the suffrage
for the women of Ohio. It will be
recalled that California had
enfranchised the women of that state at
this time. This gave
courage to the workers in Ohio and a
determined effort was made
to gain as many points of vantage as
possible. The women
proved to be good campaigners, and after
the election of delegates
announced that they had a safe majority
pledged for equal suf-
frage.
Viewed as an entity, the debates of the
convention on this
question give the writer four general
impressions. In the first
place, the terms "rights"
"privileges" and "duties" were used
with more discrimination than they were
in 1873.16 Second;
there was a current of feeling that the
liquor interests would be
adversely affected by the passage of
woman's suffrage. One
delegate asked if the women who had
petitioned for the franchise
were not opposed to submitting the
liquor license proposition to
the electors.17 The third
impression is that there was an unwill-
ingness on the part of several delegates
to allow a full discus-
sion of the subject. This is proven by
the passage of a three
minute limit for debates. Protests were
not wanting. One dele-
gate considered this the most unfair
consideration the women
15Hist. of Woman's Suffrage: Anthony,
Stanton and Gage, vol. III,
p. 507.
16 Proceedings, etc., vol. I, p. 612,
634, et al.
17Proceedings, vol. I, 613 and 618.
174
Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
of Ohio had ever received. He pointed
out that the convention
allowed two weeks discussion on the
proposition of a bond issue
for good roads, and "permitted
without limitation a discussion
for nearly three weeks of the liquor
question." 18 In spite of this
appeal for fairness the convention gave
less than two days to the
question which most delegates considered
the most important
one before them.19 Lastly,
most of the delegates were of the
opinion that the great majority of women
were opposed to re-
ceiving the franchise.
An analysis of the debates would prolong
this paper beyond
the twenty minute limit, and add little
to its effectiveness.20 As
in 1873, several delegates favored a
referendum by the women
alone. Its impracticability and doubts
as to its legality caused
its defeat. The committee on the
Elective Franchise reported a
proposal which passed the convention by
a vote of 76 to 34. This
amendment was defeated at the polls by
nearly 100,000 votes,
and the women of Ohio were left to
exercise the limited fran-
chise granted at an earlier period.
EARLY RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN PITTSBURGH.
BY HOMER J. WEBSTER, PH. D., UNIVERSITY
OF PITTSBURGH.
Pittsburgh is distinguished today as a
city of wealth and
manufactures. It is equally true, though
not so well known, that
she is conspicuously a city of churches,
and of church going
people. Today she has several
denominational colleges, and three
Theological Seminaries, the latter
representing the different
branches of the Presbyterians. And
almost from the beginning
of her history, Presbyterianism has been
prominent.
The Roman Catholics, however, preceded
the Presbyterians,
since their chaplain, Friar Denys Baron,
a Recollect Priest, ac-
companied the French to Fort Duquesne,
conducted services there
in the newly erected chapel in 1754, and
ministered to them dur-
ing their occupation. From the French
evacuation of the fort in
18bid., p. 619 (Prof. Knight).
19 The debates cover pp. 600-639.
20 See
especially speeches of Marshall, Bowdle, Marriot and John-
son (Williams Co).