Ohio History Journal

ROBERT E. SMITH

The Clash of Leadership at the

Grand Reserve: The Wyandot

Subagency and the Methodist

Mission, 1820-1824

The War of 1812 ended in 1815 with the Indian tribes of

the Old Northwest divided and demoralized. Officials of the

United States government soon attempted to stabilize relations

between the federal government and its native American in-

habitants in Ohio where numerous treaties were negotiated be-

tween United States commissioners and chiefs representing the

Ohio tribes. Among those tribes caught up in government ef-

forts to set up a viable Indian policy were the Wyandots. Four

treaties affecting the Wyandots were concluded with the fed-

eral government between 1815 and 1818.1 By then most of the

tribe occupied reserves in Ohio, although a small Wyandot re-

serve remained near Detroit in Michigan Territory and another

branch of the tribe lived on land in the lower peninsula of

present Ontario, Canada. A majority of the Ohio Wyandots

resided on the Grand Reserve, in Northwest Ohio near the site

of the present town of Upper Sandusky. Tarhe, the venerable

chief of the Wyandots for twenty years, died in 1815 and was

replaced by Dunquod. The new chief was confronted with the

Robert E. Smith is Chairman of the Department of Social Science and

Associate Professor of History at Missouri Southern State College, Joplin.

The author gratefully acknowledges a research grant from the American

Philosophical Society.

1. Charles J. Kappler, comp. and ed., Indian Affairs: Laws and

Treaties, United States Senate, 58th Congress, 2nd Session, Executive

Document Number 319 (5 vols., Washington, D. C., 1904), II, 117-19, 145-55,

162-64.

182                                               OHIO HISTORY

task of guiding his people through difficult years which saw a

floodtide of white settlement in Ohio.

The postwar period also witnessed the first successful ef-

fort by American missionaries to convert the Wyandots to

Christianity. Earlier efforts by Roman Catholic French priests

met temporary success, but the defeat of France in the French

and Indian War curtailed any significant Catholic missionary

activity among the Wyandots. Then in 1781 and 1782 Moravian

preachers failed to establish a successful mission.² The Mora-

vian failure discouraged other Protestant denominations and

fourteen years passed before the Quakers dispatched George

Ellicott and Gerard T. Hopkins to the Delawares, Shawnees,

and Wyandots. The Quakers also were unsuccessful, but not

because the Wyandots were unreceptive to the Society of Friends:

in 1798 Chief Tarhe stated that the Quakers were good people

and urged continued friendship between the Society of Friends

and the Wyandots.³ However, the Quakers concentrated their

missionary activities among other Indian tribes in Ohio. Next,

Thomas E. Hughes and James Satterfield, two Presbyterian

preachers, reached the Wyandots in 1800 and tried to convert

the tribe. The following year Hughes, accompanied by Joseph

Badger, preached to the Wyandots, but the two exploratory

missions found the Indians unresponsive. Undaunted, the Pres-

byterians persevered by sending George M. Scott and Alexander

Mathews to visit the Wyandots in 1803, and Scott returned to

Upper Sandusky the following year.⁴ Hughes and Badger re-

turned in 1805, and eventually the Wyandots agreed to allow

a Presbyterian mission. Before the church could prosper, how-

ever, the War of 1812 forced the Presbyterians to abandon their

2. Randall L. Buchman, "The History of the Wyandot Indians in

Ohio," (unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Ohio State University, Colum-

bus, Ohio, 1958), 63-66.

3. Gerard T. Hopkins, A Mission to the Indians: From the Indian

Committee of Baltimore Yearly Meeting to Fort Wayne in 1804 (Phila-

delphia. 1862), 132-66; Speech delivered by Tarhe, September 8, 1798,

The Quaker Collection, Haverford College Library, Haverford, Penn-

sylvania.

4. Thomas Hughes, "Missionary Tours to Detroit," The Western

Missionary Magazine and Repository of Religious Intelligence, I (April,

1803), 91-98; Records of the Synod of Pittsburgh, September 29, 1802 to

October, 1832 (Pittsburgh, 1852), 10-13; George Scott, "A Journal," The

Western Missionary Magazine and Repository of Religious Intelligence, I

(October, 1803), 339-54; ibid., II (October, 1804), 224-37, Pittsburgh

Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Clash of Leadership                                       183

fragile mission. When peace came, the Presbyterians did not

renew their missionary efforts among the Wyandots.⁵

The most successful missionary to the Wyandots was John

Stewart, a very unlikely candidate. A free mulatto from Pow-

hatan, Virginia, and a recent convert to Methodism, Stewart

learned about the lack of Christian activity among the Wyandots

and visited their reserve in 1816. Despite initial distrust of his

motives, a few Indians listened to his sermons, and although

progress was slow, Stewart began to gain converts for the

Methodist Episcopal Church. He held an exhorter's license, but

was not a licensed missionary preacher of the church. This made

his task more difficult, because missionaries from other de-

nominations told the Indians that Stewart did not have the

power to exercise his ministerial efforts. In March, 1819, how-

ever, Moses Crume, presiding elder of the Cincinnati District

of the Methodist Episcopal Church, issued Stewart a license to

preach. That year James Montgomery was instructed to assist

Stewart once each month. After Montgomery was appointed

subagent for the Seneca Indians later in the year, Moses Henkle

was assigned to assist Stewart, and the Methodists considered

establishing a permanent mission school at Upper Sandusky.⁶

No permanent resident Indian agent resided at Upper

Sandusky in the chaotic years following the War of 1812. Dur-

ing the war Benjamin F. Stickney served as Indian agent at

Upper Sandusky, but when the war ended he was transferred to

the Fort Wayne Agency in Indiana. John Johnston, the Indian

agent at Piqua, Ohio, was assigned jurisdiction over the Wyan-

dots, Shawnees, and Seneca residing in Ohio. Primitive transpor-

tation facilities made it obvious that the Wyandots could not be

well-managed from the Piqua Agency, but the Wyandots never-

theless remained an orphan child of the Piqua Agency.⁷

5. Records of the Synod of Pittsburgh, 30-40; Joseph Badger, "A

Diary, 1801-1808," Manasseh Cutler Papers, and Quintus F. Atkins, "A

Diary While on a Mission with the Reverend Joseph Badger to the Wyandot

Tribe of Indians Inhabiting the Sandusky River, April 1, 1806-August

14, 1807," Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio; Joseph

Badger to Thomas Worthington, December 13, 1806, Thomas Worthington

Papers, Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio.

6. John H. Satterwhite, "John Stewart and the Mission to the Wyandot

Indians," Historical Papers presented at American Methodism's Bicen-

tennial Celebration, Baltimore, Maryland, April 21-24, 1966 (Lake Juna-

luska, North Carolina, 1967), 59-64.

7. Gayle Thornbrough, ed., Letter Book of the Indian Agency at Fort

Wayne, 1809-1815 (Indianapolis, 1961), 210, 242-43, 245-47, 253, 256; A

184                                              OHIO HISTORY

Governor Lewis Cass of Michigan Territory, who also served

as United States Superintendent of Indian Affairs, recommended

to Secretary of War John C. Calhoun that Stickney be appointed

Indian agent for the Wyandots, but no action was taken.⁸ This

left John Johnston with the burden of fulfilling the provisions

promised the Wyandots in their 1795-1818 treaties with the

United States. In addition to paying Indian annuities, the gov-

ernment agreed to provide additional benefits in consideration

of several Indian cessions. In the Wyandot Treaty of September

29, 1817, the most important of the postwar treaties, the United

States agreed to "engage to appoint an agent, to reside among

or near the Wyandots, to aid them in the protection of their

persons and property, to manage their intercourse with the

government and citizens of the United States, and to discharge

the duties which commonly appertain to the office of Indian

agent."⁹ Despite poor health and the location of his agency in

Piqua, Johnston attempted to perform these duties pending a

decision by the Secretary of War. Johnston also tried to fulfill

another provision of the treaty whereby the United States

promised to "erect a sawmill and a gristmill, upon some proper

part of the Wyandot reservation, for their use, and to provide

and maintain a blacksmith, for the use of the Wyandots and

Senecas, upon the reservation of the Wyandots."¹⁰ Johnston

informed Cass in June, 1819, that he was making arrangements

to employ a blacksmith to reside at Upper Sandusky. He con-

tended, however, that "nothing could be done this summer on the

subject of building the mills for the Wyandots except having the

river examined and the site ascertained. This I shall have done

in September or October when the water is low." Johnston en-

gaged a blacksmith at $469 per year, and in October, 1819, he

signed a contract for $550 for part of the cost of building both

mills at Upper Sandusky and indicated that the work would

biography on the life of John Johnston is Leonard U. Hill, John Johnston

and the Indians: In the Land of the Three Miamis (Piqua, Ohio, 1957);

John Johnston to John C. Calhoun, October 13, 1818, W. Edwin Hemphill,

ed., The Papers of John C. Calhoun (Columbia, South Carolina, 1967), III,

199-200, 365; Calhoun to William Turner, May 24, 1819, Letters Sent

Relating to Indian Affairs, 1800-1824, Office of Indian Affairs, National

Archives, Washington, D. C. (hereafter cited as L.S.R.I.A.)

8. Cass to Calhoun, January 9, 1819, Hemphill, The Papers of John C.

Calhoun, III, 480.

9. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, II, 149.

10. Ibid.

Clash of Leadership                                    185

commence the next summer. A month earlier, a millwright

went to Upper Sandusky and fixed the site of the mills on a

spot below the Wyandot Council House.¹l

By the winter of 1819-1820 Johnston managed to fulfill

most of the provisions stipulated in the postwar treaties, and

he evaluated Wyandot improvements which would be turned

over to the government under the terms of the treaties. Secre-

tary of War Calhoun believed the appraisal was correct, but

was unwilling to permit an evaluation by an Indian agent.

Thus in July, 1819, he appointed George Hunt and William

Cotton, two men who had already appraised Delaware Indian

improvements, to evaluate the Wyandot improvements. In early

September, Cotton and Hunt reached Piqua and informed

Johnston that they had been commissioned to conduct the ap-

praisal. Johnston gave them his assessment and told them to

return to their homes in Indiana because the task was com-

pleted, but Cotton and Hunt disregarded his advice. Incensed,

Johnston maintained that they had mischievous purposes which

accounted for their conduct; the agent further complained that

the appraisers stopped seven miles outside of Upper Sandusky

when they made the evaluation, and thus their findings were

incomplete. Calhoun ended the argument by reversing his pre-

vious stance; he disregarded the Hunt and Cotton evaluation

and approved Johnston's appraisal. However, the Secretary of

War informed the two appraisers that they would be reimbursed

for their services.l²

After Hunt and Cotton left the Grand Reserve, Johnston

turned his attention to implementing other provisions of post-

war Wyandot treaties with the government. In April, 1820, he

drew on $1,000 in government funds for the construction of

the Wyandot mills at Upper Sandusky. Johnston indicated that

he would purchase mill irons, iron, steel, and tools in Cin-

cinnati for building the mills and that he expected to leave

Piqua for Upper Sandusky in May with a millwright and

laborers. Johnston urged Governor Cass to recommend to Sec-

retary of War Calhoun that a subagent be appointed for the

11. Johnston to Cass, June 9, and October 23, 1819, Letters Received,

Michigan Superintendency, Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives,

Washington D. C. (hereafter cited as L.R.M.S.)

12. Calhoun to Cass, July 31, 1819, and Johnston to Cass, Septem-

ber 12, 1819, L.R.M.S.; Calhoun to George Hunt and William Cotton, July

20 and 31, 1819, L.S.R.I.A.

186                                           OHIO HISTORY

Wyandots, because all the tribes under the jurisdiction of the

Piqua Agency created too large a volume of work for just one

man. The agent believed the task warranted an assistant, for

by 1820 there were 632 Wyandots living in Ohio, over half of

whom lived in and around Upper Sandusky; moreover, most of

the remainder were within a day's ride from Upper Sandusky.

Also, communications and travel between Piqua and the Wyandot

Reserve were tedious and unreliable.¹³

Johnston suggested to Cass that John Shaw, who had served

with him at the Fort Wayne Agency before and during the War

of 1812, be appointed subagent for the Wyandots. The Piqua

Agent wished to take Shaw with him when he left Piqua for

Upper Sandusky with the construction crew around May 18.

In April, Johnston informed Cass that his cost estimate for con-

struction of the mills was $4,000; he believed it impossible to

eliminate any additional expenditures, despite economy requests

from the governor. Johnston also feared that economy measures

would forestall the appointment of a subagent for the Wyandots

at Upper Sandusky. He tried to ease any concern over in-

creased costs when he indicated to Cass that, "if you allow me

Mr. Shaw as assistant at Sandusky, I will not ask any addition

to my estimate at present . . . $1700.00 per quarter-will en-

deavor to make up his salary out of that sum."l4

Despite his anxiety about the absence of a subagent at

Upper Sandusky, Johnston performed the duties of Indian

agent of the Piqua Agency. On April 28, 1820, he was issued

a warrant for $17,000 to be paid as annuities to Indians, and of

this sum $6,900 was earmarked for the Wyandots. The follow-

ing week Johnston held a council at Piqua with representatives

of the Shawnees, Senecas, Wyandots, and Delawares to determine

if the tribes were willing to remove to the Trans-Mississippi

West. No official Indian removal policy had yet been imple-

mented, but there was a movement within government circles

to initiate an Indian removal program in response to pressure

exerted by whites who coveted Indian land east of the Mis-

sissippi. In addition, other whites sincerely believed that re-

moval was the only way the Indians could survive. A secondary

13. Johnston to Cass, April 3 and 19, 1820, L.R.M.S.; Thomas Mc-

Kenney to Walter Leake, April 19, 1820, Letters Sent, Superintendent of

Indian Trade, 1807-1823, Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives,

Washington, D. C.

14. Johnston to Cass, April 19 and 25, 1820, L.R.M.S.

188                                          OHIO HISTORY

Johnston proceeded with his plans for the Wyandot Reserve.

He disclosed to Cass his progress in explaining to the Wyandots

the benefits of removal from Ohio. He also revealed in October

that the Wyandot sawmill was complete but not operational be-

cause the river was too low. The agent lamented this, for it

prevented the construction crew from using the sawmill to saw

lumber for the erection of the grist mill. Construction costs

thus increased because all lumber had to be prepared with an

ax, a much slower method than sawing. Despite the delay,

Johnston expected the structure to be finished within two or

three weeks and he reported that the Indians were satisfied

with the mills.¹⁶

In early October John Shaw accepted his appointment as

subagent, although he feared that the salary of $500 per year

was inadequate to support his family. The new subagent, a

native of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, was forty years old and

a prominent Quaker. Shaw emigrated to Redstone in western

Pennsylvania with his father, stepmother, and brother in 1797.

In 1805 Shaw traveled by keelboat from Brownstown, Penn-

sylvania to Cincinnati, Ohio, where he decided to go into partner-

ship in a store with his future brother-in-law, Jonathan Wright,

Jr. Also, Shaw and another Quaker, David Holloway, started a

trading post in Waynesville, Ohio. Shaw traded for supplies, and

each year made two keelboat trips up the Kanawha River to the

Kanawha salt works where he exchanged clothing, boots, and

shoes for salt, venison, and animal skins. Although occupied

by the duties of subagent at the Fort Wayne Agency during the

chaotic days of the War of 1812, Shaw managed to marry

Elizabeth Wright, a well-educated Quaker from Maryland who

was a sister of one of his business partners. When Shaw was

appointed subagent for the Wyandots, he and Elizabeth were

the parents of two small children-Edward, age five, and

Thomas, who was three.17

Shaw arrived in Upper Sandusky on November 11, 1820.

There was no agency residence for the first winter, so the sub-

16. Johnston to Cass, October 1, 1820, L.R.M.S.

17. Cass to John Shaw, September 15, 1820, L.S.M.S.; Shaw to Cass

October 9, 1820, L.R.M.S.; E. Ray Sullivan, "Shaw Family Genealogy,"

unpublished typescript, Indianola, Iowa, 1948, 1, la, 2; Miscellaneous

clippings, The Literary Era, no date, 125; Cincinnati Enquirer, no day or

month, 1903, 1; Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College, Swarth-

more, Pennsylvania.

Clash of Leadership                                    189

agent, and later his family, shared a cabin with the family of

John Lewis, the subagency blacksmith. Shaw inherited a serious

problem: white men trespassed or settled upon the Grand Re-

serve without permission and refused to leave. He reported that

white men hunted on the reserve, removed large quantities of

honey from hollow trees, and stole horses, hogs, and cattle. The

subagent noted in December, 1820, that "considerable quantities

of whiskey has [sic] been brought within this reserve by white

men who located themselves with their wagons in a state of con-

cealment while they sold out the liquor to what is termed the

drunken part of Indians." Despite the harassed subagent's best

efforts, liquor sales to the Wyandots remained a problem on the

Grand Reserve.18

Meanwhile, the Wyandot mills were completed by late fall,

1820, and Johnston reported after an inspection trip to Upper

Sandusky that they were well constructed despite the fact that

the construction crew had not been paid; the crew would be paid

a month later, in December, when Johnston received $4,643 in

federal government funds. The cost of mill construction at

Upper Sandusky, improvements at other sites in Ohio, and un-

foreseen expenses incurred during treaty councils prompted

Governor Cass to request that Secretary Calhoun add $1,000 to

the fund for the Michigan Superintendency.¹⁹

In January, 1821, Shaw brought his wife and children from

Cincinnati to Upper Sandusky, The subagent appreciated the use

of a portion of the John Lewis cabin as lodging, but he now de-

sired new, larger quarters. He proposed to Cass that $400 be

allowed for a subagency residence. Cass approved his request

and instructed him to submit an estimate of the construction

cost.²⁰ Johnston, however, disagreed with Cass, contending that

Shaw's situation was, "as comfortable and respected as his

former habits and prospects would entitle him to." Moreover,

Johnston feared that a substantial subagency residence would

encourage the Wyandots to remain in Ohio, and informed Cass

that he intended to save enough from agency funds to build a

house for Shaw.21

18. Cass to Shaw, November 18, 1820, and Shaw to Cass, December

11, 1820, L.S.M.S.; Richmond (Indiana) Weekly Palladin, May 28, 1891, 1.

19. Johnston to Cass, November 21, and December 5, 1820, Shaw to

Cass, December 11, 1820, L.R.M.S.; Cass to Calhoun, January 6, 1821,

L.S.M.S.

20. Shaw to Cass, January 28, 1821, L.R.M.S.; Cass to Shaw, Feb-

ruary 10, 1821, L.S.M.S.

21. Johnston to Cass, February 13, 1821, L.R.M.S.

190                                          OHIO HISTORY

In April Cass received information that Congress had lopped

off $100,000 from Indian appropriations for 1821, an unexpected

turn of events which dictated that strict economy would be en-

forced throughout the Michigan Superintendency. Neverthe-

less, Cass urged Johnston to find a way to save enough agency

funds to construct a subagency residence at Upper Sandusky.

Johnston pledged he would aid Shaw in acquiring funds for a

home and would direct agency employees to assist the subagent

in its construction. Without waiting for funds, Shaw built a

two-story log home in an unused fort located at Upper San-

dusky. Johnston was understandably shocked when he observed

the building in September, 1821, for Shaw had neglected to

inform him he was building the subagency residence before re-

ceiving any funds for the project.²² The Piqua Agent began to

believe that Shaw was trying to bypass him. To make matters

worse, Shaw suggested to Governor Cass in January, 1821, that

he should report directly to Cass in Detroit instead of to John-

ston. Shaw claimed that Johnston was "a gentleman I respect

and would not be willing to put more duties of this kind on him

than necessary. Also, the mail route to Piqua is rather indirect

and tedious."²³ Cass agreed, but cautioned Shaw that "the

payment of the Wyandot annuity will be made by Mr. Johnston

and that tribe for general purposes will be considered within his

agency."²⁴ The governor informed Johnston that Shaw should

report directly to Detroit and added that it would be best to

keep subagency funds in Shaw's name. Johnston, upset when he

learned of this, maintained that regular mail service existed

between Piqua and Upper Sandusky. He contended that Shaw

knew no accounts could be opened in the name of a subagent,

for when Shaw had served with Johnston at Fort Wayne he had

made an unsuccessful attempt to open an account: the Treasury

Department had refused to open an independent account for

Shaw. Johnston reminded Cass that, "my surety bonds embraces

the expenditures at Sandusky as well as here. The monies ad-

vanced Mr. Shaw can be charged to myself and the amount

taken out of the next draft."²⁵

22. Cass to Johnston, April 21, 1821, L.S.M.S.; Johnston to Cass,

May 14 and September 25, 1821, L.R.M.S.; Richmond Weekly Palladin,

May 28, 1891, 1.

23. Shaw to Cass, January 28, 1821, L.R.M.S.

24. Cass to Shaw, February 10, 1821, L.S.M.S.

25. Cass to Johnston, February 25, 1821, ibid.; Johnston to Cass,

March 24, 1821, L.R.M.S.

Clash of Leadership                                    191

One problem with a semi-independent subagency at Upper

Sandusky was that Johnston could not accurately estimate its

expenditures. Johnston informed Shaw that all funds were to

be dispersed in his (Johnston's) name, but Shaw refused to

follow this directive until Cass rescinded the order to report

directly to Detroit. Shaw informed Johnston, "if Governor Cass

attaches me to your agency, I shall most cheerfully obey. Until

then I think it very improper in me to do so." The Wyandot

subagent confided to Cass that he had no private motives that

influenced his judgment, "but the public good." He went on to

state that, "I am not so tenacious but that if you should feel so

disposed to gratify Johnston, I will endeavor quietly to sub-

mit."²⁶ Perhaps Johnston feared that the importance of his

position would diminish if Shaw was given too much control

over the Indians at Upper Sandusky, because he wrote to Secre-

tary of War Calhoun to discount the necessity of an Indian

agency for the Wyandots. Johnston also urged Cass to re-

consider an Indian subagency for the Wyandots because "the

small number of Indians under his charge would not justify

the government in increasing the expense there and the number

of Indians at Sandusky must constantly diminish by removal."²⁷

The controversy over Shaw's independence faded as depart-

mental belt-tightening, due to slashes in appropriations, in-

creased the difficulty of managing the Piqua Agency.

Living conditions at Upper Sandusky improved, and Shaw

reported in January, 1821, that the Wyandots were most indus-

trious and easier to work with than any other tribe in the re-

gion. He also noted that several Indian families had raised

considerable quantities of corn and vegetables, and a few families

had planted wheat in anticipation of the completion of the

Wyandot grist mill. The grist mill ground a few bushels of corn

each day, but its soft grindstones produced gritty cornmeal.

Shaw removed the grindstones after grinding about 300 bushels

of corn, contending that they should be replaced. The subagent

was upset over the flawed grindstones also because white settlers

used the grist mill, the only operational mill in the area. These

individuals were permitted to use the facility for a fee, but the

Indians did not pay to have their grain ground. In addition,

Shaw believed that the government should oversee maintenance

26. Ibid., April 16, 1821; ibid., Shaw to Cass, May 4, 1821.

27. Calhoun to Johnston, November 30, 1821, L.S.R.I.A.; Johnston to

Cass, September 25 1821, L.R.M.S.

192                                          OHIO HISTORY

of the mills because the Indians were unfamiliar with the opera-

tion of the facilities. Finally, the Indians did not have a suf-

ficient number of implements for full-scale farming operations.

To help remedy the situation, Shaw suggested that the govern-

ment provide the tribe with a good farm wagon, pointing out

that the Wyandot hay harvest would have been larger in 1820

had the tribe possessed such a wagon. Unfortunately, before the

Indians could cut and store their hay, using very primitive

methods, a fire raged through their hayfields destroying much

of the crop, thus making it difficult to provide forage for their

lovestock during the winter. Cass agreed with Shaw that the

government should maintain the Wyandot mills. Moreover, if

a wagon was required for the Indians the subagent should pur-

chase one. Cass also gave Shaw permission to purchase new

millstones if the subagent believed the original stones were

inadequate.²⁸

Shaw was tireless in his efforts to improve the Wyandots'

standard of living. In March, 1821, he appealed to Cass for

more iron to be used to make agricultural implements. The In-

dians had only six plows and Shaw wanted to furnish them with

iron plows, axes, hoes, and wedges. By March the reserve's

iron supply was exhausted, and the subagent contended that the

need for a new supply was critical. Shaw maintained that the

Wyandot's annuity of $6900 was inadequate to meet the in-

creasing demands of the tribe as they turned to agricultural

pursuits. On a per capita basis the annuity amounted to just

over eleven dollars for each Indian, a sum so small that it could

not pay for the necessities of establishing a farm. As an added

rebuff to those who contended that the Indians wasted their

money, Shaw stated that the Wyandots dressed sensibly in

leather and did not squander their funds on expensive garments

or silver jewelry as was customary in other tribes.²⁹

Meanwhile, in response to the government's 1821 reduction

of appropriations Johnston reduced the salaries of the black-

smith and interpreter rather than dismiss any government em-

ployees at Upper Sandusky; thus he was able to maintain the

same services while reducing costs to meet the emergency

created by the cut in appropriations. The annuity payments

28. Shaw to Cass, January 28, 1821, ibid.; Cass to Shaw, February 10,

1821, L.S.M.S.

29. Shaw to Cass, March 27, 1821, L.R.M.S.

Clash of Leadership                                     193

were not altered, but in November Johnston blamed Shaw for

overspending-the passage of time had not lessened disagree-

ments between Shaw and Johnston. Johnston charged that Shaw

attempted to impugn his character and avoided him at Upper

Sandusky. Offended, Johnston castigated Shaw for his lack of

respect. In April Cass concluded that, "I am at length satisfied

that Mr. Johnston and Mr. Shaw will do no good together....

I shall recommend to the Secretary of War that Mr. Shaw be

rendered independent." But Cass' recommendation hinged on

the availability of increased congressional appropriations.³⁰

However, funding did not increase and in June Johnston

was warned to cut expenditures to the bone. The Wyandot chiefs

received their annuity on August 5, 1822, nine days before the

other Wyandots received their payments. In all, there were 625

Indians receiving payments, but this number included between

twenty-five and forty Wyandots who resided in Canada. Illness

prevented Johnston from making the payment personally, so

the funds were delivered to Upper Sandusky by James Mc-

Pherson, an employee at the Piqua Agency. Johnston recovered

by September, and immediately chided Shaw for overspending.

But Shaw countered that in fact he was forced to use his per-

sonal funds to operate the subagency.³¹

In September Cass began to formulate a new funding policy

regarding the difficulties between Shaw and Johnston. The

lack of appropriations having forced him to postpone a formal

separation of the Wyandot Subagency from its parent Piqua

Agency, he therefore indicated to Shaw that funds for the

Wyandot Subagency would be sent to Upper Sandusky after

passing through Piqua. The difference was that although the

funds were still charged to Johnston's account, he no longer had

control over the amount forwarded to Upper Sandusky.³²

Although the subagency suffered from clashes between

Johnston and Shaw, missionary activities prospered and ex-

30. Shaw to Cass, July 21, 1821, Johnston to Cass, November 21,

1821, and January 14, 1822, ibid.; Johnston to Ethan Allen Brown, July

31, 1821, Ethan Allen Brown Papers, Ohio Historical Society; Cass to

Stickney, April 11, 1822, L.S.M.S.

31. Robert A. Forsyth to Johnston, June 20, 1822, ibid.; Shaw to Cass,

August 22, 1822, Nicholas Greenham to Cass, August 22, 1822 and M.

Johnston to Cass, August 26, 1822, Shaw to Cass, August 22, 1822 and

Johnston to Cass, September 16, 1822, L.R.M.S.

32. Cass to Shaw, September 11, 1822, Cass to Shaw and Cass to

Johnston, October 4, 1822, L.S.M.S.

194                                            OHIO HISTORY

panded under the direction of Moses Henkle and John Stewart.

In fact, the Wyandot chiefs wanted a mission school on their

reserve, and during the summer of 1821 had requested one from

the Methodist Conference in Lebanon, Ohio. The Wyandots of-

fered the Methodists a spring-fed section of land for the site of

the facility, and promised to assist in constructing the school

if the Methodists would supply a teacher. The Wyandots pledged

that the young people of the tribe would attend school.³³

Activities of rival denominations spurred the Methodists

into action. Moses Henkle reported in September, 1821, that the

Presbyterians were asking the Indians if they could establish a

school on the Wyandot reserve at Big Spring, Ohio. Henkle

added that the Presbyterians had cautioned the Wyandots not

to rely on promises made by the Methodists. Incensed by the

Presbyterian attack, Henkle offered to send his son to Big

Spring, where the young man would conduct an elementary

school for twelve or thirteen Indian children. In addition, Henkle

employed William Walker, Jr., a well-educated member of the

Wyandot tribe, as a temporary teacher at Upper Sandusky.

Henkle also feared that John Stewart and Jonathan Pointer, a

black man who often acted as Stewart's interpreter, were losing

some of their influence with the Indians. Some whites tried to

embarrass the Wyandots by pointing out that the Indians

listened to the teachings of black men. An adopted Wyandot,

Pointer continued to assist Stewart. Notwithstanding inter-

ference by white men, the two blacks were successful in their

missionary activities among the Wyandots. The Wyandots were

unwilling to condemn a man because of his color and they recog-

nized that the two blacks were useful individuals.³⁴

The Methodist Conference agreed to send a permanent mis-

sionary to the Wyandots and appointed James B. Finley to

serve at this post. A dedicated missionary, Finley was well

known in Methodist circles. An outstanding spokesman for

Indian rights, he was an experienced preacher and organizer.

One of the members of his congregation, Harriet Stubbs, volun-

33. James B. Finley, History of the Wyandott Mission, At Upper

Sandusky, Ohio: Under the Direction of the Methodist Episcopal Church

(Cincinnati, 1840), 110-11. This is an excellent description of the Meth-

odist missionary work among the Wyandots.

34. Moses Henkle, Report on the Mission, September 4, 1821, Upper

Sandusky Mission of Methodist Episcopal Church Records, Ohio Historical

Society.

Clash of Leadership                                    195

teered to serve as teacher, and she accompanied Finley and his

wife on their journey from Highland County, Ohio, to Upper

Sandusky. The three missionaries, and two young men hired to

assist them on their journey, arrived at the Wyandot Reserve on

October 16, 1821, and soon were busy organizing a permanent

mission and making preparations for establishing a school.

Finley was injured while cutting logs for a cabin, but with the

assistance of the Indians he was able to move his family into

the structure the day before the first snowfall.³⁵

Although it was impossible to start a boarding school that

winter because there was no suitable building, Finley took six

Indian children into his cabin where a makeshift school was con-

ducted. Harriet Stubbs taught the Indians, and by that spring

her class had grown to ten pupils. During the summer of 1822

a school forty-eight feet long and thirty-two feet wide, including

porches, was completed. Finley and his assistants had prepared

the logs for this structure during the winter, which enabled them

to finish the construction rapidly. Unfortunately, illness forced

Finley to leave the mission and move to Urbana, Ohio. In the

fall of 1822, Charles Ellicott was appointed missionary, with the

understanding that Finley would resume his duties as superin-

tendent of the mission as soon as he regained his health. Ellicott

reemployed William Walker, Jr., to teach male Wyandot students

and hired a white woman, Lydia Barstow, to instruct Indian

girls. Finley returned and resumed his duties in the fall, al-

though he remained in poor health.³⁶

In contrast to the settled situation at the Wyandot mis-

sionary school, John Shaw and his subagency continued to suf-

fer monetary difficulties. Shaw complained in October, 1822,

that it was impossible for him to economize any further and

still meet subagency requirements. He went on to note that

the inadequacy of buildings and the repair and maintenance ex-

pense of government property forced him to overspend his

budget. John Johnston disagreed and suggested to Governor

Cass that if Shaw "is not content, he can resign and I engage to

procure an able and good man to replace him."³⁷ Cass believed

that Shaw was an honest man working under great pressure, so

35. Finley, History of the Wyandott Mission, 115-17.

36. Ibid., 141-42, 161-64.

37. Shaw to Cass, October 11, 1822, and Johnston to Cass, October

12, 1822, L.R.M.S.

196                                          OHIO HISTORY

he suggested to Calhoun that the government purchase new

millstones for the Wyandot Mill and assist the chiefs in sur-

veying a tract on the reserve. Johnston, however, continued to

express disapproval of Shaw, informing Cass in late 1822 that if

an independent agency were established at Upper Sandusky, Shaw

would not be appointed agent because he was unknown to poli-

ticians in Ohio. In January, 1823, Cass, exasperated by the fric-

tion between Johnston and Shaw, informed Johnston that, "all

I intended or do intend is that you should allow him as much

latitude of discretion as is consistent with your general con-

trol .... I do not look upon him as an ordinary sub-Indian agent,

but as an officer of intelligence entitled to much consideration."38

To compound Shaw's difficulties in managing a subagency,

new arguments arose between him and Johnston. In February

Shaw reported the death of William Walker, Sr., his interpreter,

and proposed that the duties and salary of interpreter be shared

by Walker's son Isaac and Robert Armstrong, a white man who

was a member of the tribe. Cass approved the appointments and

notified Johnston. However, Johnston was angry because Shaw

had not notified him about the appointment of the two inter-

preters. Johnston also was irritated because Cass had given

Shaw permission to replace the millstones in the Wyandot Mill,

while budgetary cuts prevented his [Johnston] purchasing new

equipment. When Cass instructed Shaw to secure new mill-

stones for the Wyandots at government expense, Johnston pro-

tested vehemently: he contended that "every pain was taken in

the first place to procure a good pair," and pointed out that Shaw

selected the original millstones. Johnston added that the Indians

were making a good profit from the mill and thus they should

buy the millstones.³⁹ In May the Wyandots took the matter into

their own hands when they decided to pay for the additional pair

of millstones. The mill could now operate during periods of high

water and the construction costs would be paid by the Indians.⁴⁰

While Shaw and Johnston disagreed over agency policy, no

one doubted the success of the Methodist Mission. Future United

States Postmaster General John McLean, a friend of James B.

38. Johnston to Cass, December 10, 1822, L.R.M.S.; Cass to Calhoun,

October 23, 1822, and Cass to Johnston, January 19, 1823, L.S.M.S.

39. Shaw to Cass, February 22, 1823, Johnston to Cass, March 24,

1823, Cass to Shaw, February 27, 1823, L.R.M.S.; Cass to Shaw, February

27, 1823, L.S.M.S.

40. Johnston to Cass, March 24, 1823, L.R.M.S.

Clash of Leadership                                      197

Finley, wondered in February, 1823, why the Methodist mis-

sionary had not applied for government funds which had been

appropriated to assist Indian missions. Finley soon corrected this

oversight by applying for the funds, and in May he was informed

by Secretary of War Calhoun that the mission would receive $500

in government assistance. It was fortunate that the government

assisted the mission, for by the spring of 1823 the complex in-

cluded three buildings and an additional schoolhouse of one and

one-half stories was planned for immediate construction. Eighty

acres of fenced mission land was used as pasture and ten acres of

cleared river bottom land had been planted in corn during the

1822 growing season. Shaw complimented Finley on his achieve-

ments and noted that "his mild and ingenuous manner of govern-

ing their weakness and prejudices has given him a conspicuous

place in their affections." The subagent estimated that Finley

and his assistants were educating between forty and fifty Wyan-

dot youths, and there was little doubt that Indian enrollment

would increase with the availability of more accommodations.⁴¹

Finley obtained materials for the Indians whenever he could per-

suade Methodists to donate money or other gifts to the mission.

For example, in the spring of 1823 when the Wyandots did not

have enough potatoes to meet their needs, the persistent mis-

sionary obtained between forty and fifty bushels from a benevo-

lent Methodist. During the late winter and spring of 1823

Finley often appealed for extraordinary aid from generous

Methodists because the Wyandots had seriously depleted their

grain supply.⁴²

Shaw also worked hard to obtain necessities for the Indians,

even though he overspent his budget in doing so. He reported to

Governor Cass that squirrels had eaten much of the corn crop in

the field and the severity of the winter forced the Indians to feed

their livestock more grain than usual. Some of the Indians were

in danger of having to use their seed grain for food, which would

41. Shaw to Cass, March 10, 1823, ibid.; John McLean to James B.

Finley, February 12, 1823, James B. Finley Papers, United Methodist

Archives Center, Beeghly Library, Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware,

Ohio (hereafter cited as Finley Papers.); Calhoun to Finley, May 1, 1823,

Hemphill, The Papers of John C. Calhoun, VIII, 42-43; Estimate of Cost,

March 18, 1823, and Certificate of John Shaw, March 21, 1823, Letters Re-

ceived Relating to Indian Affairs, 1800-1823, Office of Indian Affairs,

National Archives, Washington, D. C. (hereafter cited as L.R.R.I.A.)

42. Nathan Emery to Finley, April 16, 1823, Finley Papers.

198                                          OHIO HISTORY

have wrecked plans for an agricultural society. However, the

danger was averted when Shaw persuaded Cass to spend an ad-

ditional $100 for immediate subsistence needs. In May Shaw

informed Cass that the Quakers sent many supplies to the

Shawnees at Wappakonneta and Lewistown. He added that, "the

Methodist Society in their operating here, although zelous [sic]

and faithful in their engagements in the school and missionary

establishment expend nothing for the Wyandots on any other

score.^"43 Although Johnston continued to criticize Shaw for

overspending, the subagent at Upper Sandusky performed well,

considering the conditions which existed on the reserve.⁴⁴

Notwithstanding his displeasure over the performance of the

Wyandot subagent, Johnston was enthusiastic in his support of

the Wyandot Methodist Mission. Unable to travel to Upper San-

dusky in June, 1823, because of ill health, Johnston informed

Finley that he hoped to reach the Methodist Mission in August or

September. Though pleased with the success of the mission, he

cautioned Finley not to expect the Wyandots to remain in Ohio.

Johnston believed that the Wyandots would be overwhelmed by

their white neighbors in Ohio, and he warned Finley not to be-

come involved in the debate over Indian removal because the

Wyandots and the mission would only suffer. Finley reported in

July that there were 220 Methodist Wyandots and over fifty In-

dian and white children enrolled in the mission school. He in-

dicated to Governor Cass that he was attempting to convert the

Wyandots from hunters to farmers. Finley claimed that his ex-

periment was working, for the Indians cultivated over fifty acres

of mission land that summer and also planned a large fall plant-

ing. Shaw continued his enthusiasm for the mission's work, as

did Johnston. In August when Johnston finally reached Upper

Sandusky, he sent a glowing report about the Wyandot Mission to

Methodist Bishop William McKendre of Urbana, Ohio. Accord-

ing to Johnston, the fifty acres of mission corn was the finest crop

he had seen that year and would yield 3,000 bushels. An addi-

tional twelve acres were devoted to vegetables, ranging from

potatoes to cabbages. Impressed with the progress of the Indians

at the mission school, Johnston praised Finley's performance as

superintendent of the Wyandot Mission. Finley, in turn, received

43. Cass to Shaw, May 8, 1823, L.S.M.S.; Shaw to Cass, May 10,

1823, L.R.M.S.

44. Finley to Cass, July 21, 1823, ibid.

Clash of Leadership                                    199

more welcome news that fall when Secretary of War Calhoun in-

formed him that the government would reimburse the Methodists

$1300 to cover two-thirds of the construction costs of the Wyandot

Mission buildings. In early December Johnston informed Finley

that he would reach Upper Sandusky by Christmas to pay sub-

agency personnel and assist in the preparation of requisitions for

the promised $1300. However, inclement weather prevented

Johnston from making the journey; therefore, he sent an as-

sistant, James McPherson, with the requisitions.⁴⁵

Despite bright prospects for the future, a serious blow struck

the Wyandot Mission in late 1823. John Stewart, the mulatto

missionary who brought Methodism to the Wyandots, developed

poor health but he refused to abandon his duties. On December

17, 1823, Stewart died. Therefore, Finley and his assistants were

forced to assume the duties of this remarkable missionary. De-

spite the loss of Stewart's labors, the mission prospered in 1824,

although several controversies developed which seriously af-

fected the subagency. A tragedy occurred at an 1824 New Year's

celebration in the store of Joseph Chaffy. An intoxicated cele-

brant, David Hill, was asked to leave the party, and when he re-

fused was forcibly removed from the building. Hill attempted to

reenter the store, but James Wright, a black employee at the

trading post, refused to admit him. When the enraged white man

again stormed the trading post, Wright hit him on the head with

a club and Hill died. Although Wright was released under bond,

Shaw, fearing retaliation by whites, believed that the young

black should be placed in jail under protective custody. Despite

Shaw's fears, Wright remained free. Although Wright was not

harmed, he was forced to live in fear of reprisal by Hill's white

friends. Within a month, a Wyandot delegation, including five

of the seven chiefs, met with Shaw. They criticized his adminis-

tration of the subagency and his handling of the Wright-Hill af-

fair, and asked him to resign. Shaw contended that the Indians

blamed him for not punishing Wright immediately. To complicate

matters, the death of Chief Dunquot in 1823 left Wyandot tribal

leadership badly divided. When the five chiefs met with Shaw,

two other chiefs were absent hunting and could not be reached.

After receiving information from Finley concerning the meeting,

45. Johnston to Finley, June 26, December 9, and December 23, 1823,

Finley Papers; Finley to Cass, July 21, 1823, Shaw to Cass, July 26, 1823,

L.R.M.S.; Johnston to William McKendre, August 28, 1823, L.R.R.I.A.;

Calhoun to Finley, October 31, 1823, L.S.R.I.A.

200                                          OHIO HISTORY

Johnston decided to conduct an investigation at Upper Sandusky

in March. Meanwhile, the five Wyandot chiefs sent Johnston a

list of charges leveled against Shaw. This was the first time that

the Wyandots expressed displeasure over Shaw's conduct.

Johnston went to Upper Sandusky and conducted a hearing on

the matter. After an extensive investigation, Johnston concluded

that Shaw erred in judgment and lacked energy, but was an

honest man. One possible factor in the Wyandots' discontent was

Shaw's unwillingness to show preferential treatment to the in-

creasing number of Methodist members of the tribe over the

non-Christian Indians. Shaw himself claimed that the spark

which ignited the controversy occurred before the death of David

Hill. The subagent had sold an ox for Chief John Hicks, for

what he considered a good price, when the Indian was away hunt-

ing. When Hicks returned, however, he expressed displeasure

at the deal. Fortunately, Shaw was able to recover the ox. Al-

though initially reluctant to forgive Shaw for his action, the

chief later accepted the situation and said he was "perfectly

reconciled" with Shaw.46 Nevertheless, Shaw felt that the in-

cident had sown seeds of discontent.

The main reason Johnston desired to resolve the controversy

between Shaw and the Indians was fear that his own position

was in jeopardy. In January, 1824, apparently due to charges

questioning his fitness for the job, he defended his record as

agent and informed Finley that he suspected that Duncan Mc-

Arthur, an enemy and land speculator, wanted him removed as

Indian agent. Johnston contended that McArthur wanted an

Indian agent more sympathetic to the demands of speculators and

more favorable to immediate Indian removal. Searching for allies,

the fearful Piqua agent requested Finley to compose a testimonial

petition to counteract any charges leveled by his enemies.

Johnston urged Finley to persuade the chiefs and whites living

on the Wyandot Reserve to sign the petition. He cautioned

Finley, however, not to permit Shaw to learn of the existence of

the testimonial because "I know in proof, that he on one occasion

endeavored to destroy me." Johnston also informed James Mont-

gomery, the Seneca subagent, of his plight and requested him to

46. Satterwhite, "John Stewart and the Mission to the Wyandot In-

dians," 68; Johnston to Finley, February 23, 1824, Finley Papers; Shaw to

Cass, February 5, 1824, and February 28, 1824, Johnston to Cass, March

27, 1824, Shaw to Cass, April 16, 1824, and Isaac Walker to Cass, May

19, 1824, L.R.M.S.

Clash of Leadership                                         201

obtain a testimonial letter from the Senecas and Shawnees of

Lewistown, Ohio. Soon the Senecas, Shawnees, Wyandots, and

many influential whites sent letters to President James Monroe

and Secretary of War Calhoun attesting to Johnston's honesty

and good character. Johnston also defended his performance as

Indian agent to Cass and Ohio Governor Ethan Allen Brown.

Johnston's defensive efforts proved a success, for the charges

were disregarded and he retained his position.⁴⁷

Meanwhile, Shaw continued to believe he was acceptable to

the Wyandots. Johnston, however, wanted to assign Shaw to the

Seneca Subagency and replace him at Upper Sandusky with

James Montgomery. Finley was unenthusiastic about the pro-

posal because Montgomery was a Methodist: Finley had plans for

a Methodist Mission on the Seneca Reserve and he counted on

strong support from Montgomery should his plans prove fruitful.

Reluctantly, Finley agreed to accept the exchange if Secretary

of War Calhoun approved it. In March, Thomas L. McKenney,

the head of the newly-created Bureau of Indian Affairs, indi-

cated to Johnston that the decision to exchange Shaw should be

left to the discretion of Finley.⁴⁸

Of more immediate concern than the replacement of Shaw

was a widening split between the Methodist Wyandots and those

members of the tribe who remained outside the church. The two

groups-designated Christians and Pagans by the Methodist mis-

sionaries-disagreed over whether the reserve should be divided

into individual farms. In May, 1824, Finley agreed to hold a

council with the Indians to discuss the problems. Johnston indi-

47. Johnston to Calhoun, January 19, 1824, Johnston to Ethan Allen

Brown, February 4, 1824, Shawnees and Senecas of Lewistown to James

Monroe, February 10, 1824, Finley et al to Monroe, February 17, 1824,

Wyandot Chiefs to Monroe, February 17, 1824, Johnston to Brown, Joseph

Vance and William McLean, March 9, 1824, Letters Received, Piqua Agency,

Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives, Washington, D. C. (hereafter

cited as L.R.P.A.) Johnston to Finley, January 27, 1824, James Montgomery

to Finley, February 16, 1824, Finley Papers; Johnston to Cass, February 3,

1824, L.R.M.S.; Johnston to Calhoun, March 9, 1824, and Brown to Calhoun,

March 9, 1824, Hemphill, The Papers of John C. Calhoun, VIII, 571 and 597.

48. Johnston to Finley, April 14, 1824, Finley Papers; Finley to

Calhoun, May 24, 1824, L.R.P.A.; Thomas L. McKenney to Johnston, June

1, 1824, Letters Sent, Office of Indian Affairs, National Archives, Wash-

ington, D. C. (hereafter cited as L.S.I.A.); Secretary of War John C.

Calhoun, without special Congressional authorization, set up a Bureau of

Indian Affairs within the War Department on March 11, 1824. He as-

signed the duties of head of the bureau to Thomas L. McKenney, who held

the position until dismissed by President Jackson in 1830.

202                                           OHIO HISTORY

cated to Cass that unless the two sides settled their differences,

the Wyandots would be unable to elect a head chief.⁴⁹ The

Methodist Mission suffered a serious setback while Finley at-

tended a missionary conference in Baltimore during the spring

of 1824. In July Finley learned that during his absence the

Pagan faction had regained the allegiance of many of the

Wyandot converts. Finley contended that Shaw favored Chief

Warpole and the Pagan Wyandots; horrified that Shaw had at-

tended an Indian feast and participated in the accompanying

festivities, Finley accused him of encouraging the Wyandots to

revert to their Indian customs. While the Methodist preacher

was in Baltimore, the Wyandots held a dance although Finley

had taught them to discontinue such merrymaking on religious

grounds. Finley castigated Shaw for not halting the dance and

claimed that there were many individuals on the reserve capable

of performing the duties of subagent. Finley contended that as

superintendent of the mission he could also perform the duties

of subagent.⁵⁰

Finley had reason to be proud of his accomplishments at the

mission and he needlessly feared that Shaw would destroy them.

The missionary reported that he was encouraging the Indians to

raise sheep and planned to install equipment at the Wyandot Mill

to enable them to manufacture woolen cloth. Finley also noted

that the mission had accumulated 600 bushels of corn from the

crop of the previous year and he expected sixty acres of healthy

corn to yield seventy bushels per acre. Moreover, wheat, oats,

potatoes, and other garden crops flourished in smaller mission

tracts. These reports could not be ignored, and the success of the

mission was of prime concern to the Secretary of War. There-

fore, in August, after deciding that Finley would not tolerate

Shaw, Calhoun informed Shaw that he would not be retained

as subagent for the Wyandots. At the same time the Secretary

expressed confidence that Finley could perform the dual func-

tions of missionary and subagent at Upper Sandusky.⁵1 Finley

agreed to serve without pay as subagent. The Bureau of Indian

Affairs' Thomas L. McKenney informed Finley that, "if the

experiment should prove successful in this instance . . . it will

49. Shaw to Cass, May 29, 1824, Johnston to Cass, June 19, 1824,

L.R.M.S.; Finley to Calhoun, May 24, 1824, L.R.P.A.

50. Finley to Calhoun, July 17, 1824, L.R.P.A.

51. Ibid.; Calhoun to Shaw, August 17, 1824, and Calhoun to Cass,

August 17, 1824, L.S.I.A.

Clash of Leadership                                      203

lay the foundation at extending the same principal to other points

with a saving to the government as well as benefit to the In-

dians."⁵² Cass recommended and Calhoun approved that Finley

be put in charge of the operation of the Wyandot Mills.⁵³

The Shaw family left Upper Sandusky in November, but

not without yet more clashes with Finley. The former subagent

attempted to sell wooden rails he had split, but Finley maintained

the rails belonged to the government. Then Shaw advertised an

auction of household articles he was unable to take with him to

his new home in Dunlapsville, Indiana; he claimed that at the

time of the sale, Finley assembled the Indians for labor at the

mill dam so that no prospective buyers could attend the auction.

Notwithstanding the strained relations with Finley which ac-

companied Shaw's dismissal, the Shaw family eventually settled

in their new home in Indiana.⁵⁴

The Methodist Mission prospered under the direction of

Finley and his successors, and a mission church completed in

1824 served the Wyandots until their removal to Kansas in 1843.

However, Finley was mistaken in his belief that he could oversee

all the missionary activities on the Wyandot Reserve and still

perform the duties of subagent. Though his assistants at the

mission were zealous workers, the combined operation of the

mission and the subagency proved too great a burden for the

frail preacher.⁵⁵ In 1825 Wyandot interpreter Isaac Walker

complained to Governor Cass that the missionary was too inde-

pendent and could not perform all the tasks required by his dual

position. Walker suggested that the government appoint another

subagent to serve at Upper Sandusky. Cass agreed with Walker

and proposed to Calhoun's successor as Secretary of War, James

Barbour, that a subagent be appointed for the Wyandots. Con-

currently, Governor Cass recommended his brother, Charles L.

Cass, for the position. In February, 1826, McKenney relieved

Finley of his duties as Wyandot subagent and filled the position

with Charles L. Cass.56

52. McKenney to Finley, August 17, 1824, L.S.I.A.

53. Cass to Calhoun, September 2, 1824, L.R.M.S. and Calhoun to

Cass, September 21, 1824, L.S.I.A.

54. Shaw to Cass, November 30, 1824, L.R.M.S.

55. A recent history of the Wyandot Mission is Thelma R. Marsh,

Moccasin Trails to the Cross (Upper Sandusky, Ohio, 1974).

56. Isaac Walker to Cass, December 16, 1825, L.R.P.A.; Cass to

James Barbour, January 17, 1824, L.R.M.S.; McKenney to Finley, Feb-

ruary 6, 1826, LS.I.A.

204                                          OHIO HISTORY

Surprisingly, Shaw was considered for the position, but

Johnston warned Governor Cass that the former Quaker sub-

agent simply could not work with Finley. Johnston suggested to

Cass that although he thought Shaw should be restored to his

former rank of subagent, it was unwise to assign him to Upper

Sandusky. Failing to gain the position, Shaw and his family,

which now included three children, moved to Greene County,

Ohio, where the former Wyandot subagent became a farmer.

There the Shaw family became quite prosperous in the woolen

industry. Shaw and his family had a tearful reunion with the

Wyandots in their camp, south of Waynesville, Ohio, when the

Wyandots passed through the area when they were removed to

Kansas in 1843. The Shaws also corresponded frequently with

the Wyandots while the Indians were establishing a new home on

the site of present Kansas City, Kansas. John Shaw died in

Greene County, Ohio, in 1851, while Elizabeth died six years later

in Waynesville, Ohio.⁵⁷

United States Government officials dealing with Indians

were groping for a suitable Indian policy following the War of

1812. The value of the whole concept of resident subagents as-

signed to small tribes was questionable, for the Secretary of War

and his subordinates assumed that the Wyandots would be re-

moved much more quickly than was the case; thus it seemed

wasteful to maintain a subagent. Officials believed that a mis-

sionary could perform the task without remuneration for the

anticipated short life of the Grand Reserve in Ohio. They could

not anticipate that the Wyandots would remain in Ohio longer

than any other tribe. The clash of wills between Shaw and Fin-

ley was not an isolated incident in the history of Indian affairs,

but it came at a critical time and might have postponed the

orderly removal of the tribe to the Trans-Mississippi West. Each

man thought his policy was correct, but neither Shaw nor Finley

acted out of a desire to increase personal or political gain. Each

felt that in the long run the Indians would benefit from his

guidance.

Shaw was not able to retain his position as subagent at

57. Johnston to Cass, December 17, 1825, L.R.M.S.; Land deeds to

and from John and Elizabeth Shaw, 1816, V, 265-66; 1843, XXII, 511,

516; 1844, XXIII, 252; 1847, XXV, 120, Office of the Greene County Re-

corder, Xenia, Ohio; United States Census for 1850. Sugarcreek Township,

Greene County, Ohio, 97; Richmond Weekly Palladin, May 28, 1891, 1;

Sullivan, "Shaw Family Genealogy," la.

Clash of Leadership                                  205

Upper Sandusky, but he was concerned for the welfare of the

Indians. A nonpolitical person, Shaw had no friends in important

government positions. Furthermore, the paucity of government

funds made it difficult to manage the subagency, and even these

meager amounts were often delayed. Shaw added to his own

problems by building the subagency house without Johnston's

approval, thus incurring the displeasure of his superior. Perhaps

Johnston believed, with some validity, that Shaw attempted to

circumvent his authority when the new subagent suggested to

Governor Cass that subagency correspondence from Upper San-

dusky be sent directly to Detroit. Shaw, who lacked tact, was in

over his head in a political situation which called for compromise.

Shaw approved missionary activity at Upper Sandusky, but when

he criticized the Methodists for not sending more aid to the

Wyandots he failed to realize that Finley was using all his in-

genuity and resources to obtain more donations from white

Methodists to keep the mission afloat during crisis periods.

Shaw and Finley had different objectives and perceptions of

what should become of the Indians at Upper Sandusky. Shaw

wanted to raise the standard of living of the Indians; whether

they became Christians through missionary efforts was of

secondary importance. Moreover, should the Indians choose to

become Christians, they should not be forced to forsake entirely

their traditional way of life. On the other hand, Finley wanted

to "civilize" the Indians by persuading them to abandon tribal

customs and become farmers. He was pleased that the Wyan-

dots were apparently adapting so well to his plans, but was

disturbed when during his absence in Baltimore Shaw permitted

the Indians to resurrect some of their former practices. There-

fore, the Methodist preacher decided he could never achieve his

civilizing mission if Shaw remained subagent at Upper Sandusky.

By 1824 Finley's goals for the Wyandots better coincided with

War Department policies than Shaw's. Thus, when it became a

question of which man to support, Secretary of War Calhoun

opted for Finley, believing his policy would best serve the in-

terests of the government and was more important to the future

welfare of the Wyandots.