Ohio History Journal

GEORGE CROGHAN.

BY CHARLES RICHARD WILLIAMS, PH. D., LL. D.

[Address delivered at Spiegel Grove, Fremont, O., August 1, 1903,

before the George Croghan Chapter Daughters of the American Revolu-

tion, on the occasion of the celebration of the ninetieth anniversary of

the battle of Ft. Stephenson. Mr. Williams is editor of The Indianapolis

News.- E. O. R.]

I.

"Happy the country that has no history" is an old, old saying.

It falls trippingly on the tongue. It passes current at unques-

tioned value in the conversation of men. Hardly ever does one

stop to doubt its validity or to test its quality. Like most popular

proverbs it does assuredly voice a common conviction of men;

it does express an accepted opinion. History busies itself most

with the great concerns of life; with the emergence and struggle

for recognition of new and strange forces, with the clash of sys-

tem with system, of class with class, with the overthrow of gov-

ernments and the setting up of new forms of polity, with the

disasters of pestilence and earthquake, of drought and flood, and

with the horrors and glories, the devastation and triumphs of

marching cohorts and of warring hosts. When all these things

are absent, when a country's life goes on unquickened by new

emotions, unstirred by large events, dull, monotonous, common-

place, it is making no history, and it may indeed be happy in a life-

less and spiritless sort of way. The seasons may give their in-

crease, men may have corn in the bin and cattle in the byre; but

if they have no outlook beyond their own contracted horizon, if

they have no sense of participation in the larger life that was

before they began to be and that shall grow, with their help or

without, into "the fuller day," what a poor thing their happiness

is!

"Happy the country that has no history." Yes, if you will.

But happier far the country whose history is rich, and full and

glorious. We live not only in our day and in our deeds. But we

live also in the glorious deeds of our worthy ancestors. They

(375)

George Croghan.                   377

II.

The war of 1812 was not a very important war, and not at

all, as we can clearly see now, a necessary war. Larger views

and wiser statesmanship would doubtless have avoided it. There

were grievances, to be sure, that justified the appeal to arms;

but no more than had existed for years, and hardly more serious

than those suffered from France. But France had been friendly

in our Revolutionary struggle, and we could not quite forget that,

even though Bonaparte was now France and was seeking to dom-

inate all Europe. And the buffeting of one's kinsfolk, especially

if they put on "superior" or patronizing or contemptuous airs,

is always hardest to bear. England had never quite recognized

that this was really a separate and distinct member of the family

of nations. That fact produced increasing bitterness and rage,

particularly among the younger men. And they, coming into

power at last in the Congress of 1811, soon forced an unwilling

president to advise and accept war.

Not only was the president really at heart against the war,

but so were his principal advisers and a large majority of the

people, especially in the New England states.  Moreover the

country was utterly unprepared for war. Its navy was insignifi-

cant in number of ships. The army was a mere handful of

men. Stores and munitions were lacking. Yet the nation at large

welcomed the declaration of war and entered upon it with all the

gayety of sublime rashness and buoyant inexperience.

For the most part the history of the war is now melancholy

and humiliating reading. Indecision, vacillation and incompe-

tency at Washington; inexperience, ignorance, stupidity and even

cowardice among the men placed in command in the field; sur-

render, defeat, massacres, disgrace - that pretty nearly sums up

the record of the first few months of the war on land. Bombas-

tic proclamations of what was going to be done. Little attempted,

less accomplished. The men in the ranks and the line officers,

mostly volunteers or militia, were full of zeal, were eager to fight,

were willing to endure endless hardship; but they were without

discipline, were ill-equipped, were badly fed or half-starved, and

the politicians that led them were neither soldiers nor had the

George Croghan.                      379

making of soldiers in them. Things improved somewhat with

the progress of the war. The incompetents in high command

on the fighting line were weeded out and real soldiers took their

places. But apart from the brilliant work of the little navy, of

Perry on Lake Erie, of McDonough on Lake Champlain, of many

able captains with cruisers on the ocean, there were not many

achievements of the war the story of which sends the blood leap-

ing in pride along your veins. The instances of bravery or for-

titude of individuals or of organizations are numerous and thrill-

ing enough, as of course we should expect of American soldiers-

hardy frontiersmen in large part-and these give joy and inspira-

tion even while the general narrative of events on land may be

filling us, after near a hundred years, with impotent rage at the

blundering stupidity or worse of those who tried to direct and

to lead.

And yet, badly advised and rash as the war was, disappoint-

ing and humiliating as was the conduct of it in so large part,

unsatisfactory or reticent as the treaty of peace was on the main

issues for which the war was waged, the final effect of the struggle

on the nation and the people was doubtless beneficial. It taught

the need of trained soldiers, it made the navy popular, it gave the

country a standing not before possessed in the opinions of other

peoples.  Just after the announcement of the treaty of peace,

James Monroe, at that time Secretary of War, as well as of State,

wrote in an official communication to the Military Committee of

the Senate as follows:

"The late war formed an epoch of a peculiar character, highly in-

teresting to the United States. It made trial of the strength and efficiency

of our government for such a crisis. It had been said that our Union,

and system of government, would not bear such a trial. The result

has proved the imputation to be entirely destitute of foundation. The

experiment was made under circumstances the most unfavorable to the

United States, and the most favorable to the very powerful nation with

whom we were engaged. The demonstration is satisfactory that our

Union has gained strength, our troops honor, and the nation character,

by the contest. * * * By the war we have acquired a character and

a rank among other nations which we did not enjoy before." ("Writings

of James Monroe," Vol. V, p. 321.)

380        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

How accurate Monroe's judgment was, is seen by comparing

with it the summing up of the effect of the war by our latest his-

torian, President Woodrow Wilson, who says:

"If the war had done nothing else, however, it had at least made

the country quick with the spirit of nationality, and factions were dis-

credited. The War of the Revolution had needed a war for independence

to supplement it, as Mr. Franklin had long ago said. Until now, not-

withstanding the separation, English statesmen had deemed the United

States still in no small degree dependent upon England for their peace

and privilege in the world, and America had virtually in their thought

accepted a position of dependence. The Federalists had been ashamed

of no concession or submission to England, when once their great leaders

had fallen silent. This clumsy, foolhardy, hap-hazard war had at any

rate broken their temper. The country had regained its self-respect. The

government of the Union, moreover, was once more organized for rational

action. The party which controlled it had once for all given up the

theories which made it conscientiously weak and inefficient upon prin-

ciple. It was ready now upon occasion to raise armies, impose taxes,

avail itself of the services of banks, and serve the country by means

which should hold the nation united and self-centered against the world."

For the first year or more of the war the region about the

head of Lake Erie and Detroit was the principal center of activity.

The disgraceful surrender of Hull at Detroit was followed by

disaster after disaster, with little to cheer the American forces

until the successful resistance by Harrison of the siege of Fort

Meigs in early May, 1813; and there was really not much cause

for rejoicing in that when the cost was counted. Then for nearly

three months little was done but to maintain and strengthen po-

sitions, while Perry was building his little fleet at Erie. General

Green Clay was left in command at Ft. Meigs; Harrison was at

Fort Seneca waiting for reinforcements. But late in July, Proctor'

the British commander, again appeared before Ft. Meigs with a

force of regulars, militia and Indians and sought to draw Clay

into the open. But Clay refused to risk battle, and Proctor send-

ing his savage allies across country went by boat around to the

Sandusky river, expecting to reduce Fort Stephenson and to

press on up the river to attack Harrison and capture or destroy

his stores.  But he counted without his host.      By great good

fortune Ft. Stephenson was held by a young Kentuckian of

twenty-two who had the courage to dare and who had the power

George Croghan.                  381

to inspire his little detachment of one hundred and sixty men

with the same intrepidity that fired his purpose. What he and

his determined companions did and how they did it is all a

familiar story to you. The courageous defense of Fort Stephen-

son was the first really brilliant event of the war. Its moral effect

on the country was wholly out of proportion to its real significance.

It came like a cup of cold spring water to a man long famishing.

And when it was followed in a few days by the splendid achieve-

ment of Perry and that by Harrison's invasion of Canada and

his complete victory in the battle of the Thames, the country

was delirious with joy and the war in the Northwest was prac-

tically over.

III.

The defense of Fort Stephenson added to America's list of

heroes a name that will abide for all time. What we know of

him before he met his great opportunity and after that had given

his name to history is all too little. But here in brief is his story.

On his paternal side George Croghan came of fighting blood.

He belonged to the race of "the Kellys, the Burkes and the Sheas,"

who always "smell the battle afar off." The first Croghan we

we hear of in this country was Major George Croghan who was

born in Ireland and educated at Dublin University. Just when he

came to America we do not know. He established himself near

Harrisburg, and was an Indian trader there as early as 1746. He

learned the language of the aborigines and won their confidence.

He served as a captain in Braddock's expedition in 1755, and in

the defense of the western frontier in the following year. The

famous Sir William Johnson of New York, who was so efficient

in dealing with the natives, and whom George II, had commis-

sioned "Colonel, agent and sole superintendent of the affairs of

the Six Nations and other northern Indians," came to recog-

nize Croghan's worth, and made him deputy Indian agent for

the Pennsylvania and Ohio Indians. In 1763 Sir William sent

him to England to confer with the ministry in regard to some

Indian boundary line. He traveled widely through the Indian

country of what is now the central west. While on a mission

in 1765 to pacify the Illinois Indians he was attacked, wounded

382      Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

and taken to Vincennes. But he was soon released and accom-

plished his mission. He was deeply impressed with the great

possibilities of this western country and urged upon Sir William

Johnson the importance of securing this region to the English

colonies. In May, 1766 he fixed his abode near Fort Pitt, using

his good offices and influence in pacifying the Indians and concili-

ating them to British interests. He died about 1782. Thus he

lived a busy, useful and public-spirited life. It is altogether prob-

able that his reports regarding the Northwestern country had

something to do with impressing George Rogers Clark with its

importance.

A nephew of this worthy gentleman was William Croghan,

likewise born in Ireland-in 1752.. Just when he came to this

country I have been unable to ascertain. Perhaps it was with his

uncle when he returned after his official visit to England. At

any rate the young man was well established here at the time of

the Declaration of Independence. He promptly volunteered his

services, becoming a captain of a Virginia company. He served

to the end of the war; being when mustered out the senior Major

of the Virginia Line. He took part in the battles of the Brandy-

wine, Monmouth and Germantown; and he was with the army

that bitter winter at Valley Forge. In 1780 his regiment was

ordered south and he was made prisoner at the surrender of

Charleston. He was present at Yorktown, when the last great

battle of the war was fought, though he could not share in the

fighting, as he was on parole. He served for a time on the staff

of Baron Steuben, and he was one of the officers present at the

Verplanck Mansion on the Hudson in May, 1783, when the So-

ciety of the Cincinnati was instituted. Shortly after the war

Croghan joined the increasing drift of Virginians across the

mountains into the new land of Kentucky and found a home near

the Falls of the Ohio.

There, presumably, he won and wed his wife. She too came

of valorous stock. Her name was Lucy Clark, daughter of John

Clark, recently come to Kentucky from Virginia. She had five

brothers, four of whom served in the Revolutionary War. The

most distinguished of these was George Rogers Clark to whose

great and heroic campaign through the wilderness to Vincennes

George Croghan.                   383

we owe the winning of the Northwest Territory.      Another

brother, William, who was too young to participate in the Revo-

lution, was the Clark who with Captain Lewis made the famous

expedition of exploration across the continent. He was appointed

in 1813 by President Madison Governor of Missouri Territory.

To William Croghan and his wife Lucy at Locust Grove,

Ky., November 15, 1791 was born the boy that was destined to

make the family name illustrious. He was christened George,

perhaps in memory of the father's uncle, but more likely in honor

of the mother's brother whose great and daring achievement had

given his name vast renown. We know practically nothing of

George Croghan's boyhood. Doubtless it was like that of the or-

dinary Virginia boy of the period, who was the son of a well-to-do

planter, modified by the exigencies of frontier life. His grand-

father, John Clark, had large estates in land and owned many

slaves. On his death in 1799 it was found that his will named

William Croghan as one of the executors of his estate. One

clause in the will read as follows:

"Item.  I give and bequeath to my son-in-law, William Croghan,

and to his heirs and assigns forever, one negro woman named Christian;

also all her children together with her future increase, which negroes are

now in the possession of said Croghan."

How utterly impossible that sounds to us to-day. We can

easily imagine what sort of stories, in the long winter evenings

before the blazing fireplace, quickened the lad's pulses or sent

him quaking to bed. They were of instances of thrilling derring-

do against the Red Coats, or of perilous adventures in the wilder-

ness against savage beasts or still more savage red men. In the

logs of his grandfather's house, still standing a few years ago

and perhaps now, and doubtless of many another, he could see

the bullet marks of Indian marauders. Through the "long,

long thoughts" and the happy day dreams of this healthy, hand-

some frontier boy there could not fail to sound the cruel scream

of rifle and the blood stirring blare of battle bugles. Of tales of

war and battles, indeed, we are told he never tired, though hours

passed in the telling. In his school exercises his selections of

speeches were always of a martial cast; while he read with

384        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

avidity whatever he could get that told of war. A word in dis-

respect of Washington would invariably rouse his boyish indig-

nation.

A highly eulogistic article in the Portfolio printed in 1815,

written by a man that had been a school-fellow of Croghan's, gives

us many interesting details of Croghan's boyhood. The lad's

favorite sports were shooting and fox-hunting. Often he would

start at midnight or shortly after into the forest, alone or with

his negro boy attendant, to chase a fox or to seek other game.

He had the regular schooling of the young gentlemen of Vir-

ginia of the day, and at seventeen he was ready for college.

Thereupon (in 1808) he was sent to Virginia, to the good old

college of William and Mary, where two years later he was grad-

uated with the degree of Bachelor of Arts. The subject of his

graduating oration was "Expatriation," a live topic at that time.

His purpose now was to become a lawyer; after a course of lec-

tures in law in Virginia he returned to his home and there con-

tinued his legal studies; keeping up at the same time his general

reading, particularly in history and biography. The Portfolio

writer tells us that he greatly admired Shakespeare and could re-

cite most of the famous passages.    Of Croghan's character this

writer says:

"He was remarkable for discretion and steadiness. His opinions,

when once formed, were maintained with modest but persevering firm-

ness; and the propriety of his decisions generally justified the spirit in

which they were defended. Yet, though rigid to his adherence to prin-

ciples, and in his estimate of what was right or improper, in cases of

minor importance he was all compliance. I never met with a youth

who would so cheerfully sacrifice every personal gratification to the

wishes or accommodation of his friends. In sickness or disappointment

he evinced a degree of patience and fortitude which could not have been

exceeded by any veteran in the school of misfortune or philosophy. Were

I asked what were the most prominent features of his character (or rather

what were the leading dispositions of his mind) at the period of which

I am speaking, I would answer, decision and urbanity-the former re-

sulting from the uncommon and estimable qualities of his understanding,

the latter, from the concentration of all the sweet 'charities of life,' in

his heart."

George Croghan.                   385

In another paragraph the same writer adds:

"He is (as his countenance indicates] rather of a serious cast of

mind; yet no one admires more a pleasant anecdote or an unaffected

sally of wit. With his friends he is affable and free from reserve; his

manners are prepossessing; he dislikes ostentation, and was never heard

to utter a word in praise of himself."

While this was written by a friend and at a time when the

country was ringing with the fame of the young officer - much

as it rang with Hobson's fame after that daring feat - there is

no reason to doubt its substantial accuracy. The young law stu-

dent at Louisville in 1811, recently returned from his Virginia

college, handsome and debonair, busy with his books and fond

of the chase, sound in principle and gentle with his friends, must

have been a good man to know and to be with.

But the law was not long to be Croghan's mistress. In the

wigwams of Indiana the great chief Tecumseh was stirring the

hearts of the redmen against the pioneers. When William Henry

Harrison, Governor of Indiana, learned that the warriors were

gathering, he prepared to strike, and there was a call for volun-

teers. Many young men in Kentucky were quick to respond and

among them was young Croghan, who joined Harrison's little

army as a private. Before the decisive battle of Tippecanoe his

handsome appearance and intelligent discharge of his duties had

attracted the attention of the officers and he had been made an

aide-de-camp to General Boyd, the second in command. In the

battle of Tippecanoe he was so zealous, and displayed such cour-

age, that his fellows said of him he "was born to be a soldier."

A cant phrase among the soldiers on the Tippecanoe campaign

was "to do a main business." During the battle the young Ken-

tuckian rode from post to post cheering the men and saying:

"Now, my brave fellows, now is the time to do a main business."

And the result of the battle was such that there is no doubt they

did it.

After this taste of campaigning Croghan was eager for the

fray when the prospect of war with Great Britain became immi-

nent in the spring of 1812. In spite of his youth, with the recom-

mendations of Generals Harrison and Boyd, he obtained a cap-

taincy in the Seventeenth United States infantry regiment. In

August his command was ordered to accompany the detachment

386       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

under General Winchester, which marched from Kentucky to the

relief of General Hull at Detroit. But Hull's disgraceful sur-

render on August 15, followed by the increased hostility of the

Indians all along the frontier, made a change of plans neces-

sary. General Winchester marched through the wilderness to

assist Harrison in the relief of Fort Wayne, and then down the

Maumee to Fort Defiance which he occupied late in September.

There he was left in command, by General Harrison who had

been made Commander of the Northwestern army, while Harrison,.

returned to the settlements to hurry forward reinforcements and

supplies. The garrison suffered greatly from lack of food and

was more than once on the point of mutiny. Finally in December,.

Winchester was ordered to proceed to the Rapids, badly equipped

for winter campaigning as his men were. The expedition, in

which the troops suffered untold hardship, ended in the disaster

and massacre of the River Raisin. But Croghan escaped the fate

of others of his regiment by reason of the fact that he was left

behind in command of the fort. That he was chosen, after so

short a service, for so responsible a post proves that he had al-

ready won the confidence of his superior officers. On the march

he had shown his quality by the skill with which he selected and

protected his camping places.

Hard upon the unfortunate termination of Winchester's

movement toward the north, Harrison began the construction

of a strong fortress at the Rapids. This was named Ft. Meigs

in honor of the Governor of Ohio. Here, some time in the spring

of 1813, Croghan joined Harrison. April 28, Proctor appeared

with a thousand British regulars and more than that number of

Indians under the great chief Tecumseh. He had plenty of

artillery and two gunboats; and he sat down to a regular siege.

The siege failed after lasting for thirteen days; the cannonading

doing little damage to the fort and small hurt to the men behind

the ramparts. But for the disaster to Col. Dudley's detachment

of General Green Clay's Kentucky brigade, which came to the

rescue of the fort, the defense of Ft. Meigs would be an alto-

gether pleasant memory. But somebody blundered or failed to

act at the right moment, and 650 out of eight hundred were killed,

wounded or taken prisoners. In connection with Colonel Dudley's.

George Croghan.                   387

attack on the batteries across the river, a sortie was made from the

fort led by Colonel Miller. In this sortie Captain Croghan dis-

tinguished himself so greatly by the vigor and bravery of his

assault on a battery, that General Harrison in his report of the

battle gave him special commendation, and shortly after he was

promoted to be major.

Then for some weeks Major Croghan was stationed with his

battalion at Upper Sandusky, where there were large army stores.

From there he was sent in July to take command of Ft. Stephen-

son, at Lower Sandusky some forty miles down the river, which

guarded the approach to Fort Seneca, where Harrison had his

headquarters. There were reports that Proctor, who still had con^-

trol of the lake and was smarting from his failure at Ft. Meigs,

was moving again. It was not known where he would strike; not

unlikely he would seek to capture or to destroy Harrison's stores.

Ft. Stephenson was a small and wretched stockade. The works

could scarcely be called a fort. There were a few wooden

buildings made of thin boards and a palisade of logs. It had only

one gun, a six -pounder. Moreover the fort was not well placed,

being commanded by higher ground near by. Croghan proposed

to Harrison that he be allowed to change its location, but Harri-

son refused his consent, on the ground that the enemy was likely

to appear before the work could be completed. The weakness and

comparative unimportance of the post were such that Harrison's

instructions to Croghan were that if the enemy should appear in

force he should destroy the fort and stores and promptly retreat

to headquarters. But Croghan evidently had no intention of giv-

ing up easily. He at once began to strengthen his position and

to prepare for any emergency, working day and night. About the

stockade he dug a ditch six feet deep and nine feet wide. To the

top of the palisades he hoisted heavy logs that could easily be

pushed off to fall with crushing force on any of the foe that

entered the ditch and attempted to make a breach. All the stores

at the post were collected in one building that they might the

more easily be destroyed if necessity required. The men prepared

an abundant supply of cartridges. Rumors were thick that the

Indians were on the warpath and that Proctor who was seeking

4 Vol. XII-4.

388       Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

to induce General Green Clay to come out of Ft. Meigs and fight

in the open, would soon appear. But Croghan and his 160 men

were getting ready to give him worthy welcome. In the midst

of this activity Croghan wrote to a friend as follows:

"The enemy are not far distant. I expect an attack. I will defend

this post to the last extremity. I have just sent away the women and

children, with the sick of the garrison, that I may be able to act with-

out incumbrance. Be satisfied. I shall, I hope, do my duty. The ex-

ample set me by my Revolutionary kindred is before me. Let me die

rather than prove unworthy of their name."

That shows conclusively that he had no intention of re-

treating unless he was forced to do so.

The evening of July 29, General Harrison received word

from General Green Clay at Ft. Meigs that Proctor had aban-

doned his attempt at that point and was likely to attack Fort

Stephenson.  Thereupon, after taking the advice of a council

of officers, Brig.-Generals Lewis Cass and Duncan McArthur,

Colonels George Paul and James V. Bell and Majors Wood,

Hukill, Holmes and Graham, he despatched a messenger to

Croghan directing him at once to set fire to the fort and to repair

with his command that night to headquarters. If he thought this

impracticable he was to "take the road to Huron and pursue it

with the utmost circumspection and dispatch." As good luck

would have it, the messenger, Mr. Conger, and his two Indian

guides lost their way, and instead of reaching Fort Stephenson

that night, they did not arrive till the next morning at 10 o'clock.

Croghan called his officers together and they agreed with him

that the fort ought not to be abandoned. He at once sent the

messenger back with the following letter:

"SIR:-I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock P. M., or-

dering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which was re-

ceived too late to be carried into execution. We have determined to

maintain this place, and by heavens we can."

General Harrison was highly displeased with this letter,

especially with the presumption displayed in the last sentence,

and immediately he sent Colonel Wells to relieve Croghan and

ordered him to repair at once to headquarters.    Croghan of

George Croghan.                   389

course obeyed; went to Ft. Seneca and spent the night of July

30th there. We have no record of his conversation that night

with Harrison, but evidently his explanations were satisfactory,

for the next morning he was sent back to Ft. Stephenson to re-

sume command.

Some days after the battle, to combat criticism of General

Harrison's course at this time, Croghan wrote a letter in which

he explained that the offensive wording of his dispatch to Har-

rison was adopted so as to deceive the enemy, should it fall into

into their hands; and that when Harrison's delayed order was

received it was thought by him and his officers that "an attempt

to retreat in the open day, in the face of a superior force of the

enemy, would be more hazardous than to remain in the fort, under

all its disadvantages."

But this whole letter reads much like an explanation after

the event. At any rate, it is difficult to understand how it would

have been hazardous for the little garrison to retreat on July 30,

when both that day and the following it seemed to be perfectly

easy for messengers and horse to move between Ft. Seneca and

the fort. One finds it by no means easy to comprehend also why

Harrison did not move forward so as to be able to lend assistance

or to cover Croghan's retreat,-especially when the sound of con-

tinuous cannonading must have reached his ears. But it may be

that he was apprehensive of an attack from Tecumseh's Indians,

only a portion of whom had been ordered across country to ope-

rate with Proctor.

In the afternoon of August I, Proctor with 500 regulars

and 700 or 800 Indians, accompanied by gunboats, appeared be-

fore Ft. Stephenson. Croghan greeted him with a few shots

from his single cannon. To the summons to surrender he gave a

defiant reply; and Proctor began to bombard the fort. The

firing continued through the night, which had no rest for the

anxious little garrison. Croghan moved his one gun about from

point to point in the hope of deceiving the enemy regarding his

equipment. During the night the British planted a battery within

250 yards of the stockade. This opened fire early in the morning

of August 2, but with little effect. In the afternoon Croghan

noticed that the fire from all the British guns was being concen-

George Croghan.                       391

Yankees no quarter."   When the ditch was well filled the masked

port-hole was opened and the six-pounder was fired into the

human mass, only thirty feet away, with apallingly fatal effect;

while all the time the muskets of the fort were singing their

deadly song. The British were thrown into hopeless confusion;

and all that could, fled precipitately.  Their loss was something

like 150, including Col. Short among the dead. Croghan's loss

was one dead and seven slightly wounded. That night Proctor

abandoned the field and the campaign and started back to Canada.

Croghan's official report, written three days after the battle,

gives a graphic yet modest account of his great victory. The

report follows:

LOWER SANDUSKY, Aug. 5, 1813.

"DEAR SIR :-I have the honor to inform you that the combined force

of the enemy, amounting to at least 500 regulars and 700 or 800 Indians,

under the immediate command of Gen. Proctor, made its appearance before

this place early Sunday evening last, and so soon as the general had

made such disposition of his troops as would cut off my retreat, should

I be disposed to make one, he sent Col. Elliott, accompanied by Major

Chambers, with a flag to demand the surrender of the fort, as he was

anxious to spare the effusion of blood, which he probably would not

have in his power to do should he be reduced to the necessity of taking

the place by storm. My answer to the summons was that I was determined

to defend the place to the last extremity, and that no force, however

large, should induce me to surrender it.

"So soon as the flag had returned, a brisk fire was opened on us

from the gunboats in the river, and from a 51/2-inch howitzer on shore,

which was kept up with little intermission throughout the night. At an

early hour next morning, three sixes, which had been placed during

the night within 250 yards of the pickets, began playing on us with but

little effect. About 4 P. M. discovering the fire from all of his guns

was concentrated against the northwestern angle of the fort, I became

confident that his object was to make a breach and attempt to storm

the works at that point. I therefore ordered as many men as could be

employed for the purpose of strengthening that part; which was so

effectually secured by means of bags of flour, sand, etc., that the picketing

suffered little or no injury. Notwithstanding which, the enemy, about

5 o'clock, having formed into close column, advanced to assault our

works at the expected point, at the same time making two feints on

the front of Capt. Hunter's lines. The column which advanced against

the northwestern angle, consisting of about 350 men, was so completely

enveloped in smoke as not to be discovered until it had approached

within 15 or 20 paces of the line; but the men, being all at their post

392        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and galling a fire as to

throw the column a little into confusion. Being quickly rallied, it ad-

vanced to the outer works and began to leap into the ditch. Just at

that moment a fire of grape was opened from our 6-pounder, which

had been previously arranged so as to rake in that direction, which to-

gether with the musketry threw them into such confusion that they

were compelled to retreat precipitately to the woods. During the assault,

which lasted half an hour, an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's

artillery, which consisted of five sixes, and a howitzer; but without effect.

My whole loss during the siege was one killed and seven wounded slightly.

The loss of the enemy, in killed and wounded and prisoners, must have

been 150. One lieutenant-colonel, one lieutenant, and 50 rank and file

were found in and about the ditch, dead or wounded. Those of the re-

mainder who were not able to escape were taken off during the night by

the Indians. Seventy stands of arms and several brace of pistols have been

collected near the works. About three o'clock in the morning the enemy

sailed down the river, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing and

considerable military stores.

"Too much praise can not be bestowed upon the officers, the non-

commissioned officers and privates under my command for their gallant

and good conduct during the siege.

"Yours with respect,

"G. CROGHAN,

"Major Seventeenth U. S. Infantry, Commanding Lower Sandusky.

"MAJOR GENERAL HARRISON,

Commanding Northwestern Army."

General Harrison in his report to the Secretary of War paid

high tribute to Croghan's gallantry. Here is the way he describes

the bloody work done by the young officer's sole piece of ord-

nance:

"Their troops were formed into two columns. One led by Lieutenant

Colonel Short, headed the principal one. He conducted his men to the

brink of the ditch under a galling fire from the garrison, and leaping

into it was followed by a considerable number of his own men and the

light infantry. At this moment, a masked porthole was suddenly opened,

and the 6-pounder, with a half-load of powder and a double charge of

leaden slugs, at a distance of thirty feet, poured destruction upon them,

and killed or wounded every man who entered the ditch. In vain did

the British officers try to lead on the balance of the column. It retired

under a shower of shot, and sought safety in the adjoining woods."

The Americans hated Gen. Proctor. His questionable compact

with the Indians caused them to look on him as a murderer or

George Croghan.                    393

an assassin rather than a soldier. And it is with evident grati-

fication that General Harrison added to his report:

"It will not be among the least of General Proctor's mortifications

to know that he has been baffled by a youth who has just passed his

twenty-first year. He is, however, a hero worthy of his gallant uncle,

General G. R. Clark, and I bless my good fortune in having first in-

troduced this promising shoot of a distinguished family to the notice

of the Government."

The defense of Fort Stephenson was hailed as a great vic-

tory by the American people, who had had so few events to re-

joice over in the conduct of the war. It was a fit prelude to

Perry's victory on Lake Erie and Harrison's at the Thames, which

followed soon after. The youth of the Commander, his refusal

to retreat, the disparity in the number of men engaged on the

two sides, the freedom from loss- all combined to give Croghan

peculiar fame. All the papers were full of his praise. His name

was on all men's tongues, as was Dewey's after Manila. The

brevet rank of Lieutenant Colonel was conferred upon him. The

military committee of Congress recommended a bill providing

him a jeweled sword, but the matter fell through before the bill

was enacted. The ladies of Chillicothe, however, presented him

with a sword, and he received a large number of silken flags from

citizens who rejoiced in his patriotism.

Croghan was in active service during the rest of the war,

but he did nothing of special significance. In the summer of

1814 he had command of an expedition that made a brave attempt

to recapture Michillimackinac, as the island was then called, but

the attempt was a failure. He was also engaged in breaking up

British posts on Lake Huron. In all his operations he was known

for his care of his men. He never allowed his men to camp with-

out first providing a fortification. He also showed remarkable

shrewdness in the selection of the camp sites, and never was his

command surprised.

Croghan remained in the army after the close of the war,

until March 1817 when he resigned. In May, 1816, he married

Serena Livingston, daughter of John R. Livingston, of New

York, and niece of Chancellor Robert Livingston, famous as

jurist and diplomat, who administered the oath of office to Wash-

George Croghan.                   395

ington, when he first became President of the United States,

and who as Minister to France negotiated with Bonaparte the

Louisiana Purchase. Another uncle was Edward Livingston,

one of the greatest lawyers of his day, who served his country as

Congressman, Senator and Secretary of State under Jackson,

whose celebrated Nullification Proclamation he is believed to have

written. She was a niece also of the widow of General Mont-

gomery, of Quebec fame.

Of the children of this marriage, one a daughter, Mrs. Mary

Croghan Wyatt, still lives in New York, cherishing the mem-

ory of her noble sire; another, a son, George St. John, by name,

a Confederate officer perished in battle in West Virginia in the

first year of the Civil War, regretting, so it is said, that he had

espoused the wrong side. In that battle the regiment of Colonel

Rutherford B. Hayes took part.

After resigning his commission in the army, Croghan re-

moved to New Orleans, where his wife's uncle, Edward Livings-

ton was one of the most prominent citizens. He was the post-

master of that city in 1824. The following year he turned to

the army again and was made Inspector General in the United

States army, with the rank of Colonel. Then followed long

years of unostentatious service. It is said that he was on one

occasion about to be courtmartialed for "intemperance in alco-

holic drinks."  Colonel Miller, who himself had won distinction

in the war of 1812, informed President Jackson of what was

going forward. "The old general," we are told, "listened impa-

tiently to the information, but heard it through, and then he laid

down his paper, rose from his chair, smote the table with his

clenched fist, and, with his proverbial energy, declared: 'Those

proceedings of the courtmartial shall be stopped sir, sir! George

Croghan shall get drunk every day of his life if he wants to, and

by the Eternal the United States shall pay for the whiskey." This

anecdote may not be true but if not it is well invented. It is a

good companion to the story that Lincoln asked some preachers

who had come to complain that Grant drank whiskey whether

they could find out what brand Grant drank. He wanted to send

some of the same kind to the other Generals!

George Croghan.                   397

cares about! Of all the leaders whose names for the time filled

large space in the thought of the country how few that we now

recall! The battle of Fort Stephenson was not a great fight; the

victory in itself was not of large importance. But the time when

it occurred was fortunate; the manner of it was such as to touch

the imagination and to thrill the souls of men; and at once the

deed and the doer were acclaimed and their fame became sure and

lasting. The names of the brave fellows that shared in the noble

enterprise have sunk, alas, into

Lethe's dreamless ooze, the common grave,

Of the unventurous throng.

And there is pathos in that fact; but such is the universal law

of life.

Whatever 'scaped Oblivion's subtle wrong

Save a few clarion names, or golden threads of song?

The great multitude of us must be content to do the work

God gives us to do, unknown and unnoted. Croghan himself

never rose again to the height of his one achievement. Perhaps

opportunity was lacking; at any rate except for his few days at

Fort Stephenson his life was commonplace and uneventful. But

what of that ? There was that one glorious day in August, in his

young manhood when opportunity smiled beckoning, and he

greeted her with bold front and ready hand. He illustrated the

old, old truth that

One day with life and heart,

Is more than time enough to find a world.

It is not the intrinsic importance of a deed always that gives

it value. It is the high and holy quality of the spirit that con-

ceived and directed its execution. And this the world is quick

to recognize and appreciate. The race makes few mistakes in

the men it honors with enduring memory.

To you of Fremont the memory of Fort Stephenson and the

fame of Croghan are a peculiarly glorious heritage. It is a great

privilege to live where of old time a great act was once greatly

done. No one can pass by the site of the old fort and see the old

six-pounder that spoke to such good purpose ninety years ago, and

George Croghan.                        399

lift his eyes to the shaft that commemorates the hero of that

far-off fight without a quickening of his love of country; without

feeling

O Beautiful! my Country! * * *

What words divine of lover or of poet

Could tell our love and make thee know it,

Among the Nations bright beyond compare?

What were our lives without thee?

What all our lives to save thee?

We reck not what we gave thee;

We will not dare to doubt thee,

But ask whatever else, and we will dare!

LOWER SANDUSKY, 25th July, 1813.

General Harrison:

DEAR SIR:-Mr. Connor has just arrived with the Indians which

were sent by you to Fort Meigs a few days since. To him I refer you

for information from that quarter.

I have unloaded the boats which were brought from Cleveland, and

shall sink them in the middle of the river (where it is ten feet deep)

about one-half mile above the present landing. My men are engaged

in making cartridges and will have in a short time more than sufficient

to answer any ordinary call. I have collected all the most valuable stores

in one house. Should I be forced to evacuate the place, they will be

blown up.                      Yours with respect,

G. CROGHAN,

Major Commanding at Lower Sandusky.

GENERAL HARRISON TO MAJOR CROGHAN.

July 29, 1813.

SIR:-Immediately on receiving this letter you will abandon Fort

Stephenson, set fire to it and repair with your command this night to

headquarters. Cross the river and come up on the opposite side. If you

should deem and find it impracticable to make good your march to this

place, take the road to Huron and pursue it with the utmost circum-

spection and dispatch.

400        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

MAJOR CROGHAN TO GENERAL HARRISON.

July 30, 1813.

SIR:-I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock P. M.,

ordering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which

was received too late to be carried into execution. We have determined

to maintain this place and by Heaven we can.

July 30, 1813.

To Major Croghan:

SIR:-The General has just received your letter of this date in--

forming him that you had thought it proper to disobey the order issued

from this office and delivered to you this morning. It appears that the

information which dictated this order was incorrect, and as you did

not receive it in the night, as was expected, it might have been proper

that you should have reported the circumstances and your situation be-

fore you proceeded to its execution. This might have been passed over;

but I am directed to say to you that an officer who presumes to aver

that he has made his resolution and that he will act in direct opposi-

tion to the orders of his General, cannot longer be entrusted with a

separate command. Colonel Wells is sent to relieve you. You will de-

liver the command to him and repair with Colonel Ball's squadron to

this place.                     By command, etc.,

A. H. HOLMES,

Assistant Adjutant General.

LOWER SANDUSKY, 3d Aug., 1813.

General Harrison!

DEAR SIR:-The enemy made an attempt to storm us last evening,

but was repulsed with the loss of at least 200 killed, wounded and pris-

oners. One Lieut.-Colonel (Short), a major and a lieutenant, with

about forty privates are dead in the ditch. I have lost but one killed

and but few wounded.

Further statements will be made to you by the bearer.

GEORGE CROGHAN,

Major Commanding Fort Sandusky.

P. S.-Since writing the above, two soldiers of the Forty-first Reg-

iment have gotten in who state that the enemy have retreated - in fact,

one of their gunboats is within three hundred yards of our works, said

to be loaded with camp equipage, etc., which they have in their hurry left.

A true copy.                                  GEORGE CROGHAN.

JOHN 0. FALLEN, Aide-de-Camp.

George Croghan.                       401

HEADQUARTERS, SENECA TOWN, 4th August, 1813.

SIR:-In my letter of the first instant, I did myself the honor to

inform you that one of my scouting parties had just returned from the

Lake Shore and had discovered the day before, the enemy in force near

the mouth of the Sandusky Bay. The party had not passed Lower San-

dusky two hours, before the advance, consisting of the Indians, appeared

before the Fort, and in half an hour after a large detachment of British

troops; and in the course of the night commenced a cannonading against

the fort with three six-pounders and two howitzers, the latter from gun

boats. The firing was partially answered by Major George Croghan,

having a six-pounder, the only piece of artillery.

The fire of the enemy was continued at intervals during the second

instant until about half past five P. M., when finding that their cannons

made little impression upon the works and having discovered my position

here and fearing an attack, an attempt was made to carry the place by

storm. The troops were formed in two columns. Lt.-Col. Short headed

the principal one composed of the light and battalion companies of the

Forty-first Regiment. This gallant officer conducted his men to the brink

of the ditch under the most galling and destructive fire from the garrison

and leaping into it was followed by a considerable part of his own and

the light company. At this moment a masked port-hole was opened and

a six-pounder with an half load of powder and a double charge of leaden

slugs at the distance of thirty feet poured destruction upon them and

killed or wounded nearly every man who had entered the ditch. In

vain did the British officers exert themselves to lead on the balance of

the column; it retired in disorder under a shower of shot from the

fort and sought safety in the adjoining woods. The other column headed

by the grenadiers who had retired after having suffered from the muskets

of our men, to an adjacent ravine. In the course of the night the enemy,

with the aid of their Indians, drew off the greater part of the wounded

and dead and embarking them in boats descended the river with the

utmost precipitation. In the course of the 2d instant, having heard the

cannonading, I made several attempts to ascertain the force and situa-

tion of the enemy. Our scouts were unable to get near the fort from

the Indians which surrounded it. Finding, however, that the enemy had

only light artillery and being well convinced that it could make little

impression upon the works, and that any attempt to storm it would be

resisted with effect, I waited for the arrival of 250 mounted volunteers

which on the evening before had left Upper Sandusky. But as soon as

I was informed that the enemy were retreating, I set out with the dra-

goons to endeavor to overtake them, leaving Generals McArthur and

Cass to follow with all the infantry (about 700) that could be spared

from the protection of the stores and sick at this place. I found it

impossible to come up with them. Upon my arrival at Sandusky I was

informed by the prisoners that the enemy's forces consisted of 490 reg-

402        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

ular troops, and 500 of Dixon's Indians, commanded by General Proctor

in person, and that Tecumseh with about two thousand warriors was

somewhere in the swamps between this and Fort Meigs, expecting my

advance or that of a convoy of provisions. As there was no prospect.

of doing anything in front, and being apprehensive that Tecumseh might

destroy the stores and small detachments in my rear, I sent orders to

General Cass, who commanded the reserve, to fall back to this place,

and to General McArthur with the front line, to follow and support him.

I remained at Sandusky till the parties that were sent out in every

direction returned, - not an enemy was to be seen.

I am  sorry that I cannot transmit you Major Croghan's official

report. He was to have sent it to me this morning, but I have just

heard that he was so much exhausted by thirty-six hours of continued

exertion, as to be unable to make it. It will not be amongst the least

of General Proctor's mortifications to find that he has been baffled by

a youth who has just passed his twenty-first year. He is, however, a

hero worthy of his gallant uncle, Gen. G. R. Clarke, and I bless my

good fortune in having first introduced this promising shoot of a dis-

tinguished family to the notice of the government.

Captain Hunter, of the 17th Regiment, the second in command, con-

ducted himself with great propriety, and never were a set of finer young

fellows than the subalterns, viz.: Lieutenants Johnson and Baylor, of the

17th, and Anthony of the 24th, Meeks of the Seventh, and Ensigns Shipp

and Duncan of the 17th.

The following account of the unworthy artifice and conduct of the

enemy will excite your indignation. Major Chambers was sent by Gen-

eral Proctor, accompanied by Colonel Elliott, to demand the surrender

of the fort. They were met by Ensign Shipp. The Major observed that

General Proctor had a number of cannon, a large body of regular troops,

and so many Indians whom it was impossible to control, and if the

fort was taken, as it must be, the whole of the garrison would be mas-

sacred. Mr. Shipp answered that it was the determination of Major Crog-

han, his officers and his men to defend the garrison or be buried in it,

and they might do their best. Colonel Elliott then addressed Ensign

Shipp and said: "You are a fine young man; I pity your situation; for

God's sake surrender and prevent the dreadful slaughter that must fol-

low resistance." Shipp turned from him with indignation, and was im-

mediately taken hold of by an Indian who attempted to wrest his sword

from him. Elliott pretended to exert himself to release him, and ex-

pressed great anxiety to get him safe in the fort.

In a letter I informed you, sir, that the post of Lower Sandusky

could not be defended against heavy cannon, and that I had ordered the

Commandant, if he could safely retire upon the advance of the enemy

to do so after having destroyed the fort, as there was nothing in it

that could justify the risk of defending it, commanded as it is by a

hill on the opposite side of the river within range of cannon and having

George Croghan.                        403

on that side old and illy constructed blockhouses and dry, friable pickets.

The enemy ascending the bay and river with a fine breeze, gave Major

Croghan so little notice of their approach that he could not execute the

order for retreating. Luckily they had no artillery but six pounders and

five and a half inch howitzers.

General Proctor left Malden with the determination of storming

Fort Meigs. His immense body of troops were divided into three com-

mands (and must have amounted to a least five thousand); Dixon

commanded the Mackinaw and other Northern tribes; Tecumseh,

those of the Wabash, Illinois and St. Joseph; and Round Head,

a Wyandot chief, the warriors of his own nation and those of the Ot-

tawas, Chippewas and Pottawattamies of the Michigan territory. Upon

seeing the formidable preparations to receive them at Fort Meigs, the

idea of storming was abandoned and the plan adopted of decoying the

garrison out or inducing me to come to its relief with a force inadequate

to repel the attack of his immense hordes of savages. Having waited

several days for the latter, and practising ineffectually several stratagems

to accomplish the former, provisions began to be scarce and the Indians

to be dissatisfied. The attack upon Sandusky was the dernier resort.

The greater part of the Indians refused to accompany him and returned

to the River Raisin. Tecumseh, with his command, remained in the

neighborhood of Fort Meigs, sending parties to all the posts upon

Hull's road, and those of the Auglaize to search for cattle. Five hun-

dred of the northern Indians under Dixon attended Proctor. I have sent

a party to the lake to ascertain the direction that he enemy have taken.

The scouts which have returned saw no signs of Indians later than those

made in the night of the 2d inst., and a party has just arrived from

Fort Meigs who made the same report. I think it probable that they

have all gone off. If so, this mighty armament, from which so much was

expected by the enemy will return covered with disgrace and mortifica-

tion. As Captain Perry was nearly ready to sail from Erie when I

heard from him last, I hope that the period will soon arrive when we

shall transfer the laboring oar of the enemy, and oblige him to en-

counter some of the labors and difficulties which we had undergone in

waging a defensive warfare and protecting our extensive frontier against

a superior force. I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the first

note received from Major Croghan. It was written before day. He

was mistaken as to the number of the enemy that remained in the ditch;

they amounted to one lieutenant colonel (by brevet)), one lieutenant and

25 privates; the number of prisoners to one sergeant and 25 privates,

fourteen of them badly wounded.   Every care has been taken of the

latter and the officers buried with the honors due to the rank and their

bravery. All the dead that were not in the ditch were taken off in the

night by the Indians. It is impossible from the circumstances of the

attack that they should have lost less than one hundred; some of the

5 Vol. XII-4.

404        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

prisoners think that it amounted to two hundred. A young gentleman,

a private in Petersburg volunteers, of the name of Brown, assisted by

five or six of that company and the Pittsburg Blues, who were acci-

dentally in the fort, managed the six-pounder which produced such de-

struction in the ranks of the enemy.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir,

Your obedient servant,

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

N. B.-Of our few wounded men there is but one that will not be

well in less than six days.

HEADQUARTERS SENECA TOWN

5TH AUGUST, 1813, 6 O'CLOCK A. M.

SIRS-I have the honor to enclose you Major Croghan's report of

the attack upon his post, which has this moment come to hand. For-

tunately the mail has not closed.

With great respect I have the honor to be sir,

Your humble servant,

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

P. S.-The new ship was launched at Malden on the 17th ult. I

have apprised Commodore Perry of it.

Hon. General Armstrong, Sec'y of War.

LOWER SANDUSKY, AUGUST 5, 1813.

DEAR SIR:-I have the honor to inform you that the combined force

of the enemy amounting to at least 500 regulars and seven or eight hun-

dred Indians under the immediate command of General Proctor, made its

appearance before this place early on Sunday evening last; and so soon

as the General had made such disposition of his troops as would cut off

my retreat, should I be disposed to make one, he sent Colonel Elliott,

accompanied by Major Chambers, with a flag to demand the surrender

of the fort as he was anxious to spare the effusion of blood which he

should probably not have in his power to do should be he reduced to the

necessity of taking the place by storm.

My answer to the summons was that I was determined to defend the

place to the last extremity and that no force however large, should in-

duce me to surrender it. So soon as the flag was returned a brisk fire

was opened upon us from the gun boats in the river and from a five and

one-half inch howitzer on shore, which was kept up with little inter-

mission throughout the night. At an early hour the next morning, three

sizes (which had been placed during the night within 250 yards of the

George Croghan.                       405

pickets) began to play upon us but with little effect. About 4 P. M.,

discovering that the fire from all his guns was concentrated against the

northwestern angle of the fort, I became confident that his object was to

storm the works at that point. I therefore ordered out as many men as

could be employed for the purpose of strengthening that part which was

so effectually secured by means of bags of flour, sand, etc., that the pick-

eting suffered little or no injury, notwithstanding which the enemy, about

500, having formed in close column, advanced to assault our works at

the expected point, at the same time making two feints on the front of

Captain Hunter's lines. The column which advanced against the north-

western angle consisting of about 350 men was so completely enveloped

in smoke as not to be discovered until it had approached within fifteen

or twenty paces of the lines, but the men being all at their posts and

ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and galling a fire as to throw the

column into a little confusion. Being quickly rallied it advanced to the

center works and began to leap into the ditch. Just at that moment a

fire of grape was opened from our six-pounder (which had been pre-

viously arranged so as to rake in that direction) which together with

the musketry, threw them into such confusion that they were compelled

to retire precipitately into the woods. During the assault which lasted

about half an hour, an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's artil-

lery (which consisted of five sixes and a howitzer) but without effect.

My whole loss during the seige was one killed and seven slightly

wounded. The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded and prisoners must

exceed one hundred and fifty. One Lt. col., a Lt. and fifty rank and file

were found in and about the ditch, dead or wounded. Those of the re-

mainder who were not able to escape, were taken off during the night by

the Indians. Seventy stand of arms and several brace of pistols have

been collected near the works. About three in the morning the enemy

sailed down the river leaving behind them a boat containing considerable

military stores.

Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the officers, non-commis-

sioned officers and privates under my command for their gallantry and

good conduct during the siege.

Yours with respect,

G. CROGHAN,

Major 17th U. S. Inf., Commanding Lower Sandusky.

Major General Harrison, Commanding Northwestern Army.

LOWER SANDUSKY, AUGUST 27, 1813.

I have with much regret seen in some of the public prints such mis-

representations concerning my refusal to evacuate this post, as are cal-

culated not only to injure me in the estimation of military men, but also

406        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

to excite unfavorable impressions as to the propriety of General Harri-

son's conduct relative to this affair.

His character as a military man is too well established to need my

approbation or support, but his public services entitle him at least to

common justice. This affair does not furnish cause of reproach. If pub-

lic opinion has been lately misled respecting his late conduct, it will re-

quire but a moment's cool, dispassionate reflection to convince them of its

propriety. The measures recently adopted by him, so far from deserving

censure, are the clearest proofs of his keen penetration and able general-

ship. It is true that I did not proceed immediately to execute his order

to evacuate this post, but this disobedience was not as some would wish

to believe, the result of a fixed determination to maintain the post con-

trary to his most positive orders, as will appear from the following detail,

which is given in explanation of my conduct:

About ten o'clock on the morning of the 30th ult. a letter from the

Adjutant General's office dated Seneca Town, July 29, 1813, was handed

me by Mr. Connor, ordering me to abandon this post, burn it and retreat

that night to headquarters. On the reception of this order of the general

I called a council of officers, in which it was determined not to abandon

the place until the further pleasure of the General should be known, as

it was thought an attempt to retreat in the open day, in the face of a

superior force of the enemy would be more hazardous than to remain in

the fort, under all its disadvantages. I therefore wrote a letter to the

General Council in such terms as I thought were calculated to deceive

the enemy should it fall into his hands, which I thought more than prob-

able, as well as to inform the General should it be so fortunate as to

reach him that I would wait to hear from him before I should proceed

to execute his order. The letter, contrary to my expectations was re-

ceived by the General, who, not knowing what reasons urged me to write

in a tone so decisive, concluded very rationally that the manner of it was

demonstrative of the most positive determination to disobey his orders

under any circumstances. I was therefore suspended from the command

of the fort and ordered to headquarters. But on explaining to the Gen-

eral my reason for not executing his orders, and my object in using the

style I had done, he was so perfectly satisfied with the explanation that

I was immediately reinstated in the command.

It will be recollected that the above order alluded to was written on

the night previous to my receiving it. Had it been delivered to me as

was intended that night, I should have obeyed it without hesitating. Its

not reaching me in time was the only reason which induced me to con-

sult my officers on the propriety of waiting the General's further orders.

It has been stated, also, that "upon my representations of my ability

to maintain the post the General altered his determination to abandon it."

This is incorrect. No such representation was ever made. And the last

order I received from the General was precisely the same as that first

given, viz: "That if I discovered the approach of a large British force

George Croghan.                        407

by water, (presuming that they would bring heavy artillery), time enough

to effect a retreat, I was to do so; but if I could not effect a retreat

with safety to defend the post to the last extremity."

A day or two before the enemy appeared before Fort Meigs, the

General had reconnoitered the surrounding ground and being informed

that the hill on the opposite side of Sandusky completely commanded the

fort, I offered to undertake with the troops under my command to remove

it to that side. The General, upon reflection, thought it best not to at-

tempt it, as he believed that if the enemy again appeared on this side of

the lake, it would be before the work could be finished.

It is useless to disguise the fact that this fort is commanded by the

points of high ground around it; a single stroke of the eye made this

clear to me the first time I had occasion to examine the neighborhood,

with a view of discovering the relative strength and weakness of the place.

It would be insincere to say that I am not flattered by the many

handsome things which have been said about the defense that was made

by the troops under my command; but I desire no plaudits which are

bestowed upon me at the expense of General Harrison.

I have at all times enjoyed his confidence so far as my rank in the

army entitled me to it, and on proper occasions received his marked at-

tentions. I have felt the warmest attachment to him as a man and my

confidence in him as an able commander remains unshaken. I feel every

assurance that he will at all times do me ample justice; and nothing

could give me more pain than to see his enemies seize upon this occa-

sion to deal out their unfriendly feelings and acrimonious dislikes; and

as long as he continues (as in my humble opinion he has done hitherto)

to make the wisest arrangements and most judicious disposition which

the forces under his command will justify, I shall not hesitate to unite

with the army in bestowing upon him that confidence which he so richly

merits and which has on no occasion been withheld.

Your friend,

GEORGE CROGHAN,

Major 17th Inf., Commanding Lower Sandusky.

LOWER SENACA TOWN, AUG. 29, 1813.

The undersigned being the general field and staff officers, with that

portion of the Northwestern Army under the immediate command of

General Harrison, have observed with regret and surprise that charges as

improper in the form as in the substance, have been made against the

conduct of General Harrison, during the recent investment of Lower

Sandusky. At another time and under ordinary circumstances we should

deem it improper and unmilitary thus publicly to give an opinion respect-

ing the movements of the army. But public confidence in the command-

408        Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.

ing general is so essential to the success of the campaign and causelessly

to withdraw or to withhold that confidence is more than individual in-

justice; it becomes a serious injury to the service. A part of the force

of which the American Army consists will derive its greatest strength

and efficiency from a confidence in the commanding general and from

those moral causes which accompany and give energy to public opinion.

A very erroneous idea concerning the number of the troops then at the

disposal of the General has doubtless been the primary cause of those

unfortunate and unfounded impressions. A sense of duty forbids us

from giving a detailed view of our strength at that time. In that respect

we have fortunately experienced a very favorable change. But we refer

the public to the General's official report to the Secretary of War, of

Major Croghan's successful defence of Lower Sandusky. In that will

be found a statement of our whole disposable force; and he who be-

lieves that, with such a force and under the circumstances which then

occurred, General Harrison ought to have advanced upon the enemy, must

be left to correct his opinion in the school of experience.

On a review of the course then adopted, we are decidedly of the opin-

ion that it was such as was dictated by military wisdom and by a due

regard to our own circumstances and to the situation of the enemy. The

reasons for this opinion it is evidently improper now to give, but we

hold ourselves ready at a future period, and when other circumstances

shall have intervened, to satisfy every man of its correctness who is

anxious to investigate and willing to receive the truth. And with ready

acquiescence beyond the mere claims of military duty, we are prepared

to obey a General whose measures meet our most deliberate approbation

and merit that of his country.

LEWIS CASS, Brig. Gen. U. S. A.,

SAMUEL WELLS, Col. 17th R., U. S. I.,

THOMAS D. OWINGS, Col. 28th R., U. S. I.,

GEORGE PAUL, Col. 17th R., U. S. I.,

J. C. BARTLETT, Col., Quar. M. Gen.,

JAMES V. BALL, Lt.-Col.

ROBERT MORRISON, Lt.-Col.

GEORGE TODD, Major 19th R., U. S. I,.

WILLIAM TRIGG, Major 28th R., U. S. I.,

JAMES SMILEY, Major 28th R., U. S. I.

R. GRAHAM, Major 7th R., U. S. I.,

GEORGE CROGHAN, Major 17th R., U. S. I.,

L. HULKILL, Major and Ass't Inspector Gen.

E. D. WOOD, Major Engineers

Eleven days after Croghan's splendid victory, the ladies of Chillicothe,

then the State capital, presented to the gallant commandant a sword ac-

companied by an address, as a public acknowledgment of his bravery

and military skill. The names attached to the address show that the

George Croghan.                       409

wives of the most prominent men of the time anxiously watched affairs

and were ready to reward and praise gallantry.

CHILLICOTHE, August 13, 1813.

SIR:--In consequence of the gallant defense which under the in-

fluence of Divine Providence was effected by you and troops under your

command, of Fort Stephenson at Lower Sandusky, on the evening of the

second inst., the ladies of the town of Chillicothe, whose names are un-

dersigned, impressed with a high sense of your merit as a soldier and a

gentleman, and with great confidence in your patriotism and valor, pre-

sent you with a sword.

To Major George Croghan

Signed by

MARY FINLEY,                                                                REBECCA M. ORR,

MARY STERRET,                                                                 SUSAN WALKE,

ANN CRAIGHTON,                                                             ANN M. DUN,

ELEANOR LAMB,                                                                MARGARET KEYS,

NANCY WADDLE,                                                              CHARLOTTE JAMES,

ELIZA CARLISLE,                                                                ESTHER DOOLITTLE,

MARY A. SOUTHARD,                                                        ELEANOR BUCHANNON,

SUSAN D. WHEATON,                                                       MARGARET MCFARLAND,

RUHAMMA IRWIN,                                                             DEBORAH FERREE,

JUDITH DELANO,                                                               JANE M. EVANS,

MARGARET MCLANDBURGH,                                        FRANCES BRUSH,

MARGARET MILLER,                                                         MARY CURTES,

NANCY MCARTHUR,                                                          MARY P. BROWN,

JANE MCCOY,                                                                  JANE HEYLAN,

LAVINIA FULTON,                                                             NANCY KERR,

MARTHA SCOTT,                                                                 CATHARINE HOUGH,

CATHARINE FULLERTON,                                                SALLY MCLEAN,

ELEANOR WORTHINGTON,                                            ELIZABETH MARTIN.

To this letter Major Croghan made the following reply dated at

Lower Sandusky, August 25th:

Ladies of Chillicothe:

I have received the sword which you have been pleased to present

to me as a testimonial of your approbation of my conduct on the second

inst. A mark of distinction so flattering and unexpected has excited

feelings which I cannot express. Yet while I return you thanks for the

unmerited gift you have bestowed, I feel well aware that my good for-

tune which was bought by the activity of the brave soldiers under my

command, has raised in you expectations in my future efforts which must

sooner or later, I fear, be disappointed. Still, I pledge myself, even

though fortune may not again be propitious, that my exertions shall be

such as never to cause you in the least to regret the honors you have

been pleased to confer upon your "youthful soldier."