Ohio History Journal

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1875 IN OHIO*

BY FORREST WILLIAM CLONTS, M. A.

SIGNIFICANCE OF CAMPAIGN.

As a purely state contest, the political campaign of

1875 in Ohio was of more than ordinary significance. It

was unusually long, intensely conducted, bitterly fought

and the conclusion might be interpreted to have decided

at least one very important question for the people of

the entire country. Widespread attention served to

arouse the citizens of Ohio to the meaning of the prin-

cipal issue involved. Outside of Ohio certain sections of

the country participated to such an extent that the re-

sult of the election was partly attributed to this external

influence. It is not often that single state elections at-

tract such extensive notice as was given this one. It

was in this campaign of 1875 that one question became

very positively decided for the two major parties of the

country. It was also in this campaign that a man was

placed in a position for receiving the presidential nomi-

nation of his party. Although all the officers to be

elected were to fill state positions there was only one

question injected into the contest involving the welfare

of Ohio alone.

Sometime before the actual canvass of the state was

begun and even before any issues were definitely decided

upon, attention was directed to Ohio because of the

bearing it was conceded the result would have on the

*A thesis presented for the degree of Master of Arts in the Ohio

State University.

(38)

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  39

national election of the following year. At that time

Ohio was an important state. In 1874 the election had

gone heavily against the Republicans, as it had done in

many other states. The contest in Ohio was one of the

early ones to be decided in 1875 and it was believed by

both the Democrats and Republicans that the outcome

here would be to some extent an influence on later state

elections, if not indication of the result of the presiden-

tial campaign in 1876. And while very advantageous

conditions favorably inclined toward a Democrat vic-

tory in Ohio, the Republicans early determined on a vig-

orous campaign in order to overcome the odds against

which they evidently had to contend.

This aspect, however, was materially changed by the

injection into the campaign of an issue of great im-

portance to the entire country. It was a question con-

cerning the national currency. Since the Civil War the

currency had been a perplexing problem of the federal

government. The suspension of specie payments and

the circulation of paper money had created a baneful

condition that was not easy to correct. The issuing of

national bank notes also added to the confusion because

they were suspected by the people of some parts of the

United States. Not a few came to regard a return to

specie payment as meaning contraction. They were un-

willing to give up the convenience of even a depreciated

currency. The lines of cleavage ran according to section

rather than to party. Although the major parties were

disunited in 1874, the long delayed resumption act of

1875 had been regarded as having settled the currency

issue. But the question had not been decided by the peo-

ple. It remained for Ohio, in the campaign of 1875, to

solve this question. The battle was fought in Ohio for

40      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

the entire country, the situation being aptly compared by

an Eastern journal to the two champions who stood out

before the armies and singly determined the contest.'

It was a gigantic struggle and the result in this case

was heeded by the major parties as an expression of the

sentiment of the country on the currency question.

There was for the candidates an underlying stim-

ulant, - a sort of unbreathed feeling that a greater

prize would finally result from victory. The presiden-

tial election was to come in 1876. Because of the im-

portance of the Ohio situation, many recognized that a

Republican who could carry the State under such un-

favorable circumstances would be an acceptable candi-

date for the supreme executive of the nation. With the

opening of the campaign it was also evident that should

the Democrats carry the state their financial doctrines

would capture the national convention and the success-

ful leader in the state would be nominated for the presi-

dency. This was no idle dream of the gubernatorial

candidates. It was widely asserted. And when the

Terre Haute Express said that "the man who is elected

governor of Ohio this fall will be the next presidential

nominee of his party," it spoke something of the com-

mon mind². So for the principal candidates there was

a greater prize at stake which, though they dared not

discuss, they were doubtless cognizant of.

Besides the currency question and the relation of the

campaign to the presidential election in 1876 there arose

one minor issue concerning only the State. This was

the public school question, unfortunately brought in

because of the passage of a bill by the legislature that

1Harpers Weekly, Sept. 25.

2Terre Haute Express, quoted by Cincinnati Enquirer, July 1.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  41

was alleged to favor the Catholic Church. The whole

charge hinged on the circumstances surrounding the

passage of this measure rather than the actual contents

of the act. While it cannot be definitely ascertained to

what extent this question affected the decision in the

election, it played a part of some importance. The

question was one on which politicians were able to

arouse the prejudices of many people. Both parties

brought in the school system in their campaign docu-

ments, but upon it they agreed. There was, in truth, no

issue, although the "Grogan Bill" had produced one of

those situations that afford an opportunity for much

political wrangling.

In recounting the progress and result of this cam-

paign, neither the unusual economic conditions within

Ohio at that time nor the personalities of the leading

party men in the State could be left out of consideration.

Business had not revived since the financial panic of

1873. This doubtless was responsible for much of the

unwholesome thinking on the money question that per-

vaded this campaign. But if economic conditions were

bad, the state parties did not lack able and experienced

men to lead them. The candidates for governor were

men who had received many public honors. They pos-

sessed long political records that merited the confidence

of their parties and they were supported in this partic-

ular instance by groups of notables such as few states

could boast in that day.

SOME UNDERLYING INFLUENCES.

Just as in seeking the causes that prompt this or that

distinct act on the part of an individual many forces are

caught and scrutinized, so in examining any expression

42      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

of the popular will there are conditions underlying the

open issues that are materially to be reckoned. Partic-

ularly is this true with respect to the state political cam-

paign of 1875 in Ohio. National as well as state con-

ditions must be borne in mind, for, regardless of the fact

that the election concerned only state officers, the prin-

cipal issue was national in its scope. Since the begin-

ning of the Civil War national politics, too, had affected

state elections. In connection with this widespread in-

herent force in local politics at that time must also be

considered the depressing economic condition peculiar

to Ohio.

Of these two underlying influences the strenuous

economic condition within Ohio in 1875 probably had

the more pronounced effect on the political campaign of

that year. This campaign came at a time of serious

business depression, which, if any definite limits can be

assigned, lasted from 1873 to 1878. At the time of the

panic of 1873 Ohio was making progress scarcely com-

prehensible in the field of manufacturing. Rich mines

of various substances were being profitably worked to

supply the increased demand begun with the Civil War

period. Agriculture, too, was keeping pace in conse-

quence of favorable circumstances. But the depression

wrought havoc to all of these industries to the extent

that value declines, bankruptcies, unemployment and the

penury of the masses become monotonous in the process

of relating.

The whole field of industry in the state had been

partially paralyzed by the panic of 1873. Banks were

forced to suspend business, merchants either received

long extended credit or became bankrupt, mills and

factories, many of which were just developing into large

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  43

establishments, ceased operating, labor was idle and the

farmers were unable to command more than meager

returns for farm products. This condition in Ohio, as

in the country at large, might be spoken of, not as the

panic of 1873, but of the seventies. In certain indus-

tries the severest years were experienced after 1873.

This is, quite often, spoken of as the aftermath of the

panic but too often its intensity is forgotten in the con-

sideration of contemporaneous events. Illustrations of

industrial depression characteristic to this period may

be observed in iron production, coal mining and the un-

happy labor conditions.

The statistics available in the iron industry are not

to be taken as indicative of the true state of affairs.

The few years immediately preceding the panic of the

seventies were ones of enormous growth. The increase

in the number of establishments and the enlargement of

those already in existence point to this progress.³ How-

ever the statistics, as reported by the secretary of state,

are not only not in keeping with this growth but are so

untrustworthy that persons were warned against ac-

cepting them.⁴ Only a few of the business establish-

ments made returns to the state secretary and therefore

his report was very incomplete. For this reason these

statistics are unreliable.

Cleveland alone, which had but eight rolling mills

in 1870, had fourteen in 1872.⁵ It is also true that the

iron industry was among the most seriously injured by

the panic. Its products were used almost exclusively in

extensive enterprises that had to be discontinued as a

3Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1872, 654.

4Ibid., 654.

5Ibid., 654.

44       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

result of the depression. There can be no mistake in the

interpretation put upon the number of blast furnaces

that were forced to discontinue operation. Over half of

the furnaces in Ohio went out of business between 1873

and 1878.6 The severest years were from 1875 to 1878.

It was during this period that charcoal blast furnaces

found it nearly impossible to compete with coke burning

furnaces and consequently many that were idle became

permanently so.⁷ It was also a time when steel, espe-

cially Bessemer, was supplanting the use of iron for the

construction of rails.⁸ It was a distinctly unsettled

period among those furnaces that remained active. Add

to this the discharge of a large percent of laborers and

something like a very general condition may be realized.⁹

In another industry, at that time one of Ohio's prin-

cipal ones, the situation was hardly more favorable.

The depression in business caused a reaction in the coal

industry from almost every direction. Household as

well as manufacturing consumption was reduced to the

lowest possible basis.¹⁰ Here, too, the available statis-

tics cannot be relied upon for complete information.

The output in bushels for 1872 was over one hundred

and ten million as reported by the state, but such figures

are quoted with the full knowledge that the production

was far in excess of that amount.11 In 1874 the returns

show slightly over eighty-five million bushels mined, and

in 1875 this was increased to almost ninety-eight mil-

Ohio Labor Statistics, 1878, 75-77, 81.

7 Ibid., 83.

8 Ohio Labor Statistics, 1878, 88.

⁹Ibid., 81.

10Ibid., 1877, 116.

11Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1873, 613.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  45

lion.¹² Some of the mines were closed and the miners

moved away.¹³ Others were worked only part time and

with much reduced forces. And yet, it is not the de-

crease in the production of coal or iron, nor the reduc-

tion in the number of employees that lent so much color

to the morbid discontent. Many mines and furnaces

that were discontinued were those that had been oper-

ated at a profit only under extremely favorable condi-

tions of high prices and an unsupplied demand. The

depression had closed them permanently. There was a

deeper cause for the widespread discontent of 1875.

This was to be found in the appalling reduction of wages

and the deplorable conditions under which the laborers

were forced to work.

There is probably nothing more disheartening than

to receive on pay-day a thinner envelope for the usual

amount of labor than it is customary to receive. Whether

the cost of living has decreased or not this to a certain

extent is true. But when the reverse is so, that is, when

wages are reduced more rapidly than the cost of living

declines, the labor field is rife with discontent. From

1872 to 1878 the average reduction of wages in the coal

industry was thirty-three percent.¹⁴ In some important

enterprises the reduction was even greater and in some

sections conditions were more unsatisfactory than in

others. One decrease would be followed shortly by an-

other. So many employees were laid off that those

remaining could do nothing in the way of protesting for

fear of losing their places. A striking illustration of

12Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 603.

13Ohio Labor tSatistics, 1878, 49.

14Ohio Labor Statistics, 1878, 253.

46         Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

wage reductions may be seen in the report from Mahon-

ing Valley in regard to the wages of laborers employed

at the furnaces there. In this section six reductions of

ten percent each were recorded. Laborers who received

$2.50 to $3.00 per day in 1873 received scarcely $1.50 a

day in 1878.15

To be considered in connection with the reduction of

wages is the closely allied cost of living. It did not show

such a marked decrease when compared to the reduction

of wages. In 1878 groceries had not fallen exceeding

twelve percent as compared to the prices of 1873, while

they were nearly twenty percent higher than in 1861.16

Many    of the articles of necessity        had   scarcely been

lowered in price at all. In fact some of the staples were

higher in the latter part of the financial depression of

the seventies than they were in 1871.17 The laborers,

however, had little control over their circumstances.

Strikes only added to the intensity of their poverty and

resulted usually in their return to work at a still further

reduction of wages or the closing of the plant altogether.

Attending this general disorder there had been revived

15On the first day of Oct. 1873, laborers at furnaces in Mahoning

Valley were paid the following prices per day; keepers, $2.75; helpers,

$2.37; top fillers, $2.50; bottom fillers, $2.25; laborers, $1.75; engineers,

$2.75; blacksmiths, $3.00; blacksmith's helpers, $2.00; firemen, $2.25. In

Oct. 1873, these men were reduced in their wages ten percent, in Nov.

1873, another ten percent deduction was made; in April 1874, a ten

percent, in Dec. ten percent, in Dec. 1875 ten percent, and in 1877 still an-

other ten percent reduction was made, bringing the prices paid for furnace

labor to as follows: Keepers, $1.45; helpers, $1.24; top fillers, $1.45;

bottom fillers, $1.20; laborers, $1.00; engineers, $1.50 to $1.75 and firemen

$1.20. Ohio Labor Statistics, 1878, 59.

16 Ibid., 253.

17Ibid., 253. Some comparative prices of articles in 1861, 1871 and

1878 were:

1861            1871             1878

Flour ...... $5 35    to $5 75   $5 30 to $5 75  $5 50 to $6 50  bbl.

Potatoes ...            25     to       30            95 to 1 00                                55    bu.

Sugar ......              061/2 to      09            13 to        14            09 to        121/2 lb.

Coffee .....                                 20            25 to        26            33 to        35  lb.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  47

a practice in paying wages that was disliked by the

laborer. While there were many evils, the revival of

the use of the "truck" system seems to have been the

most unfortunate.

The use of scrip or the "truck system" as it was

generally called, was the paying of wages in goods or

store orders. Before 1861 this practice had been widely

known, but with the issuing of legal tender money in

the form of greenbacks during the war and the large

demand for labor incidental to that period, workmen

had been able to ask peremptorily that their wages be

paid in cash.¹⁸ However, a different situation was cre-

ated by the panic. Money became scarce, production

was diminished and labor exceeded its market. And

with this came the revival of paying wages with store

orders. The coal and iron industries made the most use

of this system. Their orders were usually promises to

pay, on demand, a specified amount in merchandise.

Some were even transferable.¹⁹ These served as a

medium of exchange, passing from hand to hand just

as the greenbacks had done before the depression. The

evils of such a system are evident. The order, or scrip,

was issued on a company's store and there the employees

had to purchase practically everything. For cash a

person could buy more goods than he would receive for

the same amount of scrip. There were two prices, a

cash and a scrip price.²⁰ It is not difficult to imagine the

discontent among those workmen, who in addition to

having wages reduced and the cost of living relatively

higher, received their wages in goods instead of cash.

18 Ohio Labor Statistics, 1877, 159.

19 Ibid., 183.

20 Ohio Labor Statistics, 1877, 159.

48      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

Upon an investigation made by the Ohio Bureau of

Labor Statistics in 1876-7 it was found that this system

was very widely revived and it was among the chief

causes of discontent in certain industries. Especially

in rural communities was the practice general. Even an

act of the legislature failed to stop the practice. The

laborers themselves, with work so scarce, were reticent

with regard to the abuse, although they seriously felt its

injustice.²¹ One need only review the first few reports

of the Bureau, beginning with the initial issue in 1877,

to get a comprehensive idea of the deplorable labor con-

ditions that existed during the years 1873-1878 in

almost every field of industry within the state.

Little need be said concerning agricultural conditions

in 1875. While the farmer was relatively more fortu-

nate than the manufacturer and miner, he did not readily

concede that his position was not more hopeless. Almost

all production had been decreased in 1873 but the prin-

cipal food crops showed a marked increase in 1874.22

With such produce as tobacco there had, of course, been

an almost automatic decrease of some extent, but such

crops did not constitute a major part of farm cultiva-

tion.²³ The year 1875 opened with bright prospects for

a profitable year. The Western farmer was in a more

excellent condition than he had been for the two pre-

vious years.²⁴ And yet, he seems to have taken a dark

outlook. The President of the State Agricultural Con-

vention in his address in 1875 gives an indication of the

state of many minds. The drawback of an unfavorable

21 Ohio Labor Statistics, 1878, 115-129.

Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 602.

23 Ibid.

24Ohio Statesman, Mar. 25, 1875.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio     49

season, together with dull markets, he said, and strin-

gent money matters had caused a distrust in the minds

of many.²⁵ It was, in truth, this distrust in the minds

of the farmers that gave to them their bodings of evil

times.

The other potent influence affecting the election in

Ohio of 1875 was the character of the major parties.

Nationally the Republican party had created during the

few years preceding 1875 a seemingly questionable rep-

utation.26  Such affairs as the Credit Mobilier, the

increased-pay act of congressmen, commonly called the

"Salary Grab," the New York custom house corruption,

the Sanborn contracts, the unscrupulous dealings of Mr.

Butler and the unsatisfactory settlement of southern

troubles were fresh in the minds of the people. Almost

any one of these disagreeable things would serve to dis-

credit a party in normal times, and yet the Republicans

went into the campaign of 1875 with all of them on

record. In 1874 it had been unnecessary for the Dem-

ocratic party to advocate any constructive policy to win

in many state elections. It merely had to display before

the people the Republican scandals of the immediately

preceding years.

Of even more recent attraction was the attempted

settlement of the election trouble in Louisiana during

the first few weeks of 1875. Conditions there had been

viewed by many people of the North with some appre-

hension but the employment of federal force to control

25 Ohio Agricultural Report, 1875, 73.

26 No attempt has been made at using original sources in portraying

something of the national situation respecting politics. Rhodes, History

of the United States, 1850-1877, VII, has been more often consulted than

any other one general source. For the Ohio view point, Randall and

Ryan, History of Ohio, IV, has supplemented the sources of general

history.

Vol. XXXI-4.

50      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

the state election had so aroused the public that many

Republicans as well as Democrats became indignant.

Large meetings in New York, Boston and other North-

ern cities protested against the action of the adminis-

tration. Speeches in Congress and a Congressional com-

mittee report increased an already damaging sentiment

against Republican leaders. Not all, however, was dis-

approval. The whole affair was defended by the more

partisan Republicans and in some sections the question

was assuming the appearance of a political issue. In

no instance did the Democrats lose an opportunity to

give publicity to the very distasteful aspect of the entire

situation.

But the Democratic party was not without an in-

auspicious past. It still had an unfavorable war record

to defend, or rather to outlive, and a marked feeling

continued that its control of the government would result

in restoring the power of the South. This was a factor

of some importance even a decade after the surrender

of General Lee at Appomattox. Speakers and writers

played upon the sensibilities of many individuals in the

North and excited much prejudice in reviving some of

the questions of the Civil War. No campaign at this

time was free from its war influence and in the North it

worked to the detriment of the Democrat party.

The foregoing facts, while not intended to be either

an intensive study of national political conditions of the

time or the economic situation in Ohio, will bring to

mind some of the important influences affecting the

state campaign of 1875. While the Republicans had a

very undesirable national reputation to defend, the Dem-

ocrats were partly distrusted. In the state, business con-

ditions were generally bad, as illustrated by the decrease

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio   51

in production, the diminution of wages, the lack of

employment and the material decrease in the amount of

currency in circulation. Before this dark background

stood out a number of strong men in both parties to con-

tend for opposing principles of the currency.

CANDIDATES AND LEADERS.

Ohio in 1875 had several notable party men whose

previous activities had won them state and national

prominence.   Both the Republicans and Democrats

could boast of such men. So in the events preceding

and attending this political campaign the influence of

these men was felt and must be considered if we would

understand the outcome. The Democrats were fortu-

nate in having the larger number of notables. They

were in control of the state government. But what the

Republicans lacked in numbers, they made up in the

great force of character possessed by their leaders. In

addition, they were aided by one or two persons from

outside of the state whose weight told especially with

certain elements.

Among the noted Democrats was Mr. Allen G. Thur-

man, whose fame, as a party man, was national.²⁷ Of

aristocratic Southern birth, he was by inheritance an

old school Democrat. In order to begin the practice of

law Mr. Thurman had been forced to work hard and this

he continued to do when he entered politics. Before the

Civil War he became a state supreme court judge and

27 Biographical facts obtained from: Lee, History of the City of

Columbus, I, 855-6; Western Biographical Publishing Company, Historical

and Biographical Cyclopaedia of the State of Ohio, 195-7; Biographical

Encyclopaedia of Ohio of the 19th Century, 342-3; Ohio Archaeological

and Historical Society, Publications, iv. 478.

52      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

served one term in Congress. In 1867, as the Demo-

cratic gubernatorial candidate he reduced the Repub-

lican majority of forty-three thousand the year before

to less than three thousand.²⁸ And although defeated

for governor, the legislature went Democratic and Mr.

Thurman was chosen United States Senator. He had

grown up a Democrat of the strictest type and from

these views he did not easily recede. With his aid and

the organization which he had helped to build in the

state, the Democrats carried the state in 1873

and he was re-elected to the Senate. Of noteworthy

significance in relation to the campaign of 1875 were

Mr. Thurman's currency views. In the Senate he had

consistently shown himself to be in favor of a currency

based only on specie payment and he wished a return to

that standard as early as possible. His position on this

and other national questions was supported by such

logical argument that he had come to be regarded favor-

ably throughout the country as a candidate for the

presidency.

Mr. Thurman's mind on the currency is most clearly

revealed in a speech made in the United States Senate

on March 24, 1874.29 It was a speech made in reply

to a personal attack which aimed to show that he had

not heeded the demands of his constituents for inflation

and had attempted to dodge the currency issue by being

absent when certain votes had been taken. At the con-

clusion of Mr. Thurman's speech there was no doubt in

the mind of anyone as to the consistency of his position.

He said that while he was opposed to legislation that

would force an immediate return to specie payment,

Lee, History of the City of Columbus, I, 855.

29Congressional Record, 43rd Cong., 1st Sess., 2393 et seq.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  53

never had anyone heard him utter one word in favor of

inflation. Demonitizing gold and silver in perpetuity

and substituting an irredeemable paper based upon gov-

ernment credit and depending upon the opinions and

interest of the members of congress was what he held

inflation to mean. He said that he was too old-fash-

ioned a Democrat, had preached and heard too many

hard-money lessons to advocate such a principle as that.

He denied that he had ever believed that the currency

had been responsible for the panic of 1873 and he gave

in support of his position the facts on which he based

his belief. He denied that the sentiment in Ohio favored

inflation. While he admitted that the state was divided

on the currency question and that some of his friends

had found occasion to differ with himself on that issue,

he stated that not a single petition from Ohio had been

received by him asking for inflation.

In spite of the prominence of Mr. Thurman, the man

on whom the eyes of Democrats rested in the summer

of 1875 was Mr. William Allen,³⁰ at that time governor

of the state and a candidate for re-election. He was

the uncle of Mr. Thurman, had been born in the South

and during his youth was a member of the Thurman

household. He was admitted to the bar at the age of

twenty and when elected to the 23rd Congress was the

youngest members in that body. He rose suddenly to

influence through his gift of oratory. Having realized

that his success lay in that gift he exerted every effort

to attain his mastery. Thus when a meeting of the

30 Facts relating to Mr. Allen's life obtained from: Biographical

Cyclopaedia of Ohio, (1880) 91; Historical and Biographical Cyclopaedia

of Ohio, (1883) I, 154-5; History of Ross and Highland Counties, (1880),

222-3; History of Ross County, (1917), 158-160.

54      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

Democratic leaders of the state was held in 1837 to

select a candidate for the United States Senate, Mr.

Allen so electrified this gathering by one of his ad-

dresses that he was immediately selected as the can-

didate for that office. With the success of the Dem-

ocrats in that hour Mr. Allen was sent to the Senate

where he continued a leading orator in a body that

numbered among its members such men as Daniel Web-

ster and Henry Clay. After serving a second term Mr.

Allen retired to a country home in the state, where he

remained aloof from political life and especially the

turbulence of the Civil War strife until the campaign of

1873, when as a candidate for governor he was elected.

The remainder of the Democratic ticket in that year

was defeated. His leadership was further attested by

the fact that he was the first Democrat to serve as gov-

ernor of Ohio after the Civil War.

Mr. Allen was another of the old-school Democrats

but he had not been so out-spoken on the currency as

Mr. Thurman. His attention had been directed to other

subjects. Although his term as governor lacked any

events approaching the spectacular, he directed the

efforts of the administration toward strict economy in

the expenditure of public funds. Coming at a time when

the people of the state most felt the burden of taxes, his

efforts greatly pleased those who had elected him to

office. He was the sole candidate for governor in the

Democratic convention of 1875 and his popularity was

such that the Republicans realized that it would be ex-

ceedingly difficult to defeat him.

Two other prominent Democrats in the State cam-

paign of 1875 were Mr. Samuel Cary and Mr. George

H. Pendleton. Mr. Cary was the Democratic nominee

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  55

for lieutenant-governor.³¹ As the campaign progressed

Mr. Cary's activities became more and more pronounced

until he was regarded as one of the chief advocates of

the new currency views adopted by the Democratic

party in the State. In consideration of this fact, his his-

tory is of much weight. He was by inheritance a Whig.

Later he became a Republican. But these political par-

ties he had not followed consistently because of his inde-

pendent impulses. As a lawyer Mr. Cary had been suc-

cessful but he abandoned his practice to devote his entire

energies to philanthropic work. The direction in which

this energy moved was first the temperance field, for

which he wrote and spoke throughout the United States.

Later he turned his attention to the labor cause. In

1867 he was elected to Congress on an independent

ticket, supported largely by the labor men. Because of

his vote against the impeachment of President Johnson

and his opposition to the "Southern Policy" of the Re-

publican leaders in Congress, Mr. Cary won the friend-

ship of many Democrats. He continued in Congress his

appeals in behalf of labor and temperance. Some of his

speeches received wide circulation, noteworthy being one

he delivered in the House on the needs of labor.

It was while a member of Congress that Mr. Cary

found himself leaning towards Democratic views and he

soon afterwards joined that party. His career was quite

varied. He followed his philanthropic ideas to such an

extent that he could not be called a conservative person.

He sought after the new and untried, and his labor-

temperance views combined with his economic theories

Facts concerning the life of Mr. Cary were obtained from: Bio-

graphical Cyclopaedia of Ohio, (1876), 585-6; National Cyclopaedia of

American Biography, XI, 480; Greve, Centennial History of Cincinnati,

II, 529-31.

56       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

made him neither a faithful Republican nor a strict

Democrat. But that which he believed he advocated

with a force of expression and a method of presentation

that rendered him a formidable opponent.

Mr. Pendleton,³² although not a candidate for any

office, was among the nationally prominent figures in the

Democratic party at this period. He had achieved many

honors in his political activities, the first of importance

being his election to the state senate in 1854. At that

time he had the additional honor of being the youngest

member of that body. Three years later he was elected

a representative to Congress and he continued among

the few Democrats to hold a seat there during the four

years of the Civil War. In 1868 Mr. Pendleton re-

ceived on the first ballot in the National Democratic

Convention almost as many votes for president as all

the other candidates combined. However he failed to

receive the nomination. In the following year he ac-

cepted, much against his judgment, the nomination for

governor of the State and although defeated by the man

who was leading the Republicans in 1875, Mr. Hayes,

he received a very remarkable vote, considering the

conditions of that year.

Mr. Pendleton was among the early advocates of

plenty of greenbacks. In the Democratic National Con-

vention of 1868 he had advocated what was popularly

called "The Ohio Idea," which was nothing more than a

program of inflation.³³ His views regarding the cur-

32Information concerning Mr. Pendleton's life obtained from: Bio-

graphical Encyclopedia of Ohio, (1876), 616-17; Historical and Bio-

graphical Cyclopaedia of Ohio, (1883), 143-4; History of Cincinnati and

Hamilton County, Ohio, (1894), 546-8; National Cyclopaedia of American

Biography, III, 278; Haynes, Third Party Movements, 105.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  57

rency were no doubt partly responsible for the strong

inflation sentiment in and around Cincinnati.

There were other prominent Ohio Democrats who

supported the party in the campaign of 1875 but without

distinct or notable influence on the outcome. Such was

Mr. Thomas Ewing, who spoke with zeal and energy

throughout the campaign. But in spite of the number

of strong and popular party men, the Democrats were

unfortunate in having leaders of diverse views. The

Republicans, in contrast, had a few very forceful men

who were thoroughly in accord. Mr. Hayes and Mr.

Sherman led their party without opposition within the

party on the one decided issue of the hour.

When the call came for a man to defeat the popular

Democratic Governor, Mr. Allen, the name of Mr.

Hayes became the hope of his party.34 While showing

much interest in politics, Mr. Hayes was not a promi-

nent party man, even within the state, before the close

of the Civil War. The only public position he held up

to that time was that of solicitor for the City of Cincin-

nati. But during the war, in the capacity of an officer,

he found an opportunity to display his ability as a leader.

Before the close of that struggle he had attained by

meritorious service the rank of brevet major-general

and while still in the field he had been nominated and

elected to Congress from his home district. This was

the beginning of his political career. In 1867 he de-

feated Mr. Thurman for the governorship and two years

later the popular Mr. Pendleton. But in 1872, under

very adverse conditions, Mr. Hayes was defeated for

34 Biographical notes obtained from Williams, Rutherford Birchard

Hayes, I, unless otherwise indicated. This work is compiled chiefly from

the diary of Mr. Hayes and it gives in detail many of his personal views

relating to government and politics.

58       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

congressman. With this event he decided to retire to

his home in Fremont.

Mr. Hayes was an exceedingly modest and retiring

person. He never sought for office or honor although

he attained both through his ability to work, his con-

sistently sound thinking and his natural quality of lead-

ership. He had never held any other currency theory

than that of redeemable paper. This fact is evidenced

by an expression recorded in his diary before he became

of age.³⁵ Mr. Hayes never forsook this principle. It

was in the congressional campaign of 1872 that he said

that one of the things of vital importance to the country

at that time was a sound financial policy. This, he held,

could only be reached by the establishment of gold as

the basis of the currency. But the defeat in that year

aroused a longing to return permanently to the enjoy-

ment of private life and it was his sincerest wish that

this hope would be realized when he went to Fremont

in 1873.

As a co-worker with' Mr. Hayes in this campaign of

1875, the record and position of Mr. John Sherman were

fittingly advantageous. Like most of the leading party

men in Ohio at this time Mr. Sherman had early fol-

lowed his inclination into politics.36 In his "Recollec-

tions" he thus stated his political bias; "I was by inher-

itance and association a Whig boy, without much care

35 September 6, 1841, Mr. Hayes wrote in his diary, "I hoped we

should . . . have a stable currency of uniform value, but since Tyler

has vetoed one way of accomplishing this, I would not hesitate to try

others," Williams, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, I, 99

36 Unless otherwise stated, facts relating to Mr. Sherman's life were

obtained from: Sherman, Recollections, I; Burton, John Sherman;

Wilson, James Grant, Ed. Presidents of the United States, (Hayes, by

Schurtz) III, 107-159.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  59

for or knowledge of parties or political principles. No

doubt my discharge from the engineer corps by a Demo-

cratic Board of Public Works strengthened this bias.³⁷

The Whig party in Mr. Sherman's district was in the

minority but this did not prevent him from exerting his

efforts on every issue for that party. In 1854 he made

his initial attempt as a candidate for public office. The

basis of this campaign and the principle on which Mr.

Sherman was elected to Congress was the anti-slavery

cry of a new party, at that time without a name.³⁸ After

three terms as congressman, Mr. Sherman was elected

United States Senator, which position he was holding

at the time of the political campaign of 1875 in Ohio.

With the panic of 1857 Mr. Sherman became keenly

interested in the finance of the country. This subject he

made his specialty from that time. From almost the

beginning of the Civil War until his retirement from

public life, he was reputed the leading authority in Con-

gress on the condition of the currency. He took the lead

in the fight for resumption after the war. When Con-

gress convened in December, 1873, more than sixty bills,

resolutions and propositions were introduced to relieve

the financial situation of the country. They showed

every shade of opinion from plans for immediate coin

payments to unthinkable schemes of inflation. To these

propositions, Mr. Sherman, as chairman of the com-

mittee on finance, reported a resolution which stated that

the duty of Congress was the fulfillment of its pledge of

March 18, 1867, which promised a return to specie pay-

ment. A substitute for this resolution was proposed,

directing an inflation of the currency, and it was upon

37Sherman, Recollections, I, 91.

38Ibid., 103.

60       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

this adverse resolution that Mr. Sherman delivered one

of his famous speeches on finance.³⁹ He based his argu-

ment upon two distinct points.    First, that a specie

standard was the only true standard of values; and

second, that the United States was bound both by public

faith and good policy to bring its currency to the gold

standard. Although supported by the most logical and

perspicuous argument, he could not persuade the ma-

jority of the Senate to his views. This was a fair indi-

cation of the divided opinion throughout the country.

But Mr. Sherman continued to oppose inflation. After

the veto of the inflation bill in 1874, he again set forth

to secure a return to specie payment and this time his

efforts led to the enactment of the Resumption Act of

January, 1875. It was in connection with this act that

Mr. Sherman became the leading hard-money man in

the country and the object of bitterest attack by the

greenback advocates. As this Resumption Act of 1875

was one of the subjects of political controversy of that

year, especially in the state of Mr. Sherman's residence,

it was natural that he should, as its author and sponsor,

exert a wide influence on the outcome of the canvass.

Although Mr. Hayes and Mr. Sherman were the

only Republicans within the state at that time whose

personal influence was of great importance in this cam-

paign, there were one or two men from outside the

state who came in and whose influence was powerful

with certain elements. The foremost of these was Mr.

Carl Schurz,⁴⁰ a very remarkable independent-thinking

³⁹Speeches and Reports on Finance and Taxation by John Sherman,

(1879), 402-452.

40Biographical facts obtained from: National Cyclopaedia of Amer-

ican Biography, III, 202-3, and sketch by Frederick Bancroft and William

H. Dunning, The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz, III, 313-436.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  61

American of German birth. Because of his activity in

the revolution of 1848 in Germany he was forced to flee

from that country, coming to the United States in 1852.

With the organization of the Republican party he joined

with its followers in the anti-slavery movement. Mr.

Schurz was an orator of more than ordinary ability and

his speeches before the Civil War, given in German,

were credited with being the most potent factor in turn-

ing Wisconsin against the extension of slavery. Imme-

diately he became a national figure. After aiding in

the election of Mr. Lincoln, he was sent by him as min-

ister to the important Spanish post, but resigned in the

same year, 1861, to enter the Union army. Successful

in military pursuits, he continued to favor and be

favored by the Republican party. In 1869 he was elected

United States Senator from Missouri.

But in Congress his independent mind caused him to

bolt the Republican party. He opposed the Southern

policy of the Republican leaders and objected to some of

the individual plans of these men. In 1872 he was

affiliated with the liberal movement that nominated Mr.

Greeley for the presidency and for the next few years

Mr. Schurz was considered an independent party man.

It was in this capacity that he came to Ohio in 1875.

During the preceding year he made several effective

speeches in the Senate in support of a return to specie

payment. The most ardent of these was delivered on

the 14th of January, at which time he summed up his

arguments in sixteen points. These related principally

to the evils of an irredeemable currency, the wisdom of

a return to specie payment and the duty of the govern-

ment to fulfill its promise and obligation.⁴¹ Because of

41 Congressional Record, 43rd Cong., 1st Sess., 635-645.

62      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

his citations from economists and his references to

results from similar conditions in other countries he was

dubbed by his opponents a mere theorist. But he thor-

oughly believed in a currency based only on the precious

metals and to this position he drew, by his sound reason-

ing, many converts.

Of those who came from without the State, Mr.

Morton, United States Senator from Indiana, deserves

some mention, although not because of his influence on

the chief issue. His record on the currency issue was

not one to create confidence. In 1874 he was committed

to the inflation idea and led the opposition to the argu-

ments of Mr. Sherman and Mr. Shurz. His speeches

in the campaign of 1875 were of no particular weight,

being chiefly to revive the Civil War sentiment. The

difference between Mr. Schurz and Mr. Morton is shown

in one of their clashes in the Senate. Mr. Schurz made

a reference to Mr. Morton's inconsistent record on the

currency question, to which Mr. Morton replied that he

would change again whenever he came to think his

opinion wrong, but that he had never so changed his

mind as to be obliged to go out of his party. This drew

from Mr. Schurz a defense of his position with a sig-

nificant conclusion. "He (Morton) has never left his

party," said Mr. Schurz, "I have never betrayed my

principles. That is the difference between him and

me."42

THE TREND OF PLATFORMS AND PARTIES.

While Congress pledged on March 18th, 1869, a

return to specie payment, the promise was not followed

consistently by either party during the following six

42Bancroft and Dunning, Reminisicences of Carl Schurz, III, 357-8.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  63

years. Resumption was looked on by a large portion of

both parties as meaning contraction. The years imme-

diately preceding the panic of 1873, too, were ones of

prosperity and speculation. In general, the people of

the West, irrespective of party, opposed resumption and

the people of the East favored it. Neither party nor

section, however, was anxious to force the issue during

a period of satisfactory business conditions, but with

the collapse of industry the issue was drawn to the fore-

front as a political question.

In 1868 Mr. Pendleton, as a candidate for the pres-

idential nomination of the Democrat party, had advo-

cated the payment of government bonds in greenbacks.⁴³

The enthusiasm for this idea is shown in the fact that

Mr. Pendleton received practically half of the votes of

the convention on the first ballot. The opposition to the

"Yourn Greenback," as Mr. Pendleton was then called,

is strikingly shown in the fact that it was impossible to

secure the necessary two-thirds vote to receive the nom-

ination. But he was ardently supported by all the dele-

gates from Ohio on the principle he advocated of paying

the bonds in greenbacks, equal taxation and one currency

for all.

In 1869 the state platform of the Democrat party

opposed the payment of bonds, which had been bought

with greenbacks, in gold. And in this it went so far as

to say that if the claims of bond holders to the payment

of all government bonds in gold were persisted in, repu-

diation would be forced upon the people.⁴⁴ On the cur-

rency the Republican platform of that year was silent.

Again in 1870 the state Democratic platform had a res-

43 Haynes, Third Party Movements, 105.

44Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1869, 550.

64     Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

olution in regard to the currency. It proposed the aboli-

tion of national banks and the substitution of treasury

notes for the notes of such banks.⁴⁵

The following year the Democratic convention

stated, at great length, "that the true mode of returning

to specie payment is to make customs duties payable in

legal tender currency and stop gambling in gold."⁴⁶ It

was in this year, 1871, that the Republican state plat-

form declared that "specie is the basis of all sound cur-

rency, and that true policy requires as speedy a return

to that basis as is practicable, without distress to the

debtor class of the people."47

The Republican state convention fails to deal with

the currency question at its meetings in 1872 and 1873.

And although the Democratic platform is silent on that

subject in 1872, in 1873 a sound money policy is in-

dorsed in the following terms: "It [the Democratic

party] recognizes the evils of an irredeemable currency,

but insists that in a return to specie payment care shall

be taken not to seriously disturb the business of the

country, or unjustly injure the debtor class."⁴⁸ This

much of the platform, Mr. Thurman claims, was writ-

ten with his own hand.⁴⁹ The resumption element of

the Democratic party was at that time in control of the

convention.   But in 1874 the Democratic platform

shows strongly that tendency which culminated in the

stand it took in 1875. The first and foremost resolution

in the platform of 1874 was as follows: - "a sound

currency is indispensable to the welfare of a country,

45Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1870, 601.

46 Ibid., 1871, 611.

47Ibid., 1871, 610.

48Ibid, 1873, 610.

49 Congressional Record, 43rd Cong., 1st Sess., 2395.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio   65

that its volume should be regulated by the necessities of

business, and that all laws that interfere with such nat-

ural regulation are vicious in principle and detrimental

in their effect. We are in favor of such an increase of

the circulating medium as the business interest of the

country may from time to time require."⁵⁰ In the same

year the Republican convention committed the party to

the fulfilment of the promise of Congress of March,

1869. "It is," the convention declared, "the duty of the

National Government to adopt such measures as shall

gradually but certainly restore our paper money to a

specie standard."⁵¹ And so in 1874, while the two major

parties within the state showed some difference on the

currency problem, the difference was not sufficient to

make the question an open issue at that time.

Almost with the commencement of the year 1875,

both the Democratic and Republican parties within the

State began to make an inspection of the field and to

summon all the forces at their command that might

affect favorably the interest of the party in the fall elec-

tion. The Democrats were in control of the state gov-

ernment. Although Mr. Allen had been elected in 1873

with a majority of less than a thousand,⁵² in the follow-

ing year, in the congressional election, the Democratic

majority for the state officers had been increased to

almost nineteen thousand, while that of the congressmen

totaled nearly thirty thousand.⁵³ The whole state ticket

of the Democrats was successful and thirteen out of

twenty congressmen were elected. The Republicans

charged their defeat to the woman's temperance cru-

50 Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1874, 667.

51 Ibid, 1874, 668.

52 Report of Secretary of State.

53 Cincinnati Enquirer, July 19, 1875.

Vol. XXXI-5.

66       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

sade, which took place in that year, and which they

claimed added to the Prohibition vote from the ranks

of the Republicans.⁵⁴ The Democrats believed that its

vote had been increased partly as a result of the sym-

pathy expressed in its platform of 1873 for the cause

of the laboring man.⁵⁵ In truth, national political con-

ditions were a disturbing element.

Of some significance were the municipal elections in

the State in April, 1875. They could not be interpreted

as a singular victory for either party. There was much

scratching, indicating an unsettled condition of opinion,

and quite a few partial Republican victories. However

the Democrats considered the outcome as being gener-

ally favorable. They carried Columbus, Cleveland, Cin-

cinnati, Dayton, Newark and many of the smaller

places.56

During the earlier part of the year no decided issue

appeared upon which the October election would be con-

tested. In January, it is true, the Louisiana affair was

played with by both sides. Each report from that state

was the occasion for partisan comment by both sides.

Such remarks as that of the Ohio Statesman to the effect

that on the Louisiana affair the Republican party was

mad appeared frequently in the Democratic press.57

A more decided issue arose early in April over the

passage of the Grogan Bill by the state legislature.

From the contents of the Bill⁵⁸ there was nothing to

54 Powell, Democratic Party of Ohio, 226.

Ibid., 226.

56 Ohio Statesman, April 8, 1875.

57 Ibid., February 11, 1875.

58 Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 605, "Be it enacted, etc., That

as liberty of conscience is not forfeited by reason of conviction for

crime, or . .  detention in any penal, . . . or public asylum in

this state, no person in any such institution shall be compelled to attend

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio      67

warrant so much debate but the circumstances surround-

ing its passage, when magnified, gave to the bill a

curious aspect. The act provided for the giving of sec-

tarian instruction in matters of religion in the penal

reformatory institutions of the State. While the bill

was pending, a letter from Mr. Grogan, a Catholic and

the author of the measure, to a friend, was made public.

The letter spoke of the bill as an act of justice to the

Roman Catholic Church and said that its passage had

been urged as a debt due by the Democrats, then in the

majority in the legislature, to the party members of that

faith.  At the same time the Cincinnati Catholic

Telegraph published some articles demanding the

passage of the bill. The connecting of all these incidents

arrayed the Republican members against the act. It

passed by a strict party vote and immediately became a

party issue.⁵⁹ The discussion in the press, in some in-

stances, became ridiculously strained. All efforts of the

Republicans centered on arousing the prejudices of the

anti-Catholic and foreign   elements.   Concerning   the

Grogan Act, Harper's Weekly said, "A bill was intro-

duced into the Ohio assembly by a Mr. Grogan, one

plain object of which is stated in several of the Ohio

papers to be, to prevent the lay members of the Y. M.

C. A. from performing any religious duties in the re-

form houses and other public institutions and to confer

unusual privileges upon the Roman Catholic priests."⁶⁰

In some of the local papers whole pages were devoted

worship . . . which is against the dictate of his or her conscience;

and it shall be the duty of every director . . . to permit ample and

equal facilities to all such persons for receiving the ministrations of the

authorized clergymen of their own religion . . . under such reason-

able rules as the trustees shall make .

59Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 605.

60Harper's Weekly, quoted by Ohio Statesman, Arp. 29.

68      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

to discussion of this measure in which it was declared

to guarantee to the Roman Catholics opportunities for

proselyting which no other sect could obtain or ask for.61

All kinds of dangers and every conceivable harm would

result in the control of the government by the Catholics,

it was prophesied. The school question was dragged

in with the Catholic issue and gave rise to many heated

discussions.

But as the time for the State political conventions

drew near still other features of the political situation

emerged. The Republicans believed their success de-

pended upon nominating the right man for governor.

As early as March a meeting in Columbus of prominent

Republicans from all parts of the State declared that a

good man, no side issues and the record of the Repub-

lican party was what it would take to win the fall elec-

tion.⁶² The caucus was unanimous for Mr. Hayes.⁶³

As the year advanced the idea that only the strongest

man in the party would be able to defeat Mr. Allen

became generally accepted by the Republicans. In spite

of the emphatic and repeated statements of Mr. Hayes

that he could not accept the nomination if tendered, the

Republican press turned to him with increasing appeals

through May and June.

On June 2, the state Republican convention met in

Columbus. The platform adopted showed no decided

sensibility to any issue upon which victory in the cam-

paign would be staked. Concerning the currency it said

that "that policy of finance should be steadily pursued

which, without necessary shock to business or trade will

For example, Cincinnati Gazette, quoted by McConnelsville Herald,

April 9.

62 Ohio State Journal, March 25.

63 Williams, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, I, 382.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  69

ultimately equalize the purchasing capacity of the coin

and paper dollar."⁶⁴ All the enthusiasm of the conven-

tion was manifested in the selection of a gubernatorial

candidate. Because of the repeated refusal of Mr.

Hayes to have his name submitted, the nomination of

Mr. Taft, of Cincinnati, was favorably received at the

beginning of the balloting. But the friends of Mr.

Hayes and those who understood the situation in the

state so aroused the convention in their appeals that

Mr. Hayes finally won the nomination in what was

described as an "earthquake of enthusiasm."⁶⁵ In a

telegram to the convention, Mr. Hayes accepted the

nomination.

Before the meeting of the Democratic state conven-

tion occurred, a fight was anticipated over the currency

question.⁶⁶ It was generally known that a large element

in the Democratic ranks within the state favored an

inflation platform. This wing of the party received its

strongest support from the Cincinnati Enquirer, which

advocated inflation with all degrees of fervor. On the

other hand, Senator Thurman, the leading Democratic

party man within the State at that time, was openly

committed to the earliest possible return to specie pay-

ment. In regard to issues, the Cincinnati Enquirer said

that the Republican party had declared against a third

term for president, against a division of school funds

and the union of church and state, and it approved a

tariff for revenue, all of which the Democrats would

likewise approve.  "There is, then," continued the

Enquirer, "no live issue upon which the parties can be

64Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875.

65 Ohio State Journal, June 3.

⁶⁶McConnelsville Herald, June 11.

70       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

divided, save that of finance. If the Republican plat-

form in this respect is indorsed, there is no reason why

we should have two political organizations in Ohio."⁶⁷

A few days later, June 17, the Democratic state con-

vention met in Columbus. A spirit of elation was ex-

hibited because of the favorable prospects of the party in

the coming election, but underlying this there was a

feeling of intense excitement because of the questions

which it was foreseen would come before the convention.

It was conceded that Mr. Allen would be unopposed in

the nomination for governor, since he had brought vic-

tory to the party two years before and had served the

party creditably since. There was no contention over

his re-nomination. But true to general anticipation, a

contest arose over the currency.

The first controversy came in the meeting of the

committee on platform. In this, the hard-money group

won. But when the platform was brought before the

general body of the convention for adoption a minority

report was made favoring what was called soft-money.

After a display of heated feeling, the minority report

was adopted by a vote of 386 to 266.68 In this contest

soft money had won. Besides declaring that the na-

tional banks were a nuisance and demanding that the

government cease discrediting its own currency, the plat-

form attacked the Republican policy regarding the cur-

rency and proposed that its volume be made and kept

equal to the wants of trade.⁶⁹ Mr. Allen accepted the

37 Cincinnati Enquirer, quoted by Ohio State Journal, June 15.

68Powell, Democratic Party of Ohio, 226.

69 Three important resolutions of the Democratic state convention of

1875 were:

"That the contraction of the currency heretofore made by the Re-

publican party, and the further contraction proposed by it, with a view

to the forced resumption of specie payment, has already brought disaster

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio           71

nomination of the convention for governor and for lieu-

tenant-governor Mr. Cary was selected. Since Mr. Cary

was only a recent convert to the Democratic party, a

temperance worker and a labor man, the spirit of the

convention is revealed in his nomination.

The new currency policy of the Democratic party

was one not all Democrats would agree to, although

some of these remained loyal to the party. The Ohio

Statesman, one of the best edited weekly newspapers in

the State in 1875, said in its issue of the week following

the Democratic convention that it considered this the

best declaration of principles that had ever gone before

the people. But, "upon one important question, however,"

it continued, "our life-long convictions compel us to dis-

sent and that is upon the currency question. There is

a virtual demand in the platform for an increase in the

currency. We do not now believe nor have we ever

believed, that the interest of the people will be promoted

by flooding the country with depreciated greenbacks.

We have always contended and now contend that true

and substantial prosperity lies in the direction of a sound

currency. Not that we believe in contraction, but we

to the business of the country and threatens it with general bankruptcy

and ruin. We demand that this policy be abandoned, and that the volume

of currency be made and kept equal to the wants of trade, leaving the

restoration of legal tenders to par with gold to be brought about by

promoting the industries of the people, and not by destroying them.

"That the policy already initiated by the Republican party, of abolish-

ing legal tenders and giving national banks all the power to furnish all

the currency, will increase the power of an already dangerous monopoly

and the enormous burdens now oppressing the people, without any com-

pensating advantage. And that we, who oppose this policy, demand that

all the national bank circulation be promptly and permanently retired, and

legal tenders issued in its place.

"That public interest demands that the government should cease

to discredit its own currency, and should make its legal tenders receivable

for public dues, except where respect for the obligation of contracts re-

quire payment in coin; and that we favor the payment of at least one-

half of the customs in legal tenders." Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia,

1875, 607.

72      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

are totally and unalterably opposed to drifting further

away from specie payment than we are at present.

From the birthday of the Democratic party, 'hard money'

has been the true Democratic doctrine."⁷⁰ It was further

stated in the same article that the question could not

become strictly a party one because Republicans as well

as Democrats were alike divided on the issue. It is note-

worthy that, although the question did become a party

issue in the state, and although the Statesmen remained

true to the Democratic party, not one time during the

campaign did it contain one word in favor of the inflation

program advocated by the inflation leaders.

THE CAMPAIGN.

With leaders chosen and issues drawn, both sides

spent some time in preparing to carry the contest to the

people. Meanwhile the press of the state and nation

took up the Ohio campaign. Besides the bearing the

election would have on the presidential election the fol-

lowing year, the principal issue, which was recognized

generally with the adoption of the Democratic platform,

was one of considerable importance to all sections of the

country and concerned vitally the welfare of the two

major parties. While the inflation demands of the Dem-

ocratic convention came as a surprise to many even

within the ranks of the Democratic party in the state,

it was commonly known that a large element was advo-

cating a currency policy that would appeal to numerous

groups in view of the existing financial depression. The

whole East was startled by the possibility of the coun-

7O Ohio Statesman, June 24.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio   73

try's being captured by the inflationists.⁷¹ In fact the

conditions in Ohio were so favorable for such a result

that it struck terror to the financial interest of the

country. National politicians were not eager to take

sides but to some it was impossible to stand aloof.

One national figure that could not avoid the sudden

departure of his party was Mr. Thurman. At that time

he aspired to the Democratic nomination of the follow-

ing year for the presidency. He had openly declared

himself to be a hard-money man and in such terms that

to recant would be an actual disgrace. Ohio was his

home. What could he do? The papers over the entire

country immediately saw that the action of the state

convention had sacrificed Mr. Thurman on the inflation

altar and had killed his chance for the presidential nom-

ination.⁷² All shades of forecast were advanced by the

press as to the position he would take. But a few weeks

later when Mr. Thurman began his activities in the in-

terest of the party, he showed that he had not forsaken

his currency views nor his party.

As the Cincinnati Enquirer had taken the forefront

in advocating the policy adopted by the Democratic con-

vention, it led the press of the state for those principles

in the campaign following. Before the leading party

men inaugurated the vigorous speaking tours that so

thoroughly aroused the state during the months of July

and August, the Enquirer was assiduously promulgating

its stand. Its cry was "greenbacks and sufficient cur-

rency against national banks and contraction."⁷³ This

71For example, see Cincinnati Enquirer, July 5, 8, and 9. See re-

print from Newark Advocate in issue of July 5 and art. "Jay Gould's

Organ, etc." in issue of July 9.

72 Ohio State Journal, June 24, (numerous reprints).

73 Cincinnati Enquirer, July 1.

74      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

theme was developed from almost every conceivable

angle. "In the last twelve years," it said, "there has not

been the slightest doubt about our money. When the

panic of 1873 commenced the first business of everybody

was to hoard the greenbacks as the safest and best thing

going. They were a scarce commodity. Not a bank in

the United States had enough of them. They all closed

their doors on their depositors. What is wanted is

plenty of greenbacks. Then interest will come down

and business will revive."⁷⁴ Such were the currency

ideas of the inflationists. The distressing conditions of

business were attributed to the lack of greenbacks in

circulation and the way to get them there, they main-

tained, was for the government to issue more.

Concerning the economic depression the Enquirer

said, "Cast an eye up the Ohio River and see the de-

struction of the iron industry. The laboring people are

threatened, actually threatened, with beggary and star-

vation. What is the election of this or that man to office

in comparison with such a thing? It is a small matter in

itself whether William Allen or General Hayes is elected

Governor of Ohio, but it is a serious concern whether

they have the means afforded them of earning their daily

bread."⁷⁵ Arguments such as this were continued

throughout the campaign and many of them went di-

rectly to the hearts of the western people.

The Republican press, led in the state at that time

by the Ohio State Journal, took much of its argument

from eastern newspapers and magazines. Many articles

were copied from New York Democratic papers that

were unconditionally opposed to the Democratic pro-

74 Cincinnati Enquirer, July 2.

75 Ibid., July 13.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio        75

gram in Ohio. Besides the inherent force of such arti-

cles, they embittered the two wings of the Democratic

party and pleased to no small degree the opposing Re-

publicans. But in this campaign there was no Ohio

party paper that led the Republicans as the Cincinnati

Enquirer did the Democrats. It remained for the Re-

publican campaign speakers and journals outside the

state to furnish the burden of argument.

The Democrats were first to enter the forensic arena.

Mr. Cary began speaking about the middle of July,⁷⁶ but

the official launching of the campaign took place on the

twenty-first. On this latter date Mr. Allen, Mr. Pen-

dleton  and   Mr. Walker, of West Virginia, made

speeches at Gallipolis to what were then described as

"great gatherings."⁷⁷ So spectacular was this opening

of the Democratic campaign that it deserves particular

mention. The people came by steamers, carriages and

wagons to Gallipolis on that day and each town or town-

ship coming in had its banner.⁷⁸       These, with    their

"greenback," "rag-baby" and "golden-calf" ideas, indi-

cate the popularity of the new currency views of the

Democratic party.

Mr. Allen's speech was eagerly awaited, as it was

expected to sound the keynote of the Democratic cam-

paign. The inflationists were not disappointed. The

major part of his address was devoted to presenting the

76 Cincinnati Enquirer, July 19.

77 Ibid., July 22.

78 Some of these mottoes were, "Public property struggles in the

grasp of the money kings. We are sans-culottes, because Wall Street

has stripped us. We prefer the rag-baby to the golden calf! The World

demands specie payment, - So did Judas Iscariot. From a subsidized

press, the New York World, the flesh and the devil, good Lord deliver

us. Greenbacks are the Government's offspring and must not be dis-

owned. Greenbacks saved the Union and let them avert starvation.

United the West and South rule forever. Greenbacks are the motive

power of progress."--etc., etc., Cincinnati Enquirer, July 22.

76      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

new currency views adopted at Columbus. The Repub-

licans, Mr. Allen said, rise up and call this money they

have issued "rag-money" and they charge the Democrats

with wanting to ruin the country by letting this same

money stand. The curtailing of the circulating medium

has already put all manufacturers, laborers and business

men on the verge of bankruptcy, and "they still cry out,"

he continued, "more contraction. They still clamor for

specie payment. Now this specie payment is a thing

worth looking at. In the first place we want to know

what makes a silver dollar worth one-hundred cents?

If there be a bar of lead, a bar of iron and a bar of gold

lying here, as long as they exist in those bars they are

not circulating medium. A piece of pig iron is just as

much money as a piece of gold until public authority has

stamped it and said it shall be taken for so much. It is

public authority and that alone which gives a piece of

metal its characteristics of money and makes it circulat-

ing medium." 79 This, of course, was the most radical

doctrine held by the inflationists but it was wildly ap-

plauded by men who were out of work, men whose busi-

nesses had failed and farmers who could not sell their

crops. To others it sounded reasonable.

In discussing the Resumption Act of January, he said,

"The party that is howling all over the country for

specie payment passed a currency act in the last Congress

and they couldn't tell, to save their own souls, whether

that act was an act of inflation or contraction. One por-

tion of the Republican party swears it was contraction;

the other swears it was inflation; but whatever act it was

they wouldn't debate it or give any reason for passing

79 Ohio Statesman, July 29. Cincinnati Enquirer, July 22.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  77

it. They put off the day which was to carry deliverance

to the nation for nearly four years. Now, if specie pay-

ment was such a good thing, why didn't they put it into

operation right away? Because they know the presi-

dential election would have to occur before the expira-

tion of the four years." 80

Such arguments were persuasive when spoken by

Mr. Allen, who, above all else, was an orator. He had

wit. He used effective sarcasm. He was humorous.

Because of his deep sonorous voice he was often re-

ferred to as "Fog Horn Allen." But whenever he spoke

he was listened to by both friend and enemy, regardless

of whether they called him "Bill Allen," "Honest Old

Bill Allen," or "Fog Horn."

With Mr. Allen at Gallipolis was Mr. Pendleton,

whose speech had rather a peculiar tone. He did not

follow the inflation principles to the extent of Mr. Allen

although he had been regarded as a "greenback" man

since the national Democratic convention of 1868. In

his address he said, "I speak for myself alone. I do

not assume to speak for the Democratic party. Its con-

vention has spoken for it. But I believe I interpret

truly its opinions and platform when I say that we are

in favor of coin as the basis of the currency."⁸¹ He ad-

vocated the earliest possible return to specie payment

and said that "we are not now and never have been in

favor of an unlimited issue of greenbacks or bank

notes." 82 He denounced repudiation. Evidently he

was not in perfect accord with the radical wing that had

won the state convention, or the outburst in certain sec-

80 Cincinnati Enquirer, July 22.

81 Ibid, July 22.

82Ibid., July 22.

78      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

tions of the country had been sufficient to change his

opinions. So for the remainder of the campaign he did

not take the part that would be expected of one so prom-

inently associated with the origin of the greenback

movement.

Mr. Cary, from this time, assumed much of the

prominence formerly possessed by Mr. Pendleton. He

was an advocate of the doctrine held by Mr. Allen and

in his efforts he was unsurpassed by any man who took

part in the campaign.

Although the Republican convention was held first,

its active campaign was begun later than that of the

Democrats. On July 31, Mr. Hayes and Senator Sher-

man inaugurated the Republican speaking campaign at

Marion. By devoting most of his address to an attack

on the currency doctrines of Mr. Allen, Mr. Hayes be-

gan an offensive battle. Although he stated the grounds

on which he believed in a specie currency only, and de-

sired an early return to that standard, the greater por-

tion of his speech related to the financial doctrines of

the Democrats.⁸³ He quoted at length from the speeches

of Mr. Cary and Governor Allen. He also gave ex-

tracts from the speech of Senator Thurman, delivered

in the Senate in April of 1874. He quoted from the

Democratic state platforms, emphasizing the resolution

of the 1873 convention on the currency, to show the in-

consistency of the present position of that party.

But it remained for Mr. Sherman, the Republican

champion of specie resumption in Congress, to disclose

those principles and facts upon which a specie currency

was based. Mr. Sherman thoroughly understood the

financial situation in the United States and in this speech

Williams, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, I, 392-7.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  79

at Marion he set forth clearly and brilliantly those prin-

ciples and convictions on which he based his stand.⁸⁴ He

undertook to explain why a depreciated currency was

undesirable, why gold only could be the standard, and

why, so long as a depreciated currency remained, the

business of the country would be in an unhealthy state.

He defended the acts of Congress regarding finance,

and concerning the Resumption Act he stated that the

reason it was not to be executed until 1879 was in order

to give debtors time to prepare for this return to an

equal standard. The arguments used in the speeches of

Mr. Sherman and Mr. Hayes at Marion on July 31,

formed the gist of almost all of their speeches during

the entire campaign.

On the same day that the Republicans began their

canvass, Mr. Thurman delivered a speech in which he

said, "We do not believe in an irredeemable paper cur-

rency, we believe that such a currency must necessarily

fluctuate in value, lead to speculation and extravagance,

and benefit none except money-shavers and speculators.

We believe that our currency should consist of gold and

silver, and, for convenience, paper convertible at par

into gold and silver at will of holder. In this we concur

with the uniform teachings of the Democratic party; with

the opinion of every really eminent political economist

the world over, with the lessons of experience found in

the history of every commercial nation, and with the

views of almost the entire body of business men of

America.

"It has been roundly asserted that the platform of

our late convention means just the opposite of our opin-

84 Ohio State Journal, August 2.

80       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

ion; that it means an irredeemable paper currency now

and forever. But certainly no such idea is expressed in

the platform, nor do I believe it is entertained by a ma-

jority of those who approve it. It denounces contrac-

tion, but does not say in plain words, give us inflation.

What it does say is 'that the volume of currency be

made and kept equal to the wants of trade,' and that is

all. All men must agree to that. To say so is a mere

truism, a mere abstraction. The practical question is,

Have we that volume now? And upon this question the

platform is silent."⁸⁵

The words of Mr. Thurman speak for themselves.⁸⁶

In comparing his expressions with those of Mr. Allen

the division of the Democratic leadership is revealed.

Many Democrats held the same views as did Mr. Thur-

man although they did not desert the party. The Cleve-

land Plain Dealer, in commenting on "Judge" Thur-

man's speech said that he held precisely the view that it

believed in. The Plain Dealer admitted that there was

a wide diversity of opinion on the subject of finance and

it maintained that the widest latitude should be allowed

everyone on that question.⁸⁷ This was the same position

that the Ohio Statesman had already taken. But such

a division among Democratic leaders regarding what

was being made the chief issue strengthened the argu-

ments of the Republicans.

There was a minor issue, or topic, in the campaign

that played some part in the final outcome. This was

the Catholic question, brought in by the passage of the

85 Ohio State Journal, August 2.

86 Randall and Ryan, History of Ohio, IV, 332-3, says that Mr. Thur-

man finally joined with Mr. Allen and others in advocating inflation but

I found no evidence to support that statement.

87 Cleveland Plain Dealer, August 2.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio      81

Grogan Bill early in the year. The Republicans claimed

that through the Democratic party the American school

system was being threatened. Mr. Hayes stressed in

his first campaign speech the situation under which the

Grogan Bill was passed.⁸⁸ It also formed the substance

of many campaign speeches and the basis for many po-

litical documents. But concerning the school question

the Democratic platform declared everything that the

Republican platform stated.⁸⁹ In fact, efforts were made

by those Democrats who did not concur in the financial

theories of the inflationists to make this the foremost

topic.⁹⁰ Although they did not succeed in this, they

vigorously defended the record of the Democrats.

A mid-campaign survey was somewhat discouraging

to the Republicans in spite of the efforts of their able

leaders. The enthusiasm for the Democrats' new doc-

trine had not abated. An echo of the situation was

sounded in an eastern journal. "The times are hard," it

said, "and labor is scarce, and Cary speaks to workmen

out of employment that the cause of the trouble is in the

want of rag money, that a piece of paper, if printed by

the government is as good as gold * * * and that

if the amount of paper dollars were indefinitely in-

creased, there would be a universal revival of industry,

workmen would have enormous wages, and happiness

and plenty would abound." 91 Grave concern was now

being felt by many who had earlier only ridiculed the

88Williams, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, I, 397-400.

⁸⁹Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 607.

90 The Ohio Statesman of Sept. 2, said that the Republicans were

turning aside from the money question and were beginning to give more

attention to the Catholic and school question. The speeches of Senator

Thurman about this time were being given entirely to a discussion of

this question. On the last Saturday in August and the first one in

September such speeches were made by him in Cleveland.

91Harpers Weekly, September 11.

Vol. XXXI-6.

82      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

ideas of Mr. Allen. "With that frank and concerted

ignorance of his which has made him the favorite of the

most stupid section of the Democratic party, Governor

Allen," declared the New York Tribune, "does not even

care to consider an argument addressed to his intelli-

gence. He roars out, 'Don't talk to me about principles

or theories. The times are too hard for that. Theories

wont fill a working man's belly,' and his crowds answer

with rapturous plaudits."⁹² And it was true that Mr.

Allen was receiving tremendous applause wherever he

spoke. Mr. Cary, too, was speaking to enormous crowds

and from them no discouragement was perceived.

So far in the campaign the only Republican of a na-

tional character from outside the state who appeared be-

fore the voters in behalf of the state ticket was Mr.

Morton. His speeches were not ones that would win

confidence on the currency issue. He came into the

state to revive the issues of the Civil War. A very

pointed criticism, in this respect, was advanced by the

Nation when it declared: "The currency question is again

coming up and is again assuming a threatening aspect

and exerting a depressing influence on the business of

the country, mainly because the party in power for the

last fifteen years has either avoided dealing with it at

all, or has only dealt with it in a half-hearted and in-

sincere way. Senator Morton's speech shows clearly

that the Republican chiefs do not wish to go before the

people on the currency question and have nothing very

positive to say about it. They have ten words to offer

about apocryphal murders at the South for one about

finance." 93 Before the campaign opened the Republi-

92 New York Tribune, quoted by the Ohio State Journal, Sept. 22.

93Nation, August 19.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  83

cans had decided to send such men as Conklin, Blaine,

Dawes and others of equal honor into the state because

of the effect the result would have on the presidential

election.⁹⁴ But the only one of these who actually came

was Mr. Morton, and his currency views were of no

great aid to a party advocating the retirement of green-

backs.

But the outcome of the Ohio election was giving no

little concern at this time to the "Independents," of

whom E. L. Godkin, Horace White, Gen. J. D. Cox,

Samuel Bowles, Chas. Nordhoff, Murat Halstead,

Henry and Charles Francis Adams, Jr., and Carl Schurz

constituted a sort of national committee.⁹⁵ Mr. Schurz,

the most influential, if not the most prominent Inde-

pendent then, had left the United States in the spring

for a visit to Europe. But before leaving a conference

had been held at which it was agreed that they would

either impose their liberal views on one of the major

parties or enter the presidential race in 1876 as a dis-

tinct party.⁹⁶ At an early stage in the Ohio campaign

the Independents saw in the election of Mr. Allen a

mortal blow to their party. On July 31, Mr. Charles

Francis Adams, Jr., wrote to Mr. Schurz saying that,

"Allen's election will be our destruction; his nomination

on the rag-money issue was a defiance and insult to us,

and his success would render us contemptible * * *

The weapon with which to kill him is the German vote.

It is the only effective weapon at hand, and you are its

holder. You must come back in time to strike in just at

the close with all the freshness and prestige of your re-

94 Ohio Statesman, Feb. 25.

Carl Schurz, Reminiscences, III, 362.

Carl Schurz, Speeches, III, 159.

84      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

cent German reception." 97 Others followed Mr. Adams

in urging Mr. Schurz to return and participate in the

Ohio campaign.⁹⁸ But Mr. Schurz was in favor of

leaving the campaign to work itself out. Because of the

bearing the contest in Ohio would have on the presiden-

tial campaign in 1876 he deemed it sound policy for the

Independents, as such, not to demonstratively attach

themselves to either party.⁹⁹ His refusal to return to

the United States in time to do anything in the Ohio

contest was not accepted. Mr. Adams and his friends

repeated their letters asking him to use his influence to

defeat the inflation principles that would, with success

in Ohio, gain strength throughout the country. On

August 18, Mr. Schurz wrote to Charles Francis

Adams, Jr., saying, that out of respect for the opinions

of his friends he was returning immediately to the

United States to participate in the Ohio canvass. On

September 27, he spoke at Turner Hall in Cincinnati.¹⁰⁰

As a political address, as a presentation of the prin-

ciples on which the chief issue of the campaign rested,

as an appeal to the independent-thinking voter, this

speech surpasses any other in the political campaign in

Ohio. Before any discussion of the currency issue was

entered, Mr. Schurz made some preliminary statements

in regard to his relation to the two major parties in the

contest and, in the clearest language, he gave his reasons

for accepting the invitation to address the people of the

state on the currency. He denied that he came in the

interest of the Republican party, whose errors and po-

liticians he had for sometime opposed. "It is, there-

97Carl Schurz, Speeches, III, 157.

98 Carl Schurz, Reminiscences, III, 363.

99 Carl Schurz, Speeches, III, 160-1.

100 Carl Schurz, Ibid., III, 161-2.

The Political Campaign of 1875 in Ohio  85

fore," he said, "no sentimental partiality for the Repub-

lican party that brings me here." 101 And to the Demo-

crats he reviewed those conditions and circumstances un-

der which he had formerly joined with them in oppos-

ing the Republican party. He recited the currency doc-

trines avowed by the Democratic party at the time he

joined with them. They were the principles of a specie

standard. He impressively stressed the fact that he

came to Ohio to speak as an Independent in the interest

of sound money and he emphasized sufficiently that he

came not as an opponent of the Demorcrats but a de-

fender of a specie standard currency. The major por-

tion of his speech was devoted to the evils that would

result from the execution of the doctrines adopted by

the Democratic state convention and advocated in the

campaign by Governor Allen and Mr. Cary.

It was to no small audience that Mr. Schurz spoke.

Every entrance to the building at Cincinnati was

packed.¹⁰² And those who were not able to hear him

had many opportunities to read what he had said from

the numerous copies of his speech that were printed and

circulated. Following this address at Cincinnati, Mr.

Schurz made a tour of the state. He spoke in both

English and German, and to the German people he

spoke with telling effect.

The conclusion of the campaign witnessed the issu-

ing of much political material by both sides but no ad-

ditional arguments of weight were advanced. The

work that counted had already been performed. Party

leaders attempted to show a feeling of confidence but

conservative spectators foresaw nothing to indicate an

101 Carl Schurz, Speeches, III, 163.

102 Carl Schurz, Reminiscences, III, 363.

86       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications

overwhelming victory for either party. When the vote

was analyzed the strength of inflation was disclosed.

RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN AND THE NATIONAL

CONVENTION OF 1876.

Election day was the twelfth of October. At noon

on the thirteenth the Democrats conceded the election to

Republicans by a majority of between ten and fifteen

thousand.¹⁰³ Returns had, however, come in slowly and

were very incomplete when the election was admitted a

Republican victory. In the afternoon of the thirteenth

Mr. Hayes' majority began to decrease as a result of

late returns. Steadily this was continued until the elec-

tion was again declared undecided. The Democratic

headquarters were closed to the public. People every-

where became wild with excitement when it was learned

that the election was again in doubt. With almost every

late return the Republican majority was cut down. The

whole state was thrown into confusion - but it did not

last long. The reduction was not enough to overcome

the great lead given Mr. Hayes in the early returns.

His majority was finally declared to be 5,544.104 The

vote was the largest ever cast in the state up to that

time. In a comparison of the returns of 1874 with

those of 1875, it is found that both parties increased

their vote in every county in the state, with the excep-

tion of Cuyahoga, in which the Democratic vote dimin-

ished nearly two thousand.¹⁰⁵

103 Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 14.

104Report of Secretary of State, 1875, 227.

Appleton, Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875, 607.